The Captured Republic: Pakistan’s Military and the Illusion of Islamic Destiny

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<article id=”post-159424″ class=”post-159424 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-central_south_asia category-politics tag-civil-military-relations-pakistan tag-cpec-military-role tag-india-pakistan-tensions tag-islamic-military-ambitions tag-islamization-of-military tag-jihadist-proxies tag-military-dominance tag-pakistan-army tag-pakistan-nuclear-weapons tag-pakistan-radicalization tag-pakistan-strategic-culture tag-pakistani-politics tag-saudi-pakistan-ties tag-south-asia-security tag-turkey-pakistan-alliance wl_entity_type-article pmpro-has-access entry”>

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<h1 class=”entry-title”>The Captured Republic: Pakistan’s Military and the Illusion of Islamic Destiny</h1><h2 class=’main-sub-title’></h2><div class=’post-summary’>Pakistan’s army blends power and faith as it tightens its hold over the state. The military has been expanding its ideological reach at home and deepening its ties with Saudi Arabia and Turkey to play a broader Islamic role. By 2035, Pakistan’s army could serve as both the nation’s defense force and a radicalized corporate militia, spelling trouble for India and the region.</div> <div class=”single-authors”>By <span id=”authorname”></span></div>
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<p>During my years in uniform, I learned that an army’s strength lies not in the weapons it carries, but in the restraint with which it wields them. Pakistan’s tragedy is that its army never learned this truth.</p>

<p>From its inception, Pakistan’s army has been both sword and sultan, claiming the right to rule under the pretext of protecting a fragile faith. What began as a professional institution in 1947 has now become a theocratic corporation, governing politics, economy, ideology and even religion. It is no longer the guardian of the republic; it is the republic itself.</p>

<p>Having watched this transformation over decades through wars, crises and dialogs, I have observed Pakistan’s army work on its ideological project. By 2035, we can rest assured that the army will continue to dominate Pakistan. By then, this army will not be a rational institution serving a nation but a radicalized oligarchy that believes it is serving god.</p>

<p>In 1947, Pakistan’s army was the guardian of a newly created Islamic republic. Over the decades, the army has transformed into the most dominant political, ideological and economic force within Pakistan. The Pakistan paradox is simple: the army professes to be the custodian of national defense while, in reality, it is the captor of the Pakistani state.</p>

<p>Today, the army controls everything in Pakistan, from guns and nuclear weapons to governance and national narrative.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Historical evolution and institutional DNA</h2>

<p>Pakistan’s army was born out of fear, fear of India, fear of disintegration and fear of irrelevance. In 1947, as <a href=”https://www.britannica.com/event/Partition-of-India” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Partition</a> tore the subcontinent apart, the new nation of Pakistan emerged without institutions, industry or administrative depth.</p>

<p>Its army, composed largely of Muslim officers of the old British Indian Army, inherited not a state but a siege. Unlike India, which quickly stabilized under a democratic framework, Pakistan’s generals found themselves surrounded by uncertainty and hostility, real or imagined. From the very beginning, they were taught that India sought to undo Pakistan’s existence.</p>

<p>This siege mentality fused nationalism with theology. Every officer was taught that Pakistan was not merely a new state, but an Islamic mission born in opposition to Hindu India. When General Ayub Khan <a href=”https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1958_Pakistani_military_coup” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>seized power</a> in 1958, it was justified not as a coup but as salvation. The army declared itself the most patriotic and competent guardian of the nation.</p>

<p>The <a href=”https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_war_of_1971″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>collapse</a> of East Pakistan in 1971 did not humble this institution; it hardened it. Instead of introspection, it chose indignation. Civilians were blamed, politicians were vilified and the army emerged from defeat even more entrenched in power.</p>

<p>The DNA of the Pakistan Army is deeply influenced by the circumstances of Pakistan’s creation in 1947. Unlike India’s army, which inherited a stable administrative and political framework, Pakistan’s army was traumatized by insecurity, partition violence and the perception of an existential threat from India.</p>

<p>The early leadership, drawn almost entirely from the Muslim officers of the British Indian Army, internalized a siege mentality that fused nationalism with religion. From the very beginning, the army projected itself as the ultimate guardian of both Pakistan’s territorial and ideological frontiers.</p>

<p>The first major shift came after the failure of the civilian elite in governance during the 1950s, allowing General Ayub Khan to seize power in 1958. This marked the beginning of the military’s self-perception as the only competent and patriotic institution in Pakistan. Ayub’s era institutionalized military dominance in the domestic bureaucracy, foreign policy and the economy. The 1971 debacle — the dismemberment of Pakistan — intensified the army’s insecurities but did not erode its dominance. Instead, it reinforced the military’s conviction that politicians and civilians were inherently incapable of safeguarding the state’s interests.</p>

<p>General Zia-ul-Haq’s <a href=”https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/law/zia-establishes-martial-law-pakistan” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>coup</a> in 1977 marked the next decisive transformation of the army. From now on, Islamization became the name of the game. Luckily, the Cold War was in full swing and the Soviets had invaded Afghanistan. Flush with American support and Saudi money for the <a href=”https://history.state.gov/milestones/1977-1980/soviet-invasion-afghanistan” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Afghan mujahideen</a>, Zia infused religious doctrine into the military ethos, merging professional military education with Islamic indoctrination. From now on, jihad became an instrument of foreign policy and Islamism an ideological glue to unify the fractious Pakistani polity.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Present composition and ideological drift</h2>

