To Live Without Fear: Brazilian Protests Denounce Rise in Gender-Based Violence

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<article id=”post-159906″ class=”post-159906 post type-post status-publish format-standard has-post-thumbnail hentry category-latin_america category-politics tag-anti-femicide-protests-brazil tag-bolsonarism-and-gender-violence tag-bolsonaro-and-misogyny tag-brazil-femicide-crisis tag-brazilian-femicide-law tag-digital-misogyny-brazil tag-diva-art tag-domestic-violence-statistics-brazil tag-feminist-movements-brazil tag-fourth-wave-feminism tag-juliana-notari-diva tag-maria-da-penha-law tag-racial-and-gender-inequality-brazil tag-social-media-hate-speech tag-triple-discrimination-brazil tag-violence-against-women-brazil wl_entity_type-article pmpro-has-access entry”>

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<h1 class=”entry-title”>To Live Without Fear: Brazilian Protests Denounce Rise in Gender-Based Violence</h1><h2 class=’main-sub-title’></h2><div class=’post-summary’>On December 7, thousands of Brazilians marched to protest femicide and violence against women. Brazil has a deep-rooted history of misogyny, racism and inequality, and though the country has improved since 1988, cultural norms continue the violence. Far-right populism, Bolsonarism, neo-Pentecostal movements and online hate speech, which can receive explicit political support, perpetuate the struggles women and minorities face.</div> <div class=”single-authors”>By <span id=”authorname”></span></div>
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<div class=”entry-content full_post abcd”>

<p>On December 7, the eve of the Feast of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception, the Catholic <a href=”https://www.britannica.com/topic/Immaculate-Conception-Roman-Catholicism” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>representation</a> of the sinless Virgin Mary, thousands of protesters <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao-paulo/noticia/2025/12/07/protesto-contra-feminicidio-reune-manifestantes-na-avenida-paulista-em-sp.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>gathered</a> in over 20 Brazilian cities to <a href=”https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/8/stop-killing-us-huge-crowds-rally-in-brazil-decrying-rise-in-femicide” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>petition</a> a wave of unbridled <a href=”https://www12.senado.leg.br/radio/1/conexao-senado/2025/09/03/mapa-nacional-da-violencia-de-genero-aponta-alta-nos-casos-de-feminicidio” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>violence</a> against women. In Sao Paulo, the country’s largest city and the <a href=”https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/nacional/sudeste/sp/em-apenas-10-meses-casos-de-feminicidio-em-sp-aumentaram-em-mais-de-10/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>epicenter</a> of <a href=”https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/women-protest-gender-based-violence-brazil-shocking-cases-128194742″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>gruesome</a> events, almost 10,000 people carried signs demanding change. They carried <a href=”https://www.terra.com.br/noticias/brasil/cidades/mulheres-vivas-veja-fotos-dos-atos-contra-o-feminicidio-que-marcam-o-domingo,8253a682f0b358f082ede531f1845a8742m9nu67.html” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>makeshift placards</a> declaring, “Silence kills – stop femicide!,” “Neither monsters nor psychopaths: MEN are killing us!” and “A Brazilian woman is killed every two minutes,” and called for legal abortion and harsher penalties for sex offenders. The crowd was awash in photographs to honor hundreds of femicide victims.</p>

<p><a href=”https://f5.folha.uol.com.br/celebridades/2025/12/luisa-sonza-juliette-e-mais-famosas-participam-de-protestos-contra-feminicidio.shtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Artists</a> and <a href=”https://www.dw.com/pt-br/coluna-feminic%C3%ADdio-o-qu%C3%A3o-alto-temos-que-gritar/a-75076750″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>intellectuals</a>, social movement <a rel=”nofollow” href=”https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2025/12/08/vivas-livres-e-sem-medo-mobilizacao-pelo-fim-do-feminicidio-reune-milhares-em-brasilia-df/”>lea</a><a href=”https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2025/12/08/vivas-livres-e-sem-medo-mobilizacao-pelo-fim-do-feminicidio-reune-milhares-em-brasilia-df/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>d</a><a rel=”nofollow” href=”https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2025/12/08/vivas-livres-e-sem-medo-mobilizacao-pelo-fim-do-feminicidio-reune-milhares-em-brasilia-df/”>ers</a>, representatives of the <a href=”https://almapreta.com.br/sessao/cotidiano/situacao-inaceitavel-protesto-mulheres-vivas-reune-multidao-no-rio-contra-feminicidios/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Black Movement</a> and <a href=”https://www.poder360.com.br/poder-brasil/veja-fotos-e-videos-de-ato-na-paulista-contra-feminicidio/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>politicians</a> from left-leaning parties joined together in many cities to support women’s rights. Protestors carried placards saying, “Marielle lives.” This message references Rio de Janeiro’s former councilwoman, <a href=”https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-43484449″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Marielle Franco</a>, a women’s rights activist who was <a href=”http://bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-43414527″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>assassinated</a> in 2018. The statement reminded everyone that violence against women is not constrained to domestic relations, as remarked by Marielle’s sister, Minister for Racial Equality <a href=”https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/direitos-humanos/noticia/2025-12/ministras-exaltam-luta-das-mulheres-em-ato-contra-o-feminicidio” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Anielle Franco</a>, in the event in the capital of Brasília.</p>

<p>Not even five blocks ahead of the Sao Paulo demonstration, however, 1,200 people had <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao-paulo/noticia/2025/12/07/ato-pro-anistia-a-bolsonaro-reune-manifestantes-na-avenida-paulista-em-sp.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>gathered</a> for a different cause: hardline supporters of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, organized by Sao Paulo’s vice-mayor, Colonel Mello Araújo, demanded amnesty for him. Bolsonaro is a notorious <a href=”https://theintercept.com/2014/12/11/misogynistic-hateful-elected-official-democacratic-world-brazils-jair-bolsonaro/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>misogynist</a> who recently lost his house arrest privileges after using a soldering iron to <a href=”https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/nov/22/far-right-former-president-jair-bolsonaro-arrested-in-brazil” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>tamper</a> with his ankle monitor. As his ally, Sao Paulo State Governor Tarcísio de Freitas has cut <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao-paulo/noticia/2025/02/12/gestao-tarcisio-congelou-boa-parte-da-verba-de-combate-a-violencia-contra-a-mulher-em-sp-em-2024.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>96%</a> of the budget to fight violence against women since 2024; this move mirrors Bolsonaro, who cut <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao-paulo/noticia/2025/02/12/gestao-tarcisio-congelou-boa-parte-da-verba-de-combate-a-violencia-contra-a-mulher-em-sp-em-2024.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>90%</a> of the funding to fight gender-based violence between 2020 and 2022.</p>

<p>With <a href=”https://noticias.uol.com.br/politica/ultimas-noticias/2025/12/07/ato-pela-anistia-de-bolsonaro-fecha-um-lado-da-avenida-paulista.htm” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>support</a> of the police, neo-Pentecostal pastors and <a href=”https://www.gazetadopovo.com.br/republica/padre-kelmon-convoca-ato-pro-anistia-para-a-avenida-paulista-no-domingo-7/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>controversial characters</a> of Brazilian politics, Araújo told the media there was only one agenda for protests that Sunday: amnesty for Bolsonaro. It was not a lack of judgment or a faux pas by the city’s second-in-command, but a clear message from the right-wing state and municipal governments that the safety of 54% of Brazilians does not matter.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Misogyny in Brazil</h2>

