The End of the Liberal Garden Era

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Friday, January 16, 2026</div></div><header class=”entry-header”><span class=”cate-name si-post”>
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</span><h1 class=”entry-title”>The End of the Liberal Garden Era</h1><div class=’post-summary’>US President Donald Trump’s military operation in Venezuela marks a revival of the Monroe Doctrine, prioritizing transactional geopolitics and control over resources rather than democracy. This approach risks encouraging rivals like Russia and China to assert their own spheres of influence aggressively. Renewed commitment to international rules is essential to prevent a dangerous return to imperial competition.</div><div class=”single-authors”>By <span id=”authorname”></span></div><div class=”posted-on-single-post” style=”display:none”>
Friday, January 16, 2026</div></header><div class=”post-thumbnail”>
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January 16, 2026 07:12 EDT</div><div class=”new_icons_wrap”><div class=”article_comment_icon”>
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});</script> </div><div class=”entry-content full_post abcd”><p>US President Donald Trump’s surprise military operation to seize Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and announce that the US will “run” Venezuela for an unspecified transition period has been widely described as the rebirth of the <a href=”https://time.com/7343795/trump-venezuela-monroe-doctrine-history/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Monroe Doctrine</a>. At Mar-a-Lago, he even tried out a new label — the “<a href=”https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/trumps-donroe-doctrine-seeks-influence-western-hemisphere-citing/story?id=128926397″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Donroe Doctrine</a>” — and promised that “American dominance in the Western Hemisphere will never be questioned again.”</p><p>For three decades, many in Washington saw the post-1945 order in very different terms. The American political thinker Robert Kagan famously described it as a “<a href=”https://www.ipinst.org/2019/03/kagan-jungle-grows-back#5″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>liberal garden</a>” — an artificial space of relative peace and prosperity, fenced off from the global “jungle” of historical great-power rivalry and tended by US power and alliances. The job of American statecraft, in this view, was to keep the garden alive: expand its borders cautiously, prune its institutions and keep predators at bay.</p><p>Trump’s Venezuela operation marks a break with that metaphor. This is not Iraq 2003. There is no talk of a broad “coalition of the willing,” of democratization or of weapons of mass destruction. There is an indictment in a US court, a helicopter raid and an <a href=”https://abcnews.go.com/Business/venezuelan-oil-bring-us-gas-prices-experts-weigh/story?id=128983406″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>open pledge</a> to restore Venezuelan oil production under US guidance — “we’re going to be taking out a tremendous amount of wealth out of the ground,” as Trump put it. The logic is not Wilsonian gardening; it is frankly transactional destroyer-boat diplomacy.</p><p>For Trump and his advisers, Venezuela is a test case of a new Monroe Doctrine updated for the twenty-first century: shut out China and Russia, discipline unruly left-wing governments in the hemisphere and secure cheap resources and leverage over migration and narcotics flows. The National Security Strategy’s “<a href=”https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/2025-National-Security-Strategy.pdf” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Trump Corollary</a>” spells this out: Latin America is to be kept “free of hostile foreign incursion or ownership of key assets,” and governed by regimes that “cooperate with us against narco-terrorists, cartels, and other transnational criminal organizations.”</p><p>Trump’s Venezuela move vindicates neither the liberal center nor its most strident critics. It reveals, instead, how much of our politics — on the populist right and, in a different way, on parts of the left — has slipped back into a geopolitical language of spheres of influence and transactional deals. And it sends a powerful signal to other autocrats, especially in Moscow and Beijing, that the old rule-book of territorial carve-ups may be back in business.</p><h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>The new Monroe Doctrine as transactional geopolitics</h2><p>From the White House’s standpoint, the case for attacking Venezuela has shifted over time. Maduro was first <a href=”https://www.cbsnews.com/news/venezuela-cartel-de-los-soles-us-designation-terrorist-organization-what-is-it/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>framed</a> as a narcoterrorist heading the so-called <em>Cartel de los Soles</em>; the Justice Department <a href=”https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/04/nicolas-maduro-cocaine-corruption-charges” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>indicted him</a> in 2020, and Trump placed a <a href=”https://www.cnn.com/2025/08/08/americas/nicolas-maduro-50-million-reward-trump-administration-latam-intl” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>$50 million</a> bounty on his head. But specialists in counternarcotics have long questioned whether that organization exists in the form described, and the administration has not presented a clear threat to US national security that would meet UN Charter standards for the use of force.