<p>Years of Islamist indoctrination have created a new officer class. These officers have been shaped by decades of exposure to jihadist narratives and anti-India diatribe within the National Defence University and Command and Staff College curricula. Studies have noted a measurable increase in religiosity among mid-ranking officers and a tendency to conflate faith with patriotism.</p>

<p>The army’s radicalization is not overtly visible in uniform. However, it manifests subtly through the army’s choice of narratives, public statements and policy preferences. The military establishment continues to project India as an <a href=”https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EbLVTpMKXF8″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>existential threat</a> while covertly nurturing Islamist groups as “strategic assets” in Kashmir and Afghanistan. Despite occasional purges of extremist officers, the institution’s tolerance for religious militancy remains structural. This ideological environment blurs the line between professional soldiering and ideological warfare.</p>

<p>The influence of the <a href=”https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tablighi_Jamaat” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Tablighi Jamaat</a>, <a href=”https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jamaat-e-Islami” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Jamaat-e-Islami</a> and <a href=”https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barelvi_movement” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Barelvi movements</a> within cantonments is well documented. Retired generals have publicly defended the Taliban and Osama bin Laden as “martyrs,” reflecting how deep the radical narrative runs through the officer corps.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Economic empire and the military-industrial complex</h2>

<p>Parallel to its ideological control, Pakistan’s army has constructed an enormous economic empire that sustains its autonomy and patronage networks. The “Milbus,” or military business complex, encompasses vast holdings in agriculture, industry, construction and banking. Pakistani journalist and scholar <a href=”https://sobrief.com/books/military-inc” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Ayesha Siddiqa</a> estimates that Milbus controls assets worth over $20 billion. Foundations such as the Fauji Foundation, Army Welfare Trust and Shaheen Foundation operate like conglomerates, generating profits that feed directly into the military welfare system, bypassing civilian oversight.</p>

<p>This economic empire serves multiple strategic purposes. First, it ensures institutional cohesion through material incentives, making loyalty to the military hierarchy financially rewarding. Second, it entrenches the army’s political control, as retired officers populate corporate boards, bureaucracies and even diplomatic positions. Third, it immunizes the army from fiscal accountability, enabling it to extract a disproportionate share of the national budget while retaining off-book sources of revenue.</p>

<p>By 2035, unless checked by systemic reform, this militarized economy will further weaken Pakistan’s civilian institutions. The army’s corporate empire will evolve into a state within a state, controlling both coercive power and economic capital, a combination that effectively subordinates the civilian state apparatus to military supremacy.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>The nexus of Islamism, nationalism and military identity</h2>

<p>One of the most dangerous developments in Pakistan’s strategic culture has been the fusion of Islamism with militarized nationalism. The army presents itself as the “Fortress of Islam,” positioning its military campaigns, particularly against India and in Afghanistan, as religiously sanctioned struggles.</p>

<p>A selective reading of history reinforces this self-image: the narrative of a hostile Hindu India, the betrayal of Muslims by the West and the divine destiny of Pakistan as the leader of the Islamic world holds sway over the public imagination. Within this framework, the army perceives jihadist groups not as existential threats but as tools of strategic depth. This “jihadist calculus” led to the nurturing of organizations like <a href=”https://main.un.org/securitycouncil/en/sanctions/1267/aq_sanctions_list/summaries/entity/lashkar-e-tayyiba” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Lashkar-e-Taiba</a>, <a href=”https://main.un.org/securitycouncil/en/sanctions/1267/aq_sanctions_list/summaries/entity/jaish-i-mohammed” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Jaish-e-Mohammad</a> and the <a href=”https://main.un.org/securitycouncil/en/sanctions/1988/materials/summaries/entity/haqqani-network” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Haqqani Network</a>, which have been deployed as proxies while the army maintained plausible deniability. </p>

<p>The army has long been portraying its campaigns not as conventional conflicts but as divinely sanctioned missions in defense of the faith. This narrative has proved potent in mobilizing domestic legitimacy and regional influence, giving the army a moral veneer for what are essentially geopolitical pursuits.</p>

<p>The ideological contamination is circular; the army radicalizes society, and the radicalized society, in turn, legitimizes the army’s dominance. In effect, Pakistan has become a praetorian-theocratic hybrid, where the military’s authority is sustained by religious legitimacy.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>From defender of borders to defender of faith, a praetorian-theocratic hybrid</h2>

<p>The origins of this ideological transformation lie in the trauma of Partition and the theological justification for Pakistan’s creation. In 1947, Pakistan was dominated by Punjab and Bengal, which suffered the most during Partition. The Muslim League propagated the two-nation theory, claiming Hindus and Muslims were two separate nations. Right from the outset, the Pakistani elites gave the slogan: Islam is in danger. Over the decades, Pakistan’s army appropriated this slogan to build a doctrine where national security became synonymous with the survival of Islam itself.</p>

<p>The 1947–48, 1965 and 1971 <a href=”https://www.britannica.com/topic/India-Pakistan-conflict” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>wars</a> with India were framed not merely as territorial disputes but as existential battles between Islam and Hinduism, good and evil, belief and idolatry. As stated earlier, this militarized religiosity deepened after Zia’s coup in 1977. Now, the army adopted Islamic mottos, military manuals invoked Quranic injunctions and officers were encouraged to see themselves as mujahideen in uniform.</p>