<p>Brazil is no stranger to femicide and all forms of violence against women. Since <a href=”https://oxfordre.com/latinamericanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.001.0001/acrefore-9780199366439-e-280″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>colonial times</a>, <a href=”https://nsp.lse.ac.uk/articles/46″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>sexism</a> and racism have been intertwined, with a patriarchal Christian <a href=”https://rai.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-8322.12563″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>elite</a> imposing gender roles and behavioral standards on a largely <a href=”https://www.scielo.br/j/edur/a/RVjV8kqPkxD4PPCgtjhwwpp/?lang=en” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>multicultural</a> population. From the struggle of women to get basic <a href=”https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/latin-american-research-review/article/feminism-womens-rights-and-the-suffrage-movement-in-brazil-18501932/1633898007A5F12D3D8E8CB6AEB4E9A5″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>voting</a> and <a href=”https://unicamp.br/en/unicamp/ju/noticias/2017/05/09/tese-revela-luta-das-brasileiras-por-direitos-civis-e-trabalhistas/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>labor</a> rights to the ongoing fight to achieve full body <a href=”http://google.com/url?sa=D&q=https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2024/03/13/misogyny-in-discussions-about-legal-abortion-in-brazil/&ust=1766029260000000&usg=AOvVaw2l4fF5tDBttxmyRGUWLerT&hl=en&source=gmail” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>autonomy</a>, Brazil has mistreated its female population for centuries.</p>

<p>Misogyny is still a socially acceptable political <a href=”https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369118X.2025.2551604″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>weapon</a>, as former Brazilian President <a href=”https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/jul/05/in-brazil-women-are-fighting-against-the-sexist-impeachment-of-dilma-rousseff” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Dilma Rousseff</a> — the only woman to ever hold that position — <a href=”https://www.thecut.com/2016/04/brazil-sexist-impeachment-campaign-dilma-rousseff.html” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>experienced</a> during her term and impeachment. Brazilian women <a href=”https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/internacional/en/business/2025/10/women-in-brazil-are-more-educated-but-earn-nearly-20-less-than-men-at-work-census-says.shtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>earn less</a> than men despite being better educated, and experience <a href=”https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7524412/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>worse</a> life conditions. Certain professions, such as those in the law field, <a href=”https://www.ibanet.org/Brazil-New-IBA-report-shows-women-underrepresented-at-senior-levels-across-all-sectors-of-the-law” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>underrepresent</a> women despite them graduating in higher numbers than men. Sexism runs rampant in Brazilian <a href=”https://rbpg.capes.gov.br/rbpg/article/view/2011″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>science</a> and <a href=”https://www.scielo.br/j/aabc/a/rCFc45xJCnFfCY9vgQ4GnfC/?lang=en” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>higher education</a>. Women in Brazil suffer discrimination at work for getting <a rel=”nofollow” href=”https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5557824/”>pregnant</a> despite law protections, are subject to <a href=”https://www.scielo.br/j/ptp/a/THDYHq4cGtGtnS5tNhRFtJB/?format=html&lang=en” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>sexual harassment</a> and have <a href=”https://www.scielo.br/j/csc/a/8bCGppvgqpLzN7LTN5WY7fk/?lang=en” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>poorer</a> medical care, as doctors ignore their complaints more often.</p>

<p>Racial and income <a href=”https://womeningh.org/achieving-a-gender-responsive-universal-health-system-in-brazil-the-role-of-women-in-global-health/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>inequality</a> aggravate these issues. Domestic violence occurs in all female demographics but is <a href=”https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2020/02/01/femicide-in-brazil-is-directly-linked-to-race-and-class-according-to-researchers/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>higher</a> for young, black and lower-income women. Poor black women in Brazil are targets of <a href=”https://www.globalissues.org/news/2022/04/20/30641″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>triple discrimination</a>, despite this demographic being the <a href=”https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/internacional/en/brazil/2021/08/black-women-are-now-the-largest-group-in-brazils-public-universities.shtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>largest</a> in public universities thanks to affirmative action. The insidious combination of racism and misogyny, however, has yet to be extirpated from Brazilian society if the vulnerability of this population, who represents <a href=”https://rioonwatch.org/?p=69495″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>28%</a> of Brazilians, is to be reduced.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Progress in femicide law and behavioral change</h2>

<p>The country has seen strides to reduce gender inequality since the 1988 promulgation of the most recent <a href=”http://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/79042109/pdf-libre.pdf?1642531227=&response-content-disposition=inline%3B+filename%3DIgualdade_De_Genero_Na_Constituicao_Fede.pdf&Expires=1765317899&Signature=WlyVLcBKI7CyrcoHWXvC2ZM~gMFcC7qs-u51N4OhLmdb4gZer2e0kO-c6ogYZ40fZgiM9OQKIloe7PelLPXrRDQDxgPrWzzTHtnoWVkc9OuThuQV2x7k9oVE9XTeUhLx~I4MjYUkcPwq2FHxghb7h8OTatu8ROJLc11JtTBE-fF7SSqBy41HSep8ss70wD7jhLsBD~rbhd2NCRZLfG2gruWB0Ff2H9-9odYUJ85md2G4qCwpdXXaWSqixYHbMD5gvtIxOH8R~lkqRc9-GXeB7YbaiBFdgrefSpR4TdRZEqu9uqprHWSvLTEhEpeTtITyefHmeSXdqvjlUvvBu6uPlw__&Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Brazilian Constitution</a>, which institutes gender equality in its 5th Article. Previous civil law changes improved the agency for women to remove themselves from dangerous relationships. For example, the nation <a href=”https://time.com/archive/6617655/brazil-land-of-no-divorce/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>prohibited</a> divorce until 1977, when it became a legal process, but still required a cause and a mandatory minimum <a href=”https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l6515.htm” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>12-month period</a> of legal separation. The whole process could be contested, generally by the man, at any moment. The law was generally applied unfavorably to women, especially if they were accused of adultery. Courts could only implement the current “no-fault” process after a constitutional amendment in 2010 dispensed with the need for judicial agreement. This led couples to divorce in <a href=”https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/dec/17/brazil-divorces-surge-46percent” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>record numbers</a> for several years.</p>

<p>“Crimes of honor,” which practically allowed men to kill their wives, were only <a href=”https://www.nytimes.com/1991/03/29/us/honor-killing-of-wives-is-outlawed-in-brazil.html” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>outlawed</a> in 1991. Adultery, often used as a defense in domestic violence cases against women, was <a href=”https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2004-2006/2005/lei/l11106.htm” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>decriminalized</a> in 2005. One of the most infamous cases in Brazil, in which both the moral slander of a woman’s behavior and the “defense of honor” were used to acquit a murderer, was recently adapted to film: the <a href=”https://miscelana.com/2023/08/28/the-murder-of-angela-diniz/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>1974 femicide</a> of socialite Ângela Diniz by entrepreneur Doca Street, her then-boyfriend, with four close-range gunshots to her face. In his 1976 trial, he pleaded guilty of “killing for love,” initially received a two-year prison sentence and immediately saw release.</p>