</p><p>In practice, the more compelling explanation is strategic and commercial. The new National Security Strategy asserts the right — indeed the necessity — for the US to dominate the Western Hemisphere, keep out extra-regional powers, and secure access to energy and critical minerals. Trump has been unusually blunt about wanting control of Venezuelan oil, which he insists rightly belongs to US companies and, by extension, to American consumers and “the people of Venezuela” once they align with Washington.</p><p>This is an old pattern in new clothes. President James Monroe’s 1823 doctrine warned European powers not to meddle in the Americas; President Theodore Roosevelt <a href=”https://www.transcend.org/tms/2021/10/1901-1934-yankee-imperialism-in-latin-america/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>turned</a> it into a charter for gunboat diplomacy and “international police power” in the Caribbean and Central America. Trump’s version adds 21st-century targets: Chinese loans, ports and telecoms; Russian military advisers, bases and energy stakes.</p><p>What’s missing is any sustained concern with Venezuelan democracy. Washington is sidelining opposition figures like María Corina Machado and Edmundo González — widely seen as the rightful winners of the 2024 Venezuelan election — in favor of a “transition” negotiated with elements of the Maduro regime and US energy firms, with Trump announcing that the US will “run” Venezuela for now. Even sympathetic analysts warn that there is no coherent “day after” plan and that a dash to restart oil production could trigger a scramble for assets and a new cycle of corruption and conflict.</p><p>This is regime change, but not in the Iraq mold. It is closer to what <em>The New Statesman </em><a href=”https://www.newstatesman.com/international-politics/2026/01/trump-maduro-sphere-of-influence-venezuela” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>calls</a> “a new era of rogue superpowers,” in which great powers overtly claim regional spheres as their own and use pretexts — drug trafficking, terrorism, separatism — to justify “snatch-and-grab” operations against unfriendly leaders.</p><h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>From <em>Lebensraum</em>to the “Donroe Doctrine”</h2><p>Seen in this light, Trump’s Venezuela operation is not an aberration but an extension of a much older tradition of thinking about space and power. In late-19th-century Germany, figures like German geographer and ethnographer Friedrich Ratzel and Swedish political scientist Rudolf Kjellén drew on German biologist and philosopher Ernst Haeckel’s popularized Darwinism to describe states as organisms competing for space. Ratzel coined the term <a href=”https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lebensraum” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”><em>Lebensraum</em></a> to capture the territorial conditions a people needed to flourish; Kjellén <a href=”https://www.britannica.com/biography/Rudolf-Kjellen” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>spoke</a> of the state as a living being whose borders were never permanently fixed. This intellectual climate helped normalize the idea that great powers were entitled to expand at the expense of weaker neighbors.</p><p>German political geographer <a href=”https://www.britannica.com/biography/Karl-Ernst-Haushofer” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Karl Haushofer</a> and his interwar school of <em>Geopolitik</em> popularized a language of heartlands, buffer zones and pan-regions — “continental blocks” and civilizational spheres that should be organized under a dominant power. The legal and conceptual term <em>Großraum </em>— a large space ordered around a hegemon — was developed most systematically by the conservative jurist Carl Schmitt, whose <a href=”https://www.scirp.org/journal/paperinformation?paperid=85140″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>writings</a> on international law in the late 1930s justified regional spheres under German leadership and attacked universalist notions of sovereignty. Haushofer provided the maps and rhetoric; Schmitt provided the juridical theory.</p><p>Together, they portrayed Germany as a cramped “middle state” unjustly constrained by Versailles, surrounded by hostile powers and lacking the living space that Britain, France and the US had achieved through empire. This story resonated far beyond the far right.