<p>The Afghan Jihad of the 1980s turbocharged jihadist organizations. Now, they were no longer threats but strategic assets. Groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad and the Haqqani Network became instruments of what analysts have termed the jihadist calculus, the use of religiously motivated proxies to secure strategic depth in Afghanistan, bleed India in Kashmir and expand Pakistan’s influence across the Muslim world. The army supported a façade of plausible deniability even as these groups were nurtured, funded and protected.</p>

<p>As Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid <a href=”https://www.democracynow.org/2008/6/10/descent_into_chaos_ahmed_rashid_on#:~:text=This%20is%20viewer%20supported%20news,includes%20rush%20transcript%5D” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>notes</a>, “Pakistan created the Taliban, and the Taliban, in turn, created a Pakistan that could never return to secular politics.” The result has been an irreversible ideological contamination: the army radicalized society, and the radicalized society, in turn, sanctified the army’s political supremacy.</p>

<p>Today, Pakistan stands as a praetorian-theocratic hybrid, a state where the army and Islam sustain each other. The army no longer derives authority from its capacity to defend borders, but from its self-declared role as the defender of the faith. The state’s legitimacy has thus migrated from the constitution to the Quran, and from the ballot box to the barracks.</p>

<p>This ideological weaponization of religion has not remained confined to domestic politics. It has acquired an increasingly international dimension. Pakistan seeks to align its army with the broader Islamic world, not as a partner, but as a potential vanguard of pan-Islamic defence.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Pakistan’s expanding Islamic military ambitions and flirtations with neo-Ottomans</h2>

<p>Saudi Arabia has long been Pakistan’s principal ideological and financial sponsor. The relationship, cemented during the Afghan Jihad, rests on three pillars: religious affinity, economic dependency and security collaboration. Riyadh’s oil wealth and Pakistan’s military manpower formed a symbiotic equation; the Saudis funded Pakistan’s economy, while Pakistan provided trained soldiers and nuclear assurance. </p>

<p>Pakistan’s participation in the Saudi-led Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition (<a href=”https://www.imctc.org/en/AboutUs/MemberCountries/Pages/default.aspx” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>IMCTC</a>), set up in 2015, is emblematic of this relationship. The appointment of Raheel Sharif, a retired army chief, as the first commander of the IMCTC is a signal of Pakistan’s aspiration to command, or at least represent, the collective military strength of the Muslim world.</p>

<p>Behind the rhetoric of counterterrorism, however, the IMCTC’s structure and orientation reveal deeper ambitions to project a Sunni military bloc under Saudi influence, with Pakistan’s army as its professional backbone. This alignment has allowed Pakistan to receive Saudi loans, deferred oil payments and defense contracts, effectively intertwining religion, geopolitics and economic survival.</p>

<p>Türkiye’s resurgence under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has given Pakistan another ideological and strategic partner. Erdoğan’s <a href=”https://www.paturkey.com/news/2025/how-erdogans-neo-ottoman-vision-is-redrawing-the-middle-east-20338/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>vision</a> of neo-Ottoman revivalism resonates with Pakistan’s own quest for Islamic leadership. Both countries see themselves as wronged by the West, both use religion to legitimize power and both promote militarized nationalism wrapped in Islamic symbolism.</p>

<p>Defense collaboration between Ankara and Islamabad has grown rapidly. Pakistan has <a href=”https://www.ssbcrack.com/2025/07/turkey-pakistan-revise-900-million-drone-deal-after-setback-against-india.html” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>acquired</a> Turkish-made drones, attack helicopters and naval systems, while Turkish defense industries are helping modernize Pakistan’s armament production. Religious overtones of Muslim brotherhood accompany joint military exercises such as <a href=”https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/turkey-pakistan-joint-military-exercise-begins/2138335″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Ataturk XI</a>. In 2024, Pakistan’s military media even described its cooperation with Türkiye as part of “the unity of the Muslim world in the face of global injustice.”</p>

<p>For Pakistan, Türkiye represents not only a technological partner but an ideological mirror, a fellow Muslim state reclaiming strength through faith and arms. Together, their rhetoric hints at a larger ambition: to reforge a collective Islamic identity that challenges Western dominance and Indian ascendancy alike.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Central and West Asian outreach and the “Army for Islam” fallacy</h2>

<p>Beyond Saudi Arabia and Türkiye, Pakistan has <a href=”https://top-center.org/en/analytics/3762/pakistans-engagement-in-central-asia-foreign-policy-priorities-challenges-and-strategic-outlook” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>expanded</a> its engagement with the Islamic states of Central Asia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan, under the banner of regional Islamic solidarity. The rationale is dual: economic integration via connectivity corridors and strategic alignment through shared religious identity.</p>

<p>Islamabad’s active promotion of defense pacts and training programs with these countries — many of which are secular in governance but Muslim in demography — reflects an attempt to craft a broader Islamic security architecture. Pakistan’s military academies regularly host officers from these states, while its defense exports, especially small arms and training aircraft, are promoted as symbols of Muslim technological capability.</p>

<p>Even more telling is Pakistan’s rhetorical positioning within the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (<a href=”https://www.weforum.org/organizations/organisation-of-islamic-cooperation-oic/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>OIC</a>). It has increasingly attempted to project itself as the military conscience of the Muslim world, the only nuclear-armed Islamic power capable of defending the <em>ummah</em> (“Muslim community”) against external aggression.</p>