<p>The trial focused on Diniz’s “immoral lifestyle;” she was separated but not divorced from her husband, and therefore was an adulterer and sinner. The opposite of Our Lady of Immaculate Conception, the media described Diniz as a woman who was “begging to be killed.” Public prosecutors appealed, and Street was re-sentenced in 1981, this time to 15 years in prison. The media circus led to one of the first campaigns against domestic violence in Brazil: <em>“Quem ama não mata”</em> (“Those who love do not kill”).</p>

<p>The most important legal turning point came with the creation of the landmark Maria da Penha <a href=”https://www.institutomariadapenha.org.br/assets/downloads/maria-da-penha-law.pdf” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Law</a> in 2006, based on the infamous 1983 <a href=”https://cejil.org/en/case/maria-da-penha-4/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>femicide attempt</a> against Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes by her husband, after the authorities ignored her pleas for help. The case ended up in the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights of the Organization of American States in 1998 — it found Brazil negligent in her case.</p>

<p>The new law defined domestic violence more broadly, including, in addition to physical violence, psychological, sexual, moral and patrimonial violence by partners regardless of gender or cohabitation, understanding these as a breach of human rights. It also created specialized courts and support mechanisms for victims, including shelters and protection measures for women threatened by their partners, and increased sentences for offenders. Its efficiency, however, is highly dependent on sociocultural factors and regional implementation. Some <a href=”https://periodicos.uff.br/revistagenero/article/view/68091″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>indicators</a> suggest the law has decreased hospitalizations and deaths caused by domestic violence, and increased case notifications.</p>

<p>In 2015, Brazil enacted the <a href=”https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2015/3/in-brazil-new-law-on-femicide-to-offer-greater-protection” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Femicide Law</a>, adding femicide to the Penal Code as an aggravated form of homicide and a hate crime, with much higher sentences. Its implementation still encounters sociocultural and regional obstacles. Then in 2023, after two years of deliberation in the Brazilian Supreme Court, the “legitimate defense of honor” argument, used by Street in his first trial, was definitively <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2023/08/01/stf-invalida-uso-da-legitima-defesa-da-honra-em-casos-de-feminicidio.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>declared</a> unconstitutional. It cannot be called on any phase of a femicide case, from the investigation to the trial by jury.</p>

<p>Beyond legal instruments to protect women, federal, state and municipal governments, social movements and even companies created strong campaigns that reviewed traditional Brazilian attitudes that fostered domestic violence. In 2018, Magazine Luiza, one of Brazil’s largest retail stores — famously founded and headed by women — picked on the old saying, <em>“Em briga de marido e mulher, ninguém mete a colher”</em> (“No one should poke their nose into a husband-and-wife fight”). The <a href=”https://ri.magazineluiza.com.br/Download.aspx?Arquivo=gJsGq1avBxahwYM3lsJzOg==” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>campaign</a> urged the population to “yes, poke [their] noses” and intervene, call the police or anonymously denounce cases. The slogan later found adoption by the National Campaign to Fight Violence Against Women, or “<a href=”https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2019-2022/2022/lei/l14448.htm” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Lilac August</a>,” which defines a yearly month-long awareness campaign about the Maria da Penha Law.</p>

<p>The <a href=”https://www.sciencedirect.com/org/science/article/abs/pii/S2056384123000102″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>effectiveness</a> of campaigns appears to depend on adopting the behaviors recommended by them and the multiplication of behavior-changing ideas through social contact, or “word-of-mouth” actions.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Misogyny, Bolsonarism and Brazil’s digital sphere</h2>

<p>Violence data is tracked by the Institute for Applied Economic Research, a public institution linked to the Brazilian Ministry of Planning and Budget. Its interactive <a href=”https://www.ipea.gov.br/atlasviolencia/filtros-series” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>publication</a> <em>Atlas da Violência</em> (“Atlas of Violence”) pools homicide rates from 1980 up to 2022, allowing users to select particular years and states, gender, race and age. However, it does not discriminate between femicide, manslaughter or felony murder. Overall murder rates fluctuate in the country, but have been <a href=”https://www.ipea.gov.br/atlasviolencia/dados-series/20″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>declining</a> since 2017.</p>

<p>The murder rate of women, however, <a href=”https://www.ipea.gov.br/atlasviolencia/dados-series/52″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>declined</a> from 5/100,000 in 1997 to 3.8/100,000 in 2022, including manslaughter and robbery-homicides. A more detailed view comes from the Observatory on Violence Against Women, a committee from the Brazilian Federal Senate designated to study femicide rates and accompany legal cases. It identifies an unsettling <a href=”https://www.ipea.gov.br/atlasviolencia/dados-series/52″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>increase</a> in this type of crime since 2022, with the state of Sao Paulo having the highest numbers in 2025. Renata Furbino, a professor of criminal law from the Federal University of Minas Gerais, affirms that, despite the laws already in place to protect women, it is necessary to understand the present <a href=”https://www12.senado.leg.br/radio/1/conexao-senado/2025/09/03/mapa-nacional-da-violencia-de-genero-aponta-alta-nos-casos-de-feminicidio” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>context</a> of society to interpret and combat these trends.</p>

<p>Digital campaigners from <a href=”https://she-persisted.org/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>#ShePersisted</a>, a non-profit organization fighting misogyny in global politics, published a study about Brazil that highlighted the <a href=”https://she-persisted.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/ShePersisted-Brazil-Report-ENG.pdf” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>weaponization</a> of misogyny against Brazilian women in public life. They identified organized actors who coordinated social media attacks towards women in leadership roles, most connected to politicians such as Bolsonaro and his allies, and pseudo-intellectuals such as the <a href=”https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-jair-bolsonaro-health-caribbean-presidential-elections-c89172ff373e19a7946b4057b0d5b200″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>deceased</a> self-proclaimed philosopher and far-right guru Olavo de Carvalho.</p>

<p>Men have so frequently targeted women in the Brazilian digital sphere that entire <a href=”https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-032-07727-1″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>books</a> are published on the phenomenon, alleging that Big Tech companies organize and foster the attacks. A study from the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro shows that digital misogyny is a <a href=”https://netlab.eco.ufrj.br/en/post/it-s-officially-real-misogyny-is-part-of-the-platforms-business-model” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>business model</a> from social media platforms, with algorithms pushing disinformation and fraudulent ads that demean women in all digital channels. Misogyny is <a href=”https://www.gov.br/planalto/en/latest-news/2023/03/misogyny-is-profitable-says-brazilian-ministry-of-women-spokesperson-at-supreme-court-hearing” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>profitable</a>, and tech companies found a gold cauldron in Brazil, as the nation’s digital presence is one of the largest worldwide. Dubbed the “Social Media <a href=”https://www.observatoriodaimprensa.com.br/na-imprensa-internacional/brazil_the_social_media_capital_of_the_universe/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Capital</a> of the Universe,” Brazil is the second largest market on Facebook, with over 65 million users. Its netizens spend more than <a href=”https://tiinside.com.br/en/03/04/2024/Brazilians-spend-more-than-9-hours-online/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>nine hours</a> a day interacting with others online.</p>

<p>This is such a hotbed for social media misuse that Supreme Court Minister Alexandre de Moraes <a href=”https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2024/09/20/supreme-court-justice-moraes-fines-x-almost-us-1-million-per-day-for-circumventing-suspension-in-brazil/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>fined</a> X owner Elon Musk for circumventing Brazilian laws against hate speech and spreading disinformation. Moraes even temporarily blocked X in the whole country until Musk paid the fine. </p>