</p><p>German Dictator Adolf Hitler radicalized it into a necropolitical program: Eastern Europe, especially Ukraine and Russia, was to be cleared and resettled to secure German existence for a “thousand years.” Political activist and Marxist Franz Neumann, in his powerful 1942 analysis of the Nazi state, <a href=”https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Behemoth:_The_Structure_and_Practice_of_National_Socialism” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”><em>Behemoth</em></a>, saw clearly that geopolitics in this guise was not a neutral science but “nothing but the ideology of imperialist expansion” — a language that made war over territory seem natural, even inevitable.</p><p>After 1945, this vocabulary became disreputable in Europe, but the underlying logic persisted elsewhere. The Soviet Union asserted a sphere of influence in Eastern Europe; the US asserted one in the Americas. Monroe’s hemispheric exclusion and Schmitt’s Großraum ideas found an echo across ideological lines. Trump’s “Donroe Doctrine” speaks directly to that heritage. He is explicit that the Western Hemisphere is America’s unquestioned domain, where “nonhemispheric competitors” such as China and Russia are to be denied serious footholds. He is equally open about wanting a sphere that matches, symbolically, those of Chinese leader Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin. The goal is not a rules-based order but a negotiated cartel of empires.</p><h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>What the right misunderstands — and what the left forgets</h2><p>A powerful strain of the populist right — including Trump himself — embraces this shift. In Trump’s practice, “America First” has meant not pure isolationism, but mercantilist hard-power politics within a self-defined sphere: <a href=”https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2026/01/10/mexico-s-president-downplays-trump-s-threats_6749287_4.html#” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>threaten Mexico</a> over drugs and migration; <a href=”https://www.as-coa.org/articles/tracking-trump-and-latin-america-trade-tariffs-threatened-mexico-over-water-sharing” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>pressure</a> Colombia and Brazil with tariffs and sanctions; flirt with the idea of <a href=”https://www.cnbc.com/2026/01/07/why-trump-wants-greenland-and-what-makes-it-so-important-for-security.html” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>annexing Greenland</a> or making Canada the “<a href=”https://time.com/7297490/trump-plan-to-annex-canada-51st-state-mark-carney/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>51st state</a>”; and now, physically remove an unfriendly leader in Caracas.</p><p>Alongside this, there is indeed a genuinely isolationist current in the Make America Great Again (MAGA) coalition — voices who want to cut aid to Ukraine, avoid confrontation with Iran or China, and focus exclusively on domestic culture wars. The Tucker Carlson/“no more foreign wars” <a href=”https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/marjorie-taylor-greene-shes-america-trumps-recent-actions/story?id=128982913″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>wing</a> is real. But when push has come to shove, Trump’s own version has dominated: rhetorical Fortress America at home, selective coercion and deal-making abroad, especially in what he considers “our” hemisphere.</p><p>The right’s critique of the post-1990 order is not entirely wrong. It is true that globalization eroded the industrial base of many communities, that liberal interventionism produced disasters in Iraq and Libya, and that US elites have too often cloaked raw power in lofty rhetoric. What is wrong is the conclusion: that the cure is to abandon alliances, normalize spheres of influence and treat neighboring states as bargaining chips. That is how Europe sleepwalked into catastrophe a century ago.</p><p>The contemporary left, for its part, is divided. The strand that matters most for this argument is not authoritarian “campism” that reflexively sides with any regime opposed to Washington, but a more mainstream current that sees international law, multilateral institutions and transnational activism as sufficient to contain aggression, and that views almost any use of US power abroad as suspect.</p><p>Here, too, there is a long pedigree: the disillusionment of 1918, German novelist Erich Maria Remarque’s <a href=”https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_Quiet_on_the_Western_Front” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”><em>Im Westen nichts Neues</em></a> (<em>All Quiet on the Western Front</em>), the interwar peace movements’ faith in Kellogg-Briand, the “<a href=”https://www.cfr.org/blog/why-wendell-willkies-vision-internationalism-remains-essential-today” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>One World</a>” internationalism of US Republican presidential candidate Wendell Willkie, the mid-century cult of the UN. That tradition continues today in climate accords, human-rights campaigns and pandemic-era defenses of “the international scientific community.”</p><p>The left is right to stress interdependence and to highlight Western hypocrisy. But it often underestimates how far regimes like Putin’s or Xi’s have moved beyond the rules-based order, and how little they care for the constraints of law when core interests — as they define them — are at stake. In practice, a world in which the US renounces any hard-power role while others pursue spheres of influence would not be more peaceful; it would be more dangerous, especially for smaller democracies like Ukraine, Taiwan, or now perhaps Colombia and Mexico.