<p>The idea that Pakistan’s army could evolve into the “Army for Islam” is not new. It has been implicit since Zia’s era, but recent events have made it dangerously explicit. The army’s rhetoric often emphasizes the “defense of Muslim causes”, be it Palestine, Kashmir or Afghanistan.</p>

<p>Pakistan’s participation in the IMCTC, its military training of Gulf forces and its cultivation of ideological partners across West and Central Asia have combined to create the perception of a pan-Islamic military role. Within Pakistan’s strategic community, this notion is presented as both a moral duty and a leadership opportunity.</p>

<p>Domestically, it strengthens the army’s grip on national identity. Internationally, it promises prestige and influence in the Muslim world. But beneath the surface lies a dangerous delusion, that a state born of faith can impose its religious identity upon its foreign policy without consequence.</p>

<p>In practice, Pakistan’s attempt to become the army for Islam could fragment the Islamic world rather than unite it. Its Sunni bias alienates Iran; its dependence on Saudi funding limits autonomy and its association with jihadist proxies tarnishes its credibility. Moreover, the weaponization of Islam in foreign policy fuels sectarianism at home, undermining Pakistan’s internal cohesion and economic stability.</p>

<p>The strategic consequences of Pakistan’s fusion of Islamism with militarism are profound and far-reaching. By intertwining faith with force, Pakistan has become a source of regional destabilization, exporting instability across South Asia, the Gulf and Central Asia, regions already fractured by sectarian and ideological divides.</p>

<p>Its reliance on Islamic patronage, particularly from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies, has discouraged meaningful economic reform and entrenched a cycle of dependency that undermines sovereignty. At the same time, the army’s self-conception as the defender of Islam has ideologically trapped the state, preventing reconciliation with India and alienating secular or moderate Muslim allies who view Pakistan’s militant religiosity with suspicion. This ideological rigidity has eroded Pakistan’s strategic autonomy, gradually reducing it to a client power within the competing spheres of influence of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye.</p>

<p>Most dangerously, the deliberate conflation of jihadism with state policy has deepened international distrust of Pakistan, reinforcing its image as a sanctuary for extremism rather than a responsible regional actor. In seeking glory as the “Army of Islam,” Pakistan risks losing the very foundation of its stability, its credibility, its independence and its place in the community of nations.</p>

<p>The transformation of Pakistan’s army from a national defense force to an ideological vanguard represents one of the most significant and dangerous shifts in South Asian strategic history. What began as a doctrine of national survival has evolved into a theology of militarism, where faith and firepower are inseparable.</p>

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<p>Yet this ambition is as unstable as it is audacious. It rests on the illusion that Islam can be unified through military means and that Pakistan’s fractured polity can sustain such a mission. The fusion of Islamism, nationalism and military identity has trapped Pakistan in a self-perpetuating cycle, a state where soldiers preach, clerics strategize and jihad becomes policy. The danger is not only to Pakistan’s neighbors but to the entire Islamic world, which risks being drawn into the orbit of a militarized faith that confuses piety with power.</p>

<p><em>[Shokin Chauhan published a version of this piece on </em><a href=”https://substack.com/inbox/post/178179096?r=pg9nt&utm_medium=ios&triedRedirect=true#_ftnref1″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”><em>Substack</em></a><em>.]</em></p>

<p><em>[</em><a href=”https://www.linkedin.com/in/kaitlyn-diana-aab997278/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”><em>Kaitlyn Diana</em></a><em> edited this piece.]</em></p>

<p><strong>The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.</strong></p>
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counter: {
uniqueID: “”,
commentmaxcount : 1500,
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commentmincount : 1,
replymincount : 1,
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wc_be_the_first_text: “Be the First to Comment!”,
wc_comment_join_text: “Join the discussion”,
theme: ‘snow’,
debug: ‘error’
};

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<script src=”https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/featured-video-plus/js/jquery.fitvids.min.js” id=”featured-video-plus-js”></script>
<script></script> <script>
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/* .popup_loginmodel .dm-fo-login-box {
max-width: 420px !important
} */
</style>

jQuery(‘.close-popup-btn-signup’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUpsignup’).hide();

});

jQuery(‘#myBtn , .sign_up_heaer’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUpsignup’).show();
});

var path = location.pathname;
var popup_not_allowed_in_paths = [“/fo/donate/”, “/fo/support-fo/”, “/fo/membership-account/membership-levels/”,
“/fo/membership-account/membership-checkout/?level=2”, “/fo/membership-account/membership-checkout/?level=1”,
“/fo/contact/”, “payment-success”
];
var isPopupOnPathAllowed = true;
if (popup_not_allowed_in_paths.includes(path)) {
isPopupOnPathAllowed = false;
}

if (jQuery.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’) != “yesss” && isPopupOnPathAllowed) {
jQuery(window).scroll(function () {
var available, percentage_of_page, half_screen, height;
available = jQuery(document).height();
percentage_of_page = 0.25;
half_screen = available * percentage_of_page;
height = jQuery(window).scrollTop();
if (height > half_screen) {

if (jQuery.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’) != “yesss”) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUp”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
jQuery.cookie(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
}
}
});
} else {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).hide();
}

var dwnldbtn = jQuery(“#download_product_popup_open”);
dwnldbtn.click(() => {
console.log(‘be’);
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).show();
});

jQuery(‘#download_product_popup_open’).click(function () {
console.log(‘hellof’);
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeIn();
});
jQuery(‘.download_product_popup_close’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeOut();
});
jQuery(‘.download_product_popup_close’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeOut();
});

var container = jQuery(“#download_product_popup”);
container.click((e) => {
if (e.target.id == ‘download_product_popup’) {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).hide();
}
});

jQuery(‘.close-popup-btn’).click(function () {
// $.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’, “yesss”);
display(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).hide();
});

jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount’).keyup(function (e) {
var $otherRadio = jQuery(‘#other’);
var $otherAmountSection = jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’);