<p>Misogynistic efforts from Big Tech platforms are growing more hostile. Recently, Meta <a href=”https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/dec/11/meta-shuts-down-global-accounts-linked-to-abortion-advice-and-queer-content” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>blocked</a> content from organizations advising on reproductive rights across the world, regardless of whether abortion, queer rights and transgender support are legal in a country. These accounts enable cisgender and transgender women to deal with body autonomy and domestic and social violence, providing an anonymous, discrete way to access information and guidance while they seemingly browse their social media.</p>

<p>Progressive lawmakers are still fighting for pieces of legislation that may ameliorate this shameful scenario in Brazil. In 2024, after intense lobbying by Big Tech companies with far-right congressmen, then-President of the Chamber of Deputies Arthur Lira <a href=”https://apublica.org/2025/09/como-as-big-techs-mataram-o-pl-das-fake-news/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>discarded</a> a vital bill meant to regulate the spread of fake news through social media. The caucus all but stopped any bills trying to halt hate speech in social media, forcing the Supreme Court to <a href=”https://lexprime.com.br/stf-aprimora-regime-de-responsabilidade-de-plataformas-digitais/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>expand</a> the responsibility of digital platforms with the content they host. Another bill, which legally <a href=”https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/politica/entenda-projeto-no-senado-que-equipara-misoginia-ao-crime-de-racismo/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>equates</a> misogyny to racism, would make social media bullying against women a non-bailable offense and carry higher sentences. The ongoing public consultation of the Senate about this bill has not yet reached the greater public, but already has over <a href=”https://www12.senado.leg.br/ecidadania/visualizacaomateria?id=156025″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>70%</a> support for its approval.</p>

<p>The digital sphere also fostered and spread throughout Brazil imported movements such as “<a href=”https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003164722-11/misogynist-incels-male-supremacist-violence-megan-kelly-alex-dibranco-julia-decook” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>incel culture</a>,” “<a rel=”nofollow” href=”https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-42734-4_4″>red</a><a href=”https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-42734-4_4″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”> </a><a rel=”nofollow” href=”https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-42734-4_4″>pilling</a>” and the “<a href=”https://spssi.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/asap.12308″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>manosphere</a>,” bringing in concepts such as masculine supremacy, extreme misogyny and justification for <a href=”https://www.undp.org/policy-centre/governance/blog/masculinities-misogyny-and-violent-extremism” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>gender-based violence</a>. Together with <a href=”https://press.un.org/en/2025/wom2246.doc.htm” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>far-right</a> ideology, which is intrinsically linked to gender-based violence, neo-Pentecostal churches have pushed to <a href=”https://cadernos.ensp.fiocruz.br/ojs/index.php/csp/article/view/6156/13004″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>end</a> gender equality for at least a decade. They have found social media perfect for convincing battered, socially-isolated and hopeless <a href=”https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00141844.2011.609942″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>young men</a> that they are divinely entitled to rule over, and even <a href=”https://www.metropoles.com/sao-paulo/incels-brasileiros-pregam-feminicidio-e-massacres-na-dark-web” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>kill</a>, the women who reject them.</p>

<p>Far-right populism, such as that personified by <a href=”https://www.culanth.org/fieldsights/bolsonarismo-as-gender-ideology” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Bolsonarism</a>, attracts <a href=”https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0304387824001615″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>low-income men</a> during economic crises, while women tend to be attracted to progressive movements under the same circumstances. Misogyny may be the differential, also <a href=”https://ihu.unisinos.br/categorias/159-entrevistas/608123-bolsonarismo-como-identidade-coletiva-a-logica-sacrificial-e-a-brutalizacao-dos-afetos-entrevista-especial-com-rodrigo-nunes” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>fueled</a> by racism and cruelty, to the point that Brazil now has a saying when gender- and race-based violence happens: <em>“Nem todo Bolsonarista, mas sempre um Bolsonarista”</em> (“Not all Bolsonarists, but <a href=”https://www.brasildefato.com.br/colunista/ayrton-centeno/2019/12/11/todo-canalha-e-bolsonarista/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>always</a> a Bolsonarist”). Femicide <a href=”https://solidariedade.org.br/artigo/sob-o-comando-de-bolsonaro-2022-foi-um-ano-recorde-de-feminicidio-no-brasil/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>skyrocketed</a> during Bolsonaro’s term, and researchers understood this hike in numbers to be connected to a virtual “<a href=”https://www.scielo.br/j/rbh/a/wZGzZtvrQFp5MNRd7tq9QFS/?lang=pt” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>licence</a> to kill” granted by the presidency.</p>

<p>A perfect example of the explosive mix of misinterpreted mythical Christian biblical masculinity, militarism, the money-oriented Prosperity Gospel and far-right conservatism is the <a href=”https://loslegendarios.org/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”><em>Legendários</em></a> movement, created by an evangelical pastor in Guatemala and imported to Brazil in 2017. Claiming to transform “woke” and “weak” men into “heroes,” the movement charges high fees to take men on hikes in nature, teaching them to <a href=”https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00027642241259789″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>bottle</a> up their feelings and “soldier up” when in distress. This strategy led to <a href=”https://istoe.com.br/grupo-cristao-legendarios-registra-duas-mortes-em-eventos-neste-ano-relembre” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>two deaths</a> in 2025.</p>

<p>Despite claiming to teach Christian love, on March 8 — International Women’s Day — two <em>Legendários</em> members violently <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/mt/mato-grosso/noticia/2025/03/12/empresarios-sao-expulsos-de-grupo-religioso-apos-agredirem-biomedica-em-restaurante-em-cuiaba.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>attacked</a> a woman in the city of Cuiabá, state of Mato Grosso, beating her in front of security cameras after an argument at a restaurant’s playground. The group later expelled the two wealthy entrepreneurs after social backlash. Progressive religious leaders continue to <a href=”https://tribunanorteleste.com.br/o-aumento-da-violencia-domestica-e-a-fe-crista/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>criticize</a> the movement and point out the link between this Christian interpretation and increasing femicide numbers.</p>

<p>Digital media platforms became <a href=”https://fundacaofhc.org.br/en/debate/the-far-rights-social-media-strength-ideology-and-strategy/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>fertile ground</a> for Bolsonarism and the growth of misogynistic hate speech in Brazil, a phenomenon that is involved with the <a href=”https://www.aosfatos.org/noticias/from-the-capitol-to-brasilia-how-bolsonaro-and-extremists-incited-a-coup/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>attempted coup</a> on January 8, 2023, and receives strong <a href=”https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2023/01/08/brazil-bolsanaro-twitter-facebook/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>support</a> from Big Tech companies. When the Bolsonarist caucus in Brazilian legislative houses became a majority during Bolsonaro’s 2019–2023 presidential term, it employed disruptive strategies to create <a href=”https://www.scielo.br/j/vb/a/kz4RHXyZD6cYSd8zxWbKDQN/?format=html&lang=en” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>mayhem</a> during votes on human rights, gender equality and race equality topics, using inflammatory moments as snippets for social media. For the 2023 election, they used Telegram to question the validity of Brazil’s <a href=”https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2022/05/19/bolsonarism-uses-telegram-to-destabilize-elections-affirms-specialist/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>electoral system</a> and, as the main group inside “deep web” environments and the “influence-sphere,” managed to gain an even larger <a href=”https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/right-wing-wins-brazils-congress-show-staying-power-bolsonarismo-2022-10-03/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>majority</a> for the current legislative term.</p>