</p><h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>A dangerous precedent for Moscow and Beijing</h2><p>Perhaps the most troubling aspect of the Maduro coup is not what it says about Trump’s worldview — that is no secret — but what it signals to other major powers. The administration has justified the operation by pointing to Maduro’s US indictment on drug-trafficking charges; officials present the raid as an arrest operation, not a war.</p><p>Critics have been quick to note how easily this logic can be repurposed. Commentators have pointed out that one could easily imagine Beijing indicting a Taiwanese president on spurious grounds and citing Trump’s precedent to “execute an arrest warrant” across the strait — or Moscow doing the same with President Volodymyr Zelensky in Ukraine. Senator Mark Warner, the Democratic vice-chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, has <a href=”https://www.ms.now/news/trump-venezuela-strike-democrats-republicans-react” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>warned</a> that if the US asserts a right to use force to capture foreign leaders it accuses of criminal conduct, “what prevents China from claiming the same authority over Taiwan’s leadership? What stops Vladimir Putin from asserting a similar justification to abduct Ukraine’s president?”</p><p>This plays directly into the hands of Moscow and Beijing, both of which already treat neighboring democracies as wayward provinces within their historical spheres. Putin speaks of “<a href=”https://www.foreignaffairs.com/ukraine/putins-new-story-about-war-ukraine” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>denazifying</a>” Ukraine; Xi speaks of “<a href=”https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0oak6nfw_ks” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>reunifying</a>” Taiwan. If Washington now abandons any pretense of respecting the UN Charter, its objections to those projects will ring even more hollow.</p><p>In the longer term, Trump’s move may also accelerate the very multipolarity he claims to resist. Latin American governments that fear US volatility will quietly hedge with China, diversify trade and seek diplomatic cover in BRICS-style forums. A hemisphere that experiences the US primarily as a capricious sheriff, not a partner, will be less receptive the next time Washington asks for solidarity over Taiwan or Ukraine. Trump appears to believe that the world can be stabilized if the great powers simply agree on who owns which sphere. In reality, he is endorsing a crude version of the Athenian historian <a href=”https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/acref/9780191866692.001.0001/q-oro-ed6-00010932″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Thucydides</a>: the strong do what they will, and the weak suffer what they must.</p><h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Old maps, new dangers</h2><p>From Ratzel’s <em>Lebensraum</em> to Roosevelt’s corollary, from Schmitt’s <em>Großraum</em> to Putin’s “Russian world,” the temptation to divide the globe into tidy zones of influence has always been strongest when empires feel threatened, and elites lose faith in universal rules. It is understandable that, after the fiascos of Iraq and Afghanistan, many on both right and left have turned away from the rhetoric of liberal order.</p><p>But Trump’s Venezuela gambit is not a corrective to those failures; it is a relapse into an older, more brutal way of thinking about the world — one that will be eagerly imitated by other strongmen if it goes unchallenged. It shows that the US is not withdrawing from world politics, as isolationists claim, but reentering it on explicitly neoimperial terms in its own backyard. That should worry not only Venezuelans, but also Ukrainians, Taiwanese and anyone else whose security depends on the idea that borders cannot be redrawn at will.</p><p>The left is right to insist that we cannot bomb our way to a just world order. The right is correct to insist that power and geography still matter. Both are wrong if they think the answer is to abandon the attempt to build and enforce common rules — whether by retreating into small utopias of cooperation or by cutting deals over other peoples’ sovereignty.</p><div class=”signup-popup square-email-box n-email-popup light-pink”><div class=”modal-content modal-content-email-box”><div class=”display-flex”><div class=”mobile-view-content”><h2>Look at the world through many prisms — <strong>3,000+ pairs</strong> of eyes from <strong>90+ countries</strong>. We are a rare nonprofit in the world news space and you can get our newsletters for free.</h2></div><div class=”signup-popup”><div class=”signup-innersection”><form method=”post” action=”https://www.fairobserver.com/moosend-subscription”>
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wc_comment_join_text: “Join the discussion”,
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debug: ‘error’
};