$otherAmountSection.show();
$otherRadio.prop(‘checked’, true);

var value = jQuery(this).val();
jQuery(‘#donation_amount’).html(‘$’ + value);
$otherRadio.val(value);
jQuery(‘#amount’).val(value);
});

jQuery(‘#other’).change(function () {
if (jQuery(this).is(‘:checked’)) {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).show();
} else {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).hide();
}
});
});

<!– –>
jQuery(document).click(function () {

/* login popup */
jQuery(‘#closebtnlogin’).click(function () {
jQuery(“#loginmodal”).hide();
});
var logincontainer = jQuery(“.dm-fo-login-box”);
if (!logincontainer.is(event.target) && !logincontainer.has(event.target).length) {
jQuery(“#loginmodal”).hide();
}
var loginbtn = jQuery(“.fo-login-link”);
if (!loginbtn.is(event.target) && !loginbtn.has(event.target).length) {

} else {
var loginModal = jQuery(“#loginmodal”);
loginModal.find(‘.popup-form input’).val(”); // Clear all input values (optional)
loginModal.find(‘.popup-form’).hide(); // Hide all forms within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘.error-message’).remove(); // Remove all error messages within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘.input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’); // Remove error class within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘#login-form’).show(); // Show the target form within #loginmodal

loginModal.show(); // Show the login modal
}

/* signupbutton popup */
var signupcontainer = jQuery(“#modal-content-signup”);
if (!signupcontainer.is(event.target) && !signupcontainer.has(event.target).length) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUpsignup”).hide();
}
var signupcontainerbtn = jQuery(“#myBtn”);
if (!signupcontainerbtn.is(event.target) && !signupcontainerbtn.has(event.target).length) {

} else {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUpsignup”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
}

/* signupbutton onscroll popup */
var container = jQuery(“#modal-content-scroll”);
if (!container.is(event.target) && !container.has(event.target).length) {
var displayval = jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).css(‘display’);
if (displayval == ‘flex’) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUp”).hide();
display(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
}
}

jQuery(‘#other’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).show();
});

jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount’).keyup(function (e) {
var activeElement = document.getElementsByClassName(“donation-amount-box”)[0].getElementsByClassName(“active”)[0];
if (activeElement) {
activeElement.classList.remove(‘active’);
}

var value = $(‘.other_donation_amount’).val();
jQuery(‘#other’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#donation_amount’).html(‘$’ + value);
jQuery(‘#amount’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#paypalamount’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#monthly’).val(value);
})
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.fo-login-link.btn-popup-footer a’).on(‘click’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent the default behavior of the link

jQuery(‘.btn-popup-footer-login’).addClass(‘pop-active’); // Add the custom class
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.btn-popup-footer-login-close’).on(‘click’, function () {
jQuery(‘.popup_loginmodel.btn-popup-footer-login’).removeClass(‘pop-active’);
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function ($) {
jQuery(“.total_counts h1”).click(function () {
jQuery(“.fo-search-popup”).addClass(“active”);
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.tml-pwd-wrap’).append(‘<div id=”show_hide_div” class=”togglepwd” onclick=”showPassword(event)”><i class=”bi bi-eye-slash-fill”></i></div>’);
jQuery(‘meta[property=”og:image:height”]’).attr(“content”, 400);
jQuery(‘meta[property=”og:image:width”]’).attr(“content”, 400);

//Open Bookmark Model
jQuery(‘#screen, #modal’).hide();
jQuery(‘#trigger-modal ,#trigger-modal2’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#modal’).show();
});
jQuery(‘.x’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#screen, #modal’).hide();
});

window.addEventListener(‘click’, function (e) {
if (document.getElementById(‘modal’).contains(e.target)) {
jQuery(“#modal”).hide();
} else { }
});

});

function showPassword1() {

var pass = document.getElementById(“upassword”);
if (pass.type === “password”) {
pass.type = “text”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg1”).innerHTML = “Hide”;
} else {
pass.type = “password”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg1”).innerHTML = “Show”;
}
}

function showPassword2() {

var pass = document.getElementById(“upasswordconfirm”);
if (pass.type === “password”) {
pass.type = “text”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg2”).innerHTML = “Hide”;
} else {
pass.type = “password”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg2”).innerHTML = “Show”;
}
}

jQuery(“.emaillink”).click(function (e) {
e.preventDefault();
jQuery(“#contact_us_form”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
});

jQuery(‘#contact_us_form’).click((e) => {
if (e.target.id === “contact_us_form”) {
jQuery(“#contact_us_form”).css(‘display’, ‘none’);
}
});