<p>Using social media techniques such as polarization, false identity, emotion, defamation (often targeting women, ethnic minorities and LGBTQIA+ politicians) and conspiracy theories, far-right politicians and influencers <a href=”https://lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/295979/001289887.pdf?sequence=1″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>abuse</a> digital platforms to destabilize social discourse and feed into Brazil’s ingrained prejudices. They produce virtue signaling short videos inside Congress and post them on TikTok, Instagram and X, showing far-right politicians preaching against “woke” congressmen, in particular female, transgender and black left-wing representatives. In January 2025, Chief of Staff Rui Costa warned that the opposition in the legislature behaves like “spoiled brats” and one cannot build hospitals with “<a href=”https://jornaldebrasilia.com.br/noticias/politica-e-poder/rui-costa-diz-que-oposicao-faz-molequeira-e-que-nao-se-constroi-hospital-com-lacracao/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>preachy videos</a>.”</p>

<p>The most recent push to achieve amnesty for the perpetrators of the coup attempt brought <a href=”https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cvg8m5lj2lzo” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>utter chaos</a> and authoritarian moves by conservative President of the Chamber of Deputies Hugo Motta, of the Republicanos party. On December 9, Motta ordered Legislative Police to forcefully remove a progressive lawmaker, cut the live feed of the TV Câmara public television network — an unprecedented move after re-democratization — and <a href=”https://www.intercept.com.br/2025/12/10/violencia-motta-jornalistas-rachadinha/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>expel</a> the press from the building, physically <a href=”https://noticias.uol.com.br/politica/ultimas-noticias/2025/12/09/reporter-do-uol-e-agredida-na-camara-apos-retirada-a-forca-de-glauber-braga.htm” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>harming</a> journalists like <em>Universo Online</em> reporter Carolina Nogueira. Bolsonarist lawmakers took the opportunity to pronounce their prejudices and hate speech for their audience, and instances of violence against women repeated on the tribune.</p>

<p>The next night, on December 10, Congress held a vote to <a href=”https://links.org.au/brazil-call-solidarity-against-expulsion-psol-mp-glauber-braga-congress” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>impeach</a> left-wing Congressman Glauber Braga for kicking a far-right activist from the <em>Movimento Brasil Livre </em>(Free Brazil Movement). The debate inflamed Bolsonarist congressman Paulo Bilynskyj, the proud grandson of a <a href=”https://www.congressoemfoco.com.br/noticia/9882/museu-do-holocausto-critica-deputado-que-homenageou-avo-nazista” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Nazi soldier</a> who is infamous for his involvement in his girlfriend’s <a href=”https://www.intercept.com.br/2020/06/16/11-furos-caso-bilynskyj-priscila-bairros/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>controversial death</a>. At the session, Bilynskyj <a href=”https://revistaforum.com.br/politica/2025/12/11/video-bolsonarista-perde-controle-ameaa-agredir-duda-salabert-no-plenario-da-cmara-194138.html” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>threatened</a> Congresswoman Duda Salabert, a transwoman, saying he would “break her face” if he could. Motta then called Congresswoman Benedita da Silva, a black 83-year-old veteran of the center-left Workers’ Party, a liar, told her that her party was against the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution and <a href=”https://www.instagram.com/reel/DSFnU1fEf29/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>cut</a> her microphone mid-speech. Da Silva managed to return to the microphone and read him the signatures on her copy of the Constitution: She was actually the <a href=”https://revistaforum.com.br/politica/2025/12/10/video-benedita-da-silva-da-aula-cala-hugo-motta-durante-votao-do-pl-da-dosimetria-194027.html” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Third Secretary</a> of the Constitutional Commission.</p>

<p>A bizarre tale can serve as a summary of Brazil’s situation of mixing neo-Pentecostal religions, Bolsonarism and femicide. A film about Bolsonaro’s life, <em>Dark Horse</em>, is in <a href=”https://www.metropoles.com/colunas/fabia-oliveira/mario-frias-explica-decisao-de-gravar-filme-sobre-bolsonaro-em-ingles” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>production</a> in Brazil, directed by American filmmaker Cyrus Nowrasteh, written by Bolsonarist congressman and actor Mário Frias and starring actor Jim Caviezel as Bolsonaro. The production company, headed by executive producer Karina Ferreira da Gama, has no experience in cinema. Yet it received 108 million reais (over $19.5 million) to install overpriced Wi-Fi systems in Sao Paulo’s low-income communities — which it never properly delivered — and raised funds for neo-Pentecostal festivals.</p>

<p>The whole convoluted deal, as <a href=”https://www.intercept.com.br/2025/12/10/dark-horse-evangelicos-filme-bolsonaro-contrato-108-milhoes-ricardo-nunes/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>described</a> by news agency <em>Intercept Brasil</em>, involves large amounts of public funds being transferred to the production company and its subcontractors. One of these subcontractors, Alex Leandro Bispo dos Santos, received over <a href=”https://www.metropoles.com/colunas/demetrio-vecchioli/suspeito-de-jogar-mulher-do-10o-andar-recebeu-r-12-milhoes-de-produtora-do-filme-de-bolsonaro” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>12 million</a> reais (over $2.1 million) from <em>Dark Horse</em>’s production company and inadvertently helped trigger the massive protests against femicide around the country. On November 29, following a violent domestic altercation, Santos’s severely beaten 25-year-old wife Maria Katiane Gomes da Silva <a href=”https://www.metropoles.com/distrito-federal/na-mira/quem-era-a-mulher-espancada-que-morreu-ao-cair-do-10o-andar-de-predio” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>died</a> after falling from the tenth floor of their apartment building. Police arrested him a few days later, when <a href=”https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/nacional/sudeste/sp/policia-prende-marido-suspeito-de-jogar-a-propria-esposa-do-10o-andar-em-sp/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>investigators</a> doubted his account of her suicide, and abundant <a href=”https://noticias.uol.com.br/cotidiano/ultimas-noticias/2025/12/10/videos-mostram-agressoes-mulher-caiu-10-andar-predio-sp.htm” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>evidence</a> of his violence came to light.</p>

<h2 class=”wp-block-heading”>Brazil’s femicide struggle persists</h2>

<p>The actions taken by Motta and the Bolsonarist caucus in Congress to pass a disguised amnesty to Bolsonaro and the military involved in the coup attempt triggered yet another country-wide <a href=”https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/brazilians-protest-bill-reduce-former-president-bolsonaros-time-128401653″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>mobilization</a>. Called by popular progressive organizations in just three days, supporters held massive <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2025/12/14/protestos-pl-dosimetria.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>gatherings</a> in all Brazilian capitals, with calls to remove Motta from the presidency of the Congress, and continued <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/ba/bahia/noticia/2025/12/14/protesto-contra-a-pl-da-dosimetria-leva-manifestantes-as-ruas-em-salvador.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>calls</a> for indigenous rights and against femicide. In the city of Recife, feminist groups and female politicians made their <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/pe/pernambuco/noticia/2025/12/14/ato-no-recife-reune-manifestantes-contra-pl-da-dosimetria-e-anistia-a-condenados-pelo-8-de-janeiro.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>presence</a> known. The northeastern Brazilian capital has a strong feminist <a href=”https://observatoriodh.com.br/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Mulheres_na_Cidade_do_Recife.pdf” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>tradition</a> and has acted as a haven to guarantee legal abortion rights that other Brazilian states <a href=”https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/aug/17/brazil-protest-abortion-recife-hospital” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>denied</a>.</p>