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var log_object = {“ajax_url”:”https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-admin/admin-ajax.php”};
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var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/wpdiscuz/themes/default/style.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/wpdiscuz/assets/css/wpdiscuz-combo.min.css’;
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l.rel=’stylesheet’;
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l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/gutenberg_Image_align_addon/css/gia-style.min.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/cbxwpbookmark/assets/vendors/awesome-notifications/style.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/cookie-law-info/legacy/public/css/cookie-law-info-public.css’;
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l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/cookie-law-info/legacy/public/css/cookie-law-info-gdpr.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l); });</script> <style>.download_product_popup_content,
.popup_container {
display: flex;
align-items: center;
justify-content: center;
flex-wrap: wrap;
text-align: center
}

/* .popup_loginmodel .dm-fo-login-box {
max-width: 420px !important
} */</style> <script>jQuery(document).ready(function () {

jQuery(‘.close-popup-btn-signup’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUpsignup’).hide();

});

jQuery(‘#myBtn , .sign_up_heaer’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUpsignup’).show();
});

var path = location.pathname;
var popup_not_allowed_in_paths = [“/fo/donate/”, “/fo/support-fo/”, “/fo/membership-account/membership-levels/”,
“/fo/membership-account/membership-checkout/?level=2”, “/fo/membership-account/membership-checkout/?level=1”,
“/fo/contact/”, “payment-success”
];
var isPopupOnPathAllowed = true;
if (popup_not_allowed_in_paths.includes(path)) {
isPopupOnPathAllowed = false;
}

if (jQuery.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’) != “yesss” && isPopupOnPathAllowed) {
jQuery(window).scroll(function () {
var available, percentage_of_page, half_screen, height;
available = jQuery(document).height();
percentage_of_page = 0.25;
half_screen = available * percentage_of_page;
height = jQuery(window).scrollTop();
if (height > half_screen) {

if (jQuery.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’) != “yesss”) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUp”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
jQuery.cookie(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
}
}
});
} else {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).hide();
}

var dwnldbtn = jQuery(“#download_product_popup_open”);
dwnldbtn.click(() => {
console.log(‘be’);
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).show();
});

jQuery(‘#download_product_popup_open’).click(function () {
console.log(‘hellof’);
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeIn();
});
jQuery(‘.download_product_popup_close’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeOut();
});
jQuery(‘.download_product_popup_close’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeOut();
});

var container = jQuery(“#download_product_popup”);
container.click((e) => {
if (e.target.id == ‘download_product_popup’) {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).hide();
}
});

jQuery(‘.close-popup-btn’).click(function () {
// $.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’, “yesss”);
display(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).hide();
});

jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount’).keyup(function (e) {
var $otherRadio = jQuery(‘#other’);
var $otherAmountSection = jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’);

$otherAmountSection.show();
$otherRadio.prop(‘checked’, true);

var value = jQuery(this).val();
jQuery(‘#donation_amount’).html(‘$’ + value);
$otherRadio.val(value);
jQuery(‘#amount’).val(value);
});

jQuery(‘#other’).change(function () {
if (jQuery(this).is(‘:checked’)) {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).show();
} else {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).hide();
}
});
});