</script>

<!– Scroll footer fixed –>

jQuery(function ($) {
$(window).scroll(function () {
var scrollOffset = $(window).scrollTop();
if (scrollOffset > 400) { // change 100 to the desired scroll offset
$(‘.fixed-footer-newsletter’).addClass(‘active’);
} else {
$(‘fixed-footer-newsletter’).removeClass(‘none’);
}
});
$(document).ready(function () {
$(“.up-down-toggle-btn svg”).click(function () {
$(“.fixed-footer-newsletter”).toggleClass(“hide”);
if ($(“.fixed-footer-newsletter”).hasClass(‘hide’)) {
localStorage.setItem(‘hideClass’, ‘true’);
} else {
localStorage.removeItem(‘hideClass’);
}
});

var hideClass = localStorage.getItem(‘hideClass’);
if (hideClass === ‘true’) {
$(‘.fixed-footer-newsletter’).addClass(‘hide’);
}

});
});
</script>

<!– new custom script –>

<!– author slider –>

<!– FO Newsletter –>

jQuery(function($){
$(“.newsletters-click”).on(“click”, function (e) {
$(this).addClass(‘active’);
});

$(‘#amount_50’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_100’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_500’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_1000’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#other_pay’).change(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(“#other_amount_pay”).on(“input”, function () {
var inputValue = $(this).val();
if (inputValue !== “”) {
$(‘#amount_50’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_100’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_500’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_1000’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(inputValue);

$(“#other_pay”).prop(“checked”, true);
}
});

});

/* input type number validation */

const numericInput = document.getElementById(‘other_donation_amount’);

if (numericInput) {
numericInput.addEventListener(‘input’, function (e) {
// Get the current input value
const inputValue = e.target.value;

// Remove any non-numeric characters
const numericValue = inputValue.replace(/[^0-9]/g, ”);

// Update the input value with the numeric value
e.target.value = numericValue;
});

}

</script>
<script type=”sortdDeferScript”>
jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(“.share-btn”).click(function () {
jQuery(“.m-share-events”).toggleClass(“active”);
});
});

jQuery(function($){
// For Login Form
if ($(‘form[name=”login”]’).length) {
const loginForm = $(‘form[name=”login”]’);
// Dynamically remove labels and add placeholders for Login Form
$(‘form[name=”login”] label[for=”user_login”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] #user_login’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Email or Username’);

$(‘form[name=”login”] label[for=”user_pass”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] #user_pass’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Password’);

// Form validation and error handling for Login Form
$(‘form[name=”login”]’).on(‘submit’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent form submission for validation

let isValid = true;

$(this).find(‘input[type=”text”], input[type=”password”]’).each(function () {
const input = $(this);
const value = input.val().trim();

// Remove previous error message and red border
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
input.removeClass(‘input-error’);

// Determine field name for the error message
const fieldName = input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_login’ ? ‘Email or Username’ :
input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_pass’ ? ‘Password’ :
‘This field’;

// Add error if the field is empty
if (!value) {
isValid = false;
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).before(`<div class=”error-message”>${fieldName} is required.</div>`);
input.addClass(‘input-error’);
}
});

// Submit the form if valid
return isValid;
});

// Remove error message and red border on input for Login Form
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘.input-error’, function () {
$(this).removeClass(‘input-error’);
$(this).closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
});
}

// For Lost Password Form
if ($(‘form[name=”lostpassword”]’).length) {
// Dynamically remove labels and add placeholders for Lost Password Form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] label[for=”user_login”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] #user_login’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Email or Username’);

// Change the submit button text for Lost Password form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] button[type=”submit”]’).text(‘Reset Password’);

// Form validation and error handling for Lost Password Form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”]’).on(‘submit’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent form submission for validation

let isValid = true;

$(this).find(‘input[type=”text”]’).each(function () {
const input = $(this);
const value = input.val().trim();

// Remove previous error message and red border
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
input.removeClass(‘input-error’);

// Determine field name for the error message
const fieldName = input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_login’ ? ‘Email or Username’ : ‘This field’;

// Submit the form if valid
return isValid;
});

// Remove error message and red border on input for Lost Password Form
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘.input-error’, function () {
$(this).removeClass(‘input-error’);
$(this).closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
});
}

$(document).ajaxSuccess(function (event, xhr, settings) {
// Check if the request URL is the one from the lostpassword form (or another condition based on your URL)
if (settings.url.indexOf(‘forgot-the-password’) !== -1) {
var response = JSON.parse(xhr.responseText);

if (response.success) {
// const successMessage = response.data.notice;
const successMessage = “we have sent a link to your email to reset your password.”;
// Toggle visibility of the before and after sections
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-before’).hide();
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-after’).fadeIn();

} else {
// const errorMessage = response.data.errors;
// Clear previous error messages
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] .error-message’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] .input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’);

const errorMessage = ‘Email address or username is not registered’;
// Find the input fields for user_login and user_pass
const userLoginInput = $(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] #user_login’);

userLoginInput.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).before(`<div class=”error-message”>${errorMessage}</div>`);
userLoginInput.addClass(‘input-error’);

}
}

if (settings.url.indexOf(‘login’) !== -1) {
var response = JSON.parse(xhr.responseText);

if (response.success) {
// $(‘form[name=”login”]’).after(‘<div class=”success-message”>Login successful! Redirecting…</div>’);
} else {
// Clear previous error messages
$(‘form[name=”login”] .error-message’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] .input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’);

const errorMessage = response.data.errors; // Assuming this is an HTML string
// Extract plain text error messages from the response
const extractedErrorMessage = $(errorMessage).text().trim();

// Determine where to display the error based on keywords in the message
const userLoginInput = $(‘form[name=”login”] #user_login’);
const userPassInput = $(‘form[name=”login”] #user_pass’);

$(‘form[name=”login”]’).prepend(`<div class=”error-message”>Email address or password is incorrect.</div>`);
userLoginInput.addClass(‘input-error’);
userPassInput.addClass(‘input-error’);
}
}

});

// Switch Between Forms (Login and Forgot Password)
$(‘.switch-form’).on(‘click’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault();
const target = $(this).data(‘target’);
$(‘.popup-form’).hide(); // Hide all forms
$(‘.error-message’).remove(); // Remove all error messages
$(‘.input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’); // Remove input error classes
$(‘.popup-form input’).val(”); // Clear all input values (optional)

// Show the target form
if (target === ‘forgot-password-form’) {
// Always show forget-password-before when switching to forgot-password-form
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-after’).hide();
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-before’).show();
}

$(‘#’ + target).fadeIn(); // Show the target form
});
});
</script>

<!– <script>
document.addEventListener(“DOMContentLoaded”, function () {
// Select the “I Accept” button by its ID or class (adjust selector based on your HTML)
const acceptButton = document.querySelector(“#cookie_action_close_header”); // Replace with the actual button’s class or ID

if (acceptButton) {
acceptButton.addEventListener(“click”, function () {
// Set the cookie with site-wide path and a long expiration date
document.cookie = “viewed_cookie_policy=yes; path=/; expires=Fri, 31 Dec 9999 23:59:59 GMT;”;
console.log(“Cookie consent accepted and cookie set.”);
});
}
});
</script> –>

</script>

class WaveformAudioPlayer {
constructor(playerId) {
this.playerId = playerId;
this.audio = document.getElementById(`audioPlayer_${playerId}`);
this.playBtn = document.getElementById(`playBtn_${playerId}`);
this.playTriangle = document.getElementById(`playTriangle_${playerId}`);
this.pauseBars = document.getElementById(`pauseBars_${playerId}`);
this.currentTime = document.getElementById(`currentTime_${playerId}`);
this.totalTime = document.getElementById(`totalTime_${playerId}`);
this.waveformContainer = document.getElementById(`waveformContainer_${playerId}`);
this.waveformProgress = document.getElementById(`waveformProgress_${playerId}`);
this.waveformBars = document.getElementById(`waveformBars_${playerId}`);
this.menuBtn = document.getElementById(`menuBtn_${playerId}`);

this.isPlaying = false;
this.waveformData = [];
this.totalBars = 200; // Number of waveform bars

this.initWaveform();
this.initEventListeners();
this.updateTotalTime();
}

initWaveform() {
// Generate random waveform data (in real app, you’d analyze the audio)
this.waveformData = Array.from({ length: this.totalBars }, () => {
return Math.random() * 40 + 5; // Random height between 5-45px
});

// Create waveform bars
this.waveformBars.innerHTML = ”;
this.waveformData.forEach((height, index) => {
const bar = document.createElement(‘div’);
bar.className = ‘waveform-bar’;
bar.style.height = `${height}px`;
bar.dataset.index = index;
this.waveformBars.appendChild(bar);
});
}

initEventListeners() {
// Play/Pause button
this.playBtn.addEventListener(‘click’, () => this.togglePlayPause());

// Audio events
this.audio.addEventListener(‘loadedmetadata’, () => this.updateTotalTime());
this.audio.addEventListener(‘timeupdate’, () => this.updateProgress());
this.audio.addEventListener(‘ended’, () => this.audioEnded());

// Waveform container click for seeking
this.waveformContainer.addEventListener(‘click’, (e) => this.seek(e));

// Menu button
this.menuBtn.addEventListener(‘click’, () => this.showMenu());
}

togglePlayPause() {
// Pause all other players first
window.pauseAllPlayersExcept(this.playerId);

if (this.isPlaying) {
this.pause();
} else {
this.play();
}
}

play() {
this.audio.play().then(() => {
this.isPlaying = true;
this.updatePlayButton();
}).catch(error => {
console.error(‘Error playing audio:’, error);
});
}

pause() {
this.audio.pause();
this.isPlaying = false;
this.updatePlayButton();
}

updatePlayButton() {
if (this.isPlaying) {
this.playTriangle.style.display = ‘none’;
this.pauseBars.style.display = ‘block’;
} else {
this.playTriangle.style.display = ‘block’;
this.pauseBars.style.display = ‘none’;
}
}

updateProgress() {
if (this.audio.duration) {
const progress = (this.audio.currentTime / this.audio.duration) * 100;
this.waveformProgress.style.width = `${progress}%`;
this.currentTime.textContent = this.formatTime(this.audio.currentTime);

// Update active bars
const activeBars = Math.floor((progress / 100) * this.totalBars);
const bars = this.waveformBars.querySelectorAll(‘.waveform-bar’);
bars.forEach((bar, index) => {
if (index <= activeBars) {
bar.classList.add(‘active’);
} else {
bar.classList.remove(‘active’);
}
});
}
}

updateTotalTime() {
if (this.audio.duration) {
this.totalTime.textContent = this.formatTime(this.audio.duration);
}
}

seek(e) {
const rect = this.waveformContainer.getBoundingClientRect();
const percent = (e.clientX – rect.left) / rect.width;
const newTime = percent * this.audio.duration;

if (newTime >= 0 && newTime <= this.audio.duration) {
this.audio.currentTime = newTime;
}
}

formatTime(seconds) {
if (!seconds || !isFinite(seconds)) return ’00:00′;

const minutes = Math.floor(seconds / 60);
const remainingSeconds = Math.floor(seconds % 60);
return `${minutes.toString().padStart(2, ‘0’)}:${remainingSeconds.toString().padStart(2, ‘0’)}`;
}

audioEnded() {
this.isPlaying = false;
this.updatePlayButton();
this.waveformProgress.style.width = ‘0%’;
this.currentTime.textContent = ’00:00′;

// Reset all bars
const bars = this.waveformBars.querySelectorAll(‘.waveform-bar’);
bars.forEach(bar => bar.classList.remove(‘active’));
}

showMenu() {
console.log(`Menu clicked for player ${this.playerId} – implement additional features here`);
// Add your menu functionality here
}

// Method to change audio source
changeAudio(src) {
this.pause();
this.audio.src = src;
this.audio.load();
this.waveformProgress.style.width = ‘0%’;
this.currentTime.textContent = ’00:00′;

// Reset bars
const bars = this.waveformBars.querySelectorAll(‘.waveform-bar’);
bars.forEach(bar => bar.classList.remove(‘active’));
}
}

// Global variables to manage multiple players
window.waveformPlayers = {};

// Function to pause all players except the current one
window.pauseAllPlayersExcept = function(currentPlayerId) {
Object.keys(window.waveformPlayers).forEach(playerId => {
if (playerId !== currentPlayerId) {
window.waveformPlayers[playerId].pause();
}
});
};

// Initialize all players when DOM is loaded
document.addEventListener(‘DOMContentLoaded’, () => {
// Find all waveform audio players
const playerElements = document.querySelectorAll(‘.waveform-audio-player’);

playerElements.forEach(playerElement => {
const playerId = playerElement.dataset.playerId;
if (playerId) {
// Extract post ID from player ID (format: player_123)
const postId = playerId.replace(‘player_’, ”);
window.waveformPlayers[postId] = new WaveformAudioPlayer(postId);
}
});

// Global keyboard shortcuts
document.addEventListener(‘keydown’, (e) => {
const isEditable = e.target.isContentEditable;
if (e.code === ‘Space’ && e.target.tagName !== ‘INPUT’ && e.target.tagName !== ‘TEXTAREA’ && !isEditable) {
e.preventDefault();
// This will be handled by individual players
}
});
});
</script>

jQuery(function($){
// Prevent numbers while typing & enforce maxlength for Name
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘#contactFormCustom input[name=”your-name”]’, function(){
// allow letters, spaces, hyphen, apostrophe, limit to 50 chars
this.value = this.value.replace(/[^A-Za-zs’-]/g, ”).slice(0,50);
});

// Email field: limit to 100 characters and block spaces
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘#contactFormCustom input[name=”your-email”]’, function() {
this.value = this.value.replace(/s/g, ”).slice(0, 100);
});

});

</script>

</html>
<style>
/* Hide the view count by default */
.hidden {
display: none;
}

</style>

<p class=”hidden”>Total Views: </p>

<!– <style>
#cliSettingsPopup {display:none}
</style>
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(min-width:576px){.gdpr-modal .gdpr-modal-dialog{max-width:500px;margin:1.75rem auto;min-height:calc(100% – (1.75rem * 2))}}@media (min-width:992px){.gdpr-modal .gdpr-modal-dialog{max-width:900px}}.gdpr-modal-content{position:relative;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-ms-flex-direction:column;flex-direction:column;width:100%;pointer-events:auto;background-color:#fff;background-clip:padding-box;border:1px solid rgb(0 0 0 / .2);border-radius:.3rem;box-sizing:border-box;outline:0}.gdpr-modal .row{margin:0 -15px}.gdpr-modal .modal-body{padding:0;position:relative;-ms-flex:1 1 auto;flex:1 1 auto}.gdpr-modal .close{position:absolute;right:10px;top:10px;z-index:1;padding:0;background-color:#fff0;border:0;-webkit-appearance:none;font-size:1.5rem;font-weight:700;line-height:1;color:#000;text-shadow:0 1px 0 #fff}.gdpr-modal .close:focus{outline:0}.gdpr-switch{display:inline-block;position:relative;min-height:1px;padding-left:70px;font-size:14px}.gdpr-switch input[type=”checkbox”]{display:none}.gdpr-switch .gdpr-slider{background-color:#e3e1e8;height:24px;width:50px;bottom:0;cursor:pointer;left:0;position:absolute;right:0;top:0;transition:.4s}.gdpr-switch .gdpr-slider:before{background-color:#fff;bottom:2px;content:””;height:20px;left:2px;position:absolute;transition:.4s;width:20px}.gdpr-switch input:checked+.gdpr-slider{background-color:#63b35f}.gdpr-switch input:checked+.gdpr-slider:before{transform:translateX(26px)}.gdpr-switch .gdpr-slider{border-radius:34px}.gdpr-switch .gdpr-slider:before{border-radius:50%}.gdpr-tab-content>.gdpr-tab-pane{display:none}.gdpr-tab-content>.active{display:block}.gdpr-fade{transition:opacity .15s 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Source: World Politics - fairobserver.com

The Captured Republic: Pakistan’s Military and the Illusion of Islamic Destiny

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