<p>When asked their views on the anti-femicide protests, the women who attended illustrated how important these mobilizations were. Artist Lia Letícia, who works with the relations of patriarchalism, race and gender, <a href=”https://www.mostra.taturanamobi.com.br/thinya” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>expressed</a> that femicide has always happened in Brazil. Since the European invasion in the 16th century, indigenous women, and later <a href=”https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv11314xj” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>trafficked</a> African women, were raped, traded and killed with impunity. Violence against women is a tragic part of Brazilian past and present. “Now, we are coming together and talking about it, so this is a step forward,” Lia Letícia affirms.</p>

<p>Cultural producer and actress Irma Brown agrees that femicide has always been present. “Brazil was born from <a href=”https://www.anphoblacht.com/contents/6128″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>oppression</a>, so all gender-based, racial and class violence end up falling on women, especially women of color,” she says. The current situation allows for free discussion, but violence against women is still naturalized across Brazil and bringing the topic to the streets can illuminate this issue. Lia Letícia and Brown believe that instead of an actual growth in femicide in the last months, we are seeing high profile cases and open dialogue on the topic, rather than an actual increase of numbers. In fact, recent governmental statistics show an overall <a href=”https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/en/direitos-humanos/noticia/2025-03/lethal-violence-against-women-drops-brazil” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>decline</a> in cases of lethal violence against women between 2023 and 2024.</p>

<p>Photographer Camila Silva agrees that these cases were highly publicized, and the media pushed the discussion forward, but women faced gender-based violence all their lives in Brazil. “We all know friends and relatives in some sort of domestic violence situation, and hear about femicide cases all the time,” she says. She believes there was a turning point for women’s rights born from collective action which allowed for women to get positions of power, but masculine fragility could be the reason for many of these instances of violence. Illustrating this is the case in which a public servant <a href=”https://www.dw.com/pt-br/coluna-n%C3%A3o-gostava-das-chefes-mulheres-ent%C3%A3o-as-matou/a-74979610″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>killed</a> his two female superiors at a public technical school in São Paulo, as he could not accept being “ordered around” by women. Silva feels men should be part of the conversation and take action: “A man can say ‘well, I do not do that,’ but he needs to act more strongly, as he is actually part of this constant struggle.”</p>

<p>Artist Juliana Notari points out that the recent cases were not only in Sao Paulo: Highly-publicized cases came from several Brazilian states, and she agrees that Brazil has always been a violent place to women, with statistics being aggravated by race and class. A shocking <a href=”https://g1.globo.com/pe/pernambuco/noticia/2025/12/01/vizinha-incendio-que-matou-mulher-e-quatro-filhos-sempre-foi-um-monstro.ghtml” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>case</a> happened in Recife, where a man provoked a fire and killed his wife and four children. “We had an extremely misogynous far-right president, and the far-right is notorious for its violence, racism and <a href=”https://www.britannica.com/topic/machismo” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>machismo</a>. He validated this type of violence.” Far-right politicians still act in the Congress and Senate, and social media pushed the global swing to the extreme right, but “the same digital platforms that feed red-pilling are also used to push forward <a href=”https://www.womenshistory.org/exhibits/feminism-fourth-wave” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>fourth-wave feminism</a>.” She urges people to focus on black women, the most common victims, and to push left-wing leaders to better understand the demands of women, as they are still ignoring crucial issues like the right to abortion.</p>

<p>Notari’s 2020 artistic intervention, titled “<a href=”https://www.juliananotari.com/diva-intervencao/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Diva</a>,” which was exhibited during Bolsonaro’s term and represented historical violences against women and nature, went <a href=”https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jan/03/the-vagina-dialogues-33-metre-artwork-draws-far-rights-ire-in-brazil” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>viral</a> around the world and incurred the wrath of far-right politicians and bloggers. Olavo de Carvalho used his platform to <a href=”https://x.com/opropriolavo/status/1345433416414724097?s=20″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>offend</a> the artist and make her a target for <a href=”https://marcozero.org/e-falso-que-a-escultura-diva-foi-feita-com-dinheiro-publico-e-patrocinio-do-sebrae/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>disinformation</a> and harassment. The installation earned <a href=”https://sxpolitics.org/we-recommend/sexuality-art/diva-vulva-and-wound/21953/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>praise</a> and raised important discussions of patriarchalism, gender violence and body autonomy, and how <a href=”https://voiceskopje.org/2021/02/03/juliana-notari-art-is-not-isolated-from-society-art-reflects-society/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>society</a> is still uncomfortable with female issues.</p>

<p>Dr. Ana Paula Portella, a sociologist and author of the <a href=”https://editora.ufpe.br/books/catalog/book/49″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>book</a>, <em>Como Morre uma Mulher?</em> (“How Does a Woman Die?”), has been researching violence against women since the 1970s. She sees this new wave of protests to combat violence against women as a very positive step, reminding that this movement has been organized for more than 40 years.</p>

<p>“We have a very solid, very strong social feminist movement, and since before Ângela Diniz’s murder we were organizing in this direction, to denounce patriarchal violence,” Portella says. She explains that despite the last 20 years of governmental support through policies to fight gender-based violence, and an excellent structure to remove women from dangerous situations, society itself offered very little support. “We have seen efficient policies and services at municipal, state and federal levels, but we haven’t seen such massive social support. [The recent cases] were a shock, and I am seeing this popular manifestation for the first time. We had the #MeToo movement in 2015, but it was almost restricted to social media. This time, it spilled over to the streets.”</p>

<p>Portella says that Brazil has been a part of the White Ribbon <a href=”https://www.whiteribbon.ca/?lng=en” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>Campaign</a>, a global action movement of men and boys to end male violence against women, for almost 30 years. But only now are men, including the Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, <a href=”https://english.elpais.com/international/2025-12-15/outrage-over-femicides-in-brazil-spills-into-public-debate-and-onto-the-streets.html?outputType=amp” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>speaking</a> publicly that “this struggle is also mine.” It is crucial we make it clear that violence against women is a men’s, not a women’s, problem: “Women are victims of a man’s motion, and to end violence it is necessary to interrupt this motion.” She affirms that men become violent by repeating a set of attitudes, words, thoughts and concepts, which unfortunately are also introjected by some women. Men must take responsibility to stop the violence.</p>

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<p>“I see these movements of the last two weeks in a very positive way, if this trend is maintained,” she adds. We need to wait and see if this was a fatuous initiative to gain popularity on social media or a genuine effort. “Men need to stop beating up women, and they won’t stop just because of the threat of 40 years in jail.” This comments refers to the changes in law that increased the sentences for rape, domestic violence and femicide, including the creation of a new criminal classification for such cases. “It is not the punishment that solves the problem: the problem will be solved when men <a href=”https://rm.coe.int/the-role-and-responsibility-of-men-and-boys-in-stopping-gender-based-v/1680a93c0d” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”>say</a>, ‘I will stop.’”</p>

<p><em>[</em><a href=”https://www.linkedin.com/in/leethompsonkolar/” target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener nofollow”><em>Lee Thompson-Kolar</em></a><em> edited this piece.]</em></p>

<p><strong>The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.</strong></p>
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var wpdiscuzUCObj = {“msgConfirmDeleteComment”:”Are you sure you want to delete this comment?”,”msgConfirmCancelSubscription”:”Are you sure you want to cancel this subscription?”,”msgConfirmCancelFollow”:”Are you sure you want to cancel this follow?”,”additionalTab”:”0″};
//# sourceURL=wpdiscuz-combo-js-js-extra
</script>
<script id=”wpdiscuz-combo-js-js-before”>
var wpdiscuzEditorOptions = {
modules: {
toolbar: “”,
counter: {
uniqueID: “”,
commentmaxcount : 1500,
replymaxcount : 1500,
commentmincount : 1,
replymincount : 1,
},
},
wc_be_the_first_text: “Be the First to Comment!”,
wc_comment_join_text: “Join the discussion”,
theme: ‘snow’,
debug: ‘error’
};

//# sourceURL=wpdiscuz-combo-js-js-before
</script>
<script src=”https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/wpdiscuz/assets/js/wpdiscuz-combo.min.js?ver=7.6.40″ id=”wpdiscuz-combo-js-js”></script>
<script src=”https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/featured-video-plus/js/jquery.fitvids.min.js” id=”featured-video-plus-js”></script>
<script></script> <script>
document.addEventListener(“DOMContentLoaded”, function() {
var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/wpdiscuz/themes/default/style.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/wpdiscuz/assets/css/wpdiscuz-combo.min.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/wpdiscuz/assets/third-party/font-awesome-5.13.0/css/fa.min.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/gutenberg_Image_align_addon/css/gia-style.min.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/cbxwpbookmark/assets/vendors/awesome-notifications/style.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/cookie-law-info/legacy/public/css/cookie-law-info-public.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l);var l=document.createElement(‘link’);
l.rel=’stylesheet’;
l.href=’https://www.fairobserver.com/wp-content/plugins/cookie-law-info/legacy/public/css/cookie-law-info-gdpr.css’;
document.head.appendChild(l); });
</script>

/* .popup_loginmodel .dm-fo-login-box {
max-width: 420px !important
} */
</style>

jQuery(‘.close-popup-btn-signup’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUpsignup’).hide();

});

jQuery(‘#myBtn , .sign_up_heaer’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUpsignup’).show();
});

var path = location.pathname;
var popup_not_allowed_in_paths = [“/fo/donate/”, “/fo/support-fo/”, “/fo/membership-account/membership-levels/”,
“/fo/membership-account/membership-checkout/?level=2”, “/fo/membership-account/membership-checkout/?level=1”,
“/fo/contact/”, “payment-success”
];
var isPopupOnPathAllowed = true;
if (popup_not_allowed_in_paths.includes(path)) {
isPopupOnPathAllowed = false;
}

if (jQuery.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’) != “yesss” && isPopupOnPathAllowed) {
jQuery(window).scroll(function () {
var available, percentage_of_page, half_screen, height;
available = jQuery(document).height();
percentage_of_page = 0.25;
half_screen = available * percentage_of_page;
height = jQuery(window).scrollTop();
if (height > half_screen) {

if (jQuery.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’) != “yesss”) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUp”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
jQuery.cookie(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
}
}
});
} else {
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).hide();
}

var dwnldbtn = jQuery(“#download_product_popup_open”);
dwnldbtn.click(() => {
console.log(‘be’);
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).show();
});

jQuery(‘#download_product_popup_open’).click(function () {
console.log(‘hellof’);
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeIn();
});
jQuery(‘.download_product_popup_close’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeOut();
});
jQuery(‘.download_product_popup_close’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).fadeOut();
});

var container = jQuery(“#download_product_popup”);
container.click((e) => {
if (e.target.id == ‘download_product_popup’) {
jQuery(‘#download_product_popup’).hide();
}
});

jQuery(‘.close-popup-btn’).click(function () {
// $.cookie(‘whenToShowDialog’, “yesss”);
display(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).hide();
});

jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount’).keyup(function (e) {
var $otherRadio = jQuery(‘#other’);
var $otherAmountSection = jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’);

$otherAmountSection.show();
$otherRadio.prop(‘checked’, true);

var value = jQuery(this).val();
jQuery(‘#donation_amount’).html(‘$’ + value);
$otherRadio.val(value);
jQuery(‘#amount’).val(value);
});

jQuery(‘#other’).change(function () {
if (jQuery(this).is(‘:checked’)) {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).show();
} else {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).hide();
}
});
});

<!– –>
jQuery(document).click(function () {

/* login popup */
jQuery(‘#closebtnlogin’).click(function () {
jQuery(“#loginmodal”).hide();
});
var logincontainer = jQuery(“.dm-fo-login-box”);
if (!logincontainer.is(event.target) && !logincontainer.has(event.target).length) {
jQuery(“#loginmodal”).hide();
}
var loginbtn = jQuery(“.fo-login-link”);
if (!loginbtn.is(event.target) && !loginbtn.has(event.target).length) {

} else {
var loginModal = jQuery(“#loginmodal”);
loginModal.find(‘.popup-form input’).val(”); // Clear all input values (optional)
loginModal.find(‘.popup-form’).hide(); // Hide all forms within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘.error-message’).remove(); // Remove all error messages within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘.input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’); // Remove error class within #loginmodal
loginModal.find(‘#login-form’).show(); // Show the target form within #loginmodal

loginModal.show(); // Show the login modal
}

/* signupbutton popup */
var signupcontainer = jQuery(“#modal-content-signup”);
if (!signupcontainer.is(event.target) && !signupcontainer.has(event.target).length) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUpsignup”).hide();
}
var signupcontainerbtn = jQuery(“#myBtn”);
if (!signupcontainerbtn.is(event.target) && !signupcontainerbtn.has(event.target).length) {

} else {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUpsignup”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
}

/* signupbutton onscroll popup */
var container = jQuery(“#modal-content-scroll”);
if (!container.is(event.target) && !container.has(event.target).length) {
var displayval = jQuery(‘#myModalPopUp’).css(‘display’);
if (displayval == ‘flex’) {
jQuery(“#myModalPopUp”).hide();
display(“whenToShowDialog”, “yesss”);
}
}

jQuery(‘#other’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount_section’).show();
});

jQuery(‘.other_donation_amount’).keyup(function (e) {
var activeElement = document.getElementsByClassName(“donation-amount-box”)[0].getElementsByClassName(“active”)[0];
if (activeElement) {
activeElement.classList.remove(‘active’);
}

var value = $(‘.other_donation_amount’).val();
jQuery(‘#other’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#donation_amount’).html(‘$’ + value);
jQuery(‘#amount’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#paypalamount’).val(value);
jQuery(‘#monthly’).val(value);
})
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.fo-login-link.btn-popup-footer a’).on(‘click’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent the default behavior of the link

jQuery(‘.btn-popup-footer-login’).addClass(‘pop-active’); // Add the custom class
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.btn-popup-footer-login-close’).on(‘click’, function () {
jQuery(‘.popup_loginmodel.btn-popup-footer-login’).removeClass(‘pop-active’);
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function ($) {
jQuery(“.total_counts h1”).click(function () {
jQuery(“.fo-search-popup”).addClass(“active”);
});
});

jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(‘.tml-pwd-wrap’).append(‘<div id=”show_hide_div” class=”togglepwd” onclick=”showPassword(event)”><i class=”bi bi-eye-slash-fill”></i></div>’);
jQuery(‘meta[property=”og:image:height”]’).attr(“content”, 400);
jQuery(‘meta[property=”og:image:width”]’).attr(“content”, 400);

//Open Bookmark Model
jQuery(‘#screen, #modal’).hide();
jQuery(‘#trigger-modal ,#trigger-modal2’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#modal’).show();
});
jQuery(‘.x’).click(function () {
jQuery(‘#screen, #modal’).hide();
});

window.addEventListener(‘click’, function (e) {
if (document.getElementById(‘modal’).contains(e.target)) {
jQuery(“#modal”).hide();
} else { }
});

});

function showPassword1() {

var pass = document.getElementById(“upassword”);
if (pass.type === “password”) {
pass.type = “text”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg1”).innerHTML = “Hide”;
} else {
pass.type = “password”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg1”).innerHTML = “Show”;
}
}

function showPassword2() {

var pass = document.getElementById(“upasswordconfirm”);
if (pass.type === “password”) {
pass.type = “text”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg2”).innerHTML = “Hide”;
} else {
pass.type = “password”;
document.getElementById(“show_hide_div_reg2”).innerHTML = “Show”;
}
}

jQuery(“.emaillink”).click(function (e) {
e.preventDefault();
jQuery(“#contact_us_form”).css(‘display’, ‘flex’);
});

jQuery(‘#contact_us_form’).click((e) => {
if (e.target.id === “contact_us_form”) {
jQuery(“#contact_us_form”).css(‘display’, ‘none’);
}
});

</script>

<!– Scroll footer fixed –>

jQuery(function ($) {
$(window).scroll(function () {
var scrollOffset = $(window).scrollTop();
if (scrollOffset > 400) { // change 100 to the desired scroll offset
$(‘.fixed-footer-newsletter’).addClass(‘active’);
} else {
$(‘fixed-footer-newsletter’).removeClass(‘none’);
}
});
$(document).ready(function () {
$(“.up-down-toggle-btn svg”).click(function () {
$(“.fixed-footer-newsletter”).toggleClass(“hide”);
if ($(“.fixed-footer-newsletter”).hasClass(‘hide’)) {
localStorage.setItem(‘hideClass’, ‘true’);
} else {
localStorage.removeItem(‘hideClass’);
}
});

var hideClass = localStorage.getItem(‘hideClass’);
if (hideClass === ‘true’) {
$(‘.fixed-footer-newsletter’).addClass(‘hide’);
}

});
});
</script>

<!– new custom script –>

<!– author slider –>

<!– FO Newsletter –>

jQuery(function($){
$(“.newsletters-click”).on(“click”, function (e) {
$(this).addClass(‘active’);
});

$(‘#amount_50’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_100’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_500’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#amount_1000’).click(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(0);
$(‘#other_amount_pay’).val(0);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(‘#other_pay’).change(function () {
$(‘.amount’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(this).attr(‘checked’, ‘checked’)
});

$(“#other_amount_pay”).on(“input”, function () {
var inputValue = $(this).val();
if (inputValue !== “”) {
$(‘#amount_50’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_100’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_500’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#amount_1000’).removeAttr(‘checked’);
$(‘#other_pay’).val(inputValue);

$(“#other_pay”).prop(“checked”, true);
}
});

});

/* input type number validation */

const numericInput = document.getElementById(‘other_donation_amount’);

if (numericInput) {
numericInput.addEventListener(‘input’, function (e) {
// Get the current input value
const inputValue = e.target.value;

// Remove any non-numeric characters
const numericValue = inputValue.replace(/[^0-9]/g, ”);

// Update the input value with the numeric value
e.target.value = numericValue;
});

}

</script>
<script type=”sortdDeferScript”>
jQuery(document).ready(function () {
jQuery(“.share-btn”).click(function () {
jQuery(“.m-share-events”).toggleClass(“active”);
});
});

jQuery(function($){
// For Login Form
if ($(‘form[name=”login”]’).length) {
const loginForm = $(‘form[name=”login”]’);
// Dynamically remove labels and add placeholders for Login Form
$(‘form[name=”login”] label[for=”user_login”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] #user_login’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Email or Username’);

$(‘form[name=”login”] label[for=”user_pass”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] #user_pass’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Password’);

// Form validation and error handling for Login Form
$(‘form[name=”login”]’).on(‘submit’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent form submission for validation

let isValid = true;

$(this).find(‘input[type=”text”], input[type=”password”]’).each(function () {
const input = $(this);
const value = input.val().trim();

// Remove previous error message and red border
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
input.removeClass(‘input-error’);

// Determine field name for the error message
const fieldName = input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_login’ ? ‘Email or Username’ :
input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_pass’ ? ‘Password’ :
‘This field’;

// Add error if the field is empty
if (!value) {
isValid = false;
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).before(`<div class=”error-message”>${fieldName} is required.</div>`);
input.addClass(‘input-error’);
}
});

// Submit the form if valid
return isValid;
});

// Remove error message and red border on input for Login Form
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘.input-error’, function () {
$(this).removeClass(‘input-error’);
$(this).closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
});
}

// For Lost Password Form
if ($(‘form[name=”lostpassword”]’).length) {
// Dynamically remove labels and add placeholders for Lost Password Form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] label[for=”user_login”]’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] #user_login’).attr(‘placeholder’, ‘Email or Username’);

// Change the submit button text for Lost Password form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] button[type=”submit”]’).text(‘Reset Password’);

// Form validation and error handling for Lost Password Form
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”]’).on(‘submit’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault(); // Prevent form submission for validation

let isValid = true;

$(this).find(‘input[type=”text”]’).each(function () {
const input = $(this);
const value = input.val().trim();

// Remove previous error message and red border
input.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
input.removeClass(‘input-error’);

// Determine field name for the error message
const fieldName = input.attr(‘id’) === ‘user_login’ ? ‘Email or Username’ : ‘This field’;

// Submit the form if valid
return isValid;
});

// Remove error message and red border on input for Lost Password Form
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘.input-error’, function () {
$(this).removeClass(‘input-error’);
$(this).closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).prev(‘.error-message’).remove();
});
}

$(document).ajaxSuccess(function (event, xhr, settings) {
// Check if the request URL is the one from the lostpassword form (or another condition based on your URL)
if (settings.url.indexOf(‘forgot-the-password’) !== -1) {
var response = JSON.parse(xhr.responseText);

if (response.success) {
// const successMessage = response.data.notice;
const successMessage = “we have sent a link to your email to reset your password.”;
// Toggle visibility of the before and after sections
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-before’).hide();
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-after’).fadeIn();

} else {
// const errorMessage = response.data.errors;
// Clear previous error messages
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] .error-message’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] .input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’);

const errorMessage = ‘Email address or username is not registered’;
// Find the input fields for user_login and user_pass
const userLoginInput = $(‘form[name=”lostpassword”] #user_login’);

userLoginInput.closest(‘.tml-field-wrap’).before(`<div class=”error-message”>${errorMessage}</div>`);
userLoginInput.addClass(‘input-error’);

}
}

if (settings.url.indexOf(‘login’) !== -1) {
var response = JSON.parse(xhr.responseText);

if (response.success) {
// $(‘form[name