<!– –>
jQuery(document).click(function () {

/* login popup */
jQuery(‘#closebtnlogin’).click(function () {
jQuery(“#loginmodal”).hide();
});
var logincontainer = jQuery(“.dm-fo-login-box”);
if (!logincontainer.is(event.target) && !logincontainer.has(event.target).length) {
jQuery(“#loginmodal”).hide();
}
var loginbtn = jQuery(“.fo-login-link”);
if (!loginbtn.is(event.target) && !loginbtn.has(event.target).length) {

} else {
var loginModal = jQuery(“#loginmodal”);
loginModal.find(‘.popup-form input’).val(”); // Clear all input values (optional)
loginModal.find(‘.popup-form’).hide(); // Hide all forms within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘.error-message’).remove(); // Remove all error messages within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘.input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’); // Remove error class within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘#login-form’).show(); // Show the target form within #loginmodal

loginModal.show(); // Show the login modal
}

/* signupbutton popup */
var signupcontainer = jQuery(“#modal-content-signup”);
if (!signupcontainer.is(event.target) && !signupcontainer.has(event.target).length) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUpsignup”).hide();
}
var signupcontainerbtn = jQuery(“#myBtn”);
if (!signupcontainerbtn.is(event.target) && !signupcontainerbtn.has(event.target).length) {

} else {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUpsignup”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
}

/* signupbutton onscroll popup */
var container = jQuery(“#modal-content-scroll”);
if (!container.is(event.target) && !container.has(event.target).length) {
var displayval = jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).css(‘display’);
if (displayval == ‘flex’) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUp”).hide();
display(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
}
}

jQuery(‘#other’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).show();
});

jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount’).keyup(function (e) {
var activeElement = document.getElementsByClassName(“donation-amount-box”)[0].getElementsByClassName(“active”)[0];
if (activeElement) {
activeElement.classList.remove(‘active’);
}

var value = $(‘.other_donation_amount’).val();
jQuery(‘#other’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#donation_amount’).html(‘$’ + value);
jQuery(‘#amount’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#paypalamount’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#monthly’).val(value);
})
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.fo-login-link.btn-popup-footer a’).on(‘click’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent the default behavior of the link

jQuery(‘.btn-popup-footer-login’).addClass(‘pop-active’); // Add the custom class
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.btn-popup-footer-login-close’).on(‘click’, function () {
jQuery(‘.popup_loginmodel.btn-popup-footer-login’).removeClass(‘pop-active’);
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function ($) {
jQuery(“.total_counts h1”).click(function () {
jQuery(“.fo-search-popup”).addClass(“active”);
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.tml-pwd-wrap’).append(‘<div id=”show_hide_div” class=”togglepwd” onclick=”showPassword(event)”><i class=”bi bi-eye-slash-fill”></i></div>’);
jQuery(‘meta[property=”og:image:height”]’).attr(“content”, 400);
jQuery(‘meta[property=”og:image:width”]’).attr(“content”, 400);

//Open Bookmark Model
jQuery(‘#screen, #modal’).hide();
jQuery(‘#trigger-modal ,#trigger-modal2’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#modal’).show();
});
jQuery(‘.x’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#screen, #modal’).hide();
});

window.addEventListener(‘click’, function (e) {
if (document.getElementById(‘modal’).contains(e.target)) {
jQuery(“#modal”).hide();
} else { }
});

});

function showPassword(event) {
event.stopPropagation();
var pass = document.getElementById(“user_pass”);
if (pass.type === “password”) {
pass.type = “text”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div”).innerHTML = “<i class=’bi bi-eye-fill’></i>”;
} else {
pass.type = “password”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div”).innerHTML = “<i class=’bi bi-eye-slash-fill’></i>”;
}
}

function showPassword1() {

var pass = document.getElementById(“upassword”);
if (pass.type === “password”) {
pass.type = “text”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg1”).innerHTML = “Hide”;
} else {
pass.type = “password”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg1”).innerHTML = “Show”;
}
}

function showPassword2() {

var pass = document.getElementById(“upasswordconfirm”);
if (pass.type === “password”) {
pass.type = “text”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg2”).innerHTML = “Hide”;
} else {
pass.type = “password”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg2”).innerHTML = “Show”;
}
}

jQuery(“.emaillink”).click(function (e) {
e.preventDefault();
jQuery(“#contact_us_form”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
});

jQuery(‘#contact_us_form’).click((e) => {
if (e.target.id === “contact_us_form”) {
jQuery(“#contact_us_form”).css(‘display’, ‘none’);
}
});</script> <script>document.addEventListener(“DOMContentLoaded”, function () {
// Wait for 1 minute (60000 milliseconds) after the page loads
setTimeout(function () {
// Get the fixed-footer div
var fixedFooter = document.getElementById(“fixed-footer”);
if (fixedFooter) {
// Make the div visible by setting its display to block
fixedFooter.style.display = “block”;
}
}, 5000); // 60000 ms = 1 minute
});

jQuery(function ($) {
$(window).scroll(function () {
var scrollOffset = $(window).scrollTop();
if (scrollOffset > 400) { // change 100 to the desired scroll offset
$(‘.fixed-footer-newsletter’).addClass(‘active’);
} else {
$(‘fixed-footer-newsletter’).removeClass(‘none’);
}
});
$(document).ready(function () {
$(“.up-down-toggle-btn svg”).click(function () {
$(“.fixed-footer-newsletter”).toggleClass(“hide”);
if ($(“.fixed-footer-newsletter”).hasClass(‘hide’)) {
localStorage.setItem(‘hideClass’, ‘true’);
} else {
localStorage.removeItem(‘hideClass’);
}
});

var hideClass = localStorage.getItem(‘hideClass’);
if (hideClass === ‘true’) {
$(‘.fixed-footer-newsletter’).addClass(‘hide’);
}

});
});</script> <script>jQuery(function ($) {
$(“.hamburger-box”).click(function () {
$(“.hamburger-box”).toggleClass(“is-active”);
});
});</script> <script type=”sortdDeferScript2″>/* — FO Newsletter add or remove class */

jQuery(function($){
$(“.newsletters-click”).on(“click”, function (e) {
$(this).addClass(‘active’);
});

$(‘#amount_50’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_100’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_500’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_1000’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#other_pay’).change(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(“#other_amount_pay”).on(“input”, function () {
var inputValue = $(this).val();
if (inputValue !== “”) {
$(‘#amount_50’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_100’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_500’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_1000’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(inputValue);

$(“#other_pay”).prop(“checked”, true);
}
});

});

/* input type number validation */

const numericInput = document.getElementById(‘other_donation_amount’);

if (numericInput) {
numericInput.addEventListener(‘input’, function (e) {
// Get the current input value
const inputValue = e.target.value;

// Remove any non-numeric characters
const numericValue = inputValue.replace(/[^0-9]/g, ”);

// Update the input value with the numeric value
e.target.value = numericValue;
});

}</script> <script type=”sortdDeferScript”>jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(“.share-btn”).click(function () {
jQuery(“.m-share-events”).toggleClass(“active”);
});
});

jQuery(function($){
// For Login Form
if ($(‘form[name=”login”]’).length) {
const loginForm = $(‘form[name=”login”]’);
// Dynamically remove labels and add placeholders for Login Form
$(‘form[name=”login”] label[for=”user_login”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] #user_login’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Email or Username’);

$(‘form[name=”login”] label[for=”user_pass”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] #user_pass’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Password’);

// Form validation and error handling for Login Form
$(‘form[name=”login”]’).on(‘submit’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent form submission for validation

let isValid = true;

$(this).find(‘input[type=”text”], input[type=”password”]’).each(function () {
const input = $(this);
const value = input.val().trim();

// Remove previous error message and red border
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
input.removeClass(‘input-error’);

// Determine field name for the error message
const fieldName = input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_login’ ? ‘Email or Username’ :
input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_pass’ ? ‘Password’ :
‘This field’;

// Add error if the field is empty
if (!value) {
isValid = false;
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).before(`<div class=”error-message”>${fieldName} is required.</div>`);
input.addClass(‘input-error’);
}
});

// Submit the form if valid
return isValid;
});

// Remove error message and red border on input for Login Form
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘.input-error’, function () {
$(this).removeClass(‘input-error’);
$(this).closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
});
}

// For Lost Password Form
if ($(‘form[name=”lostpassword”]’).length) {
// Dynamically remove labels and add placeholders for Lost Password Form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] label[for=”user_login”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] #user_login’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Email or Username’);

// Change the submit button text for Lost Password form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] button[type=”submit”]’).text(‘Reset Password’);

// Form validation and error handling for Lost Password Form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”]’).on(‘submit’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent form submission for validation

let isValid = true;

$(this).find(‘input[type=”text”]’).each(function () {
const input = $(this);
const value = input.val().trim();

// Remove previous error message and red border
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
input.removeClass(‘input-error’);

// Determine field name for the error message
const fieldName = input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_login’ ? ‘Email or Username’ : ‘This field’;

// Add error if the field is empty
if (!value) {
isValid = false;
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).before(`<div class=”error-message”>${fieldName} is required.</div>`);
input.addClass(‘input-error’);
}
});

// Submit the form if valid
return isValid;
});

// Remove error message and red border on input for Lost Password Form
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘.input-error’, function () {
$(this).removeClass(‘input-error’);
$(this).closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
});
}

$(document).ajaxSuccess(function (event, xhr, settings) {
// Check if the request URL is the one from the lostpassword form (or another condition based on your URL)
if (settings.url.indexOf(‘forgot-the-password’) !== -1) {
var response = JSON.parse(xhr.responseText);

if (response.success) {
// const successMessage = response.data.notice;
const successMessage = “we have sent a link to your email to reset your password.”;
// Toggle visibility of the before and after sections
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-before’).hide();
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-after’).fadeIn();

} else {
// const errorMessage = response.data.errors;
// Clear previous error messages
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] .error-message’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] .input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’);

const errorMessage = ‘Email address or username is not registered’;
// Find the input fields for user_login and user_pass
const userLoginInput = $(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] #user_login’);

userLoginInput.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).before(`<div class=”error-message”>${errorMessage}</div>`);
userLoginInput.addClass(‘input-error’);

}
}

if (settings.url.indexOf(‘login’) !== -1) {
var response = JSON.parse(xhr.responseText);

if (response.success) {
// $(‘form[name=”login”]’).after(‘<div class=”success-message”>Login successful! Redirecting…</div>’);
} else {
// Clear previous error messages
$(‘form[name=”login”] .error-message’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] .input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’);

const errorMessage = response.data.errors; // Assuming this is an HTML string
// Extract plain text error messages from the response
const extractedErrorMessage = $(errorMessage).text().trim();

// Determine where to display the error based on keywords in the message
const userLoginInput = $(‘form[name=”login”] #user_login’);
const userPassInput = $(‘form[name=”login”] #user_pass’);

$(‘form[name=”login”]’).prepend(`<div class=”error-message”>Email address or password is incorrect.</div>`);
userLoginInput.addClass(‘input-error’);
userPassInput.addClass(‘input-error’);
}
}

});

// Switch Between Forms (Login and Forgot Password)
$(‘.switch-form’).on(‘click’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault();
const target = $(this).data(‘target’);
$(‘.popup-form’).hide(); // Hide all forms
$(‘.error-message’).remove(); // Remove all error messages
$(‘.input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’); // Remove input error classes
$(‘.popup-form input’).val(”); // Clear all input values (optional)

// Show the target form
if (target === ‘forgot-password-form’) {
// Always show forget-password-before when switching to forgot-password-form
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-after’).hide();
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-before’).show();
}

$(‘#’ + target).fadeIn(); // Show the target form
});
});</script> <script id=”sortd_nodefer”>let isTriggered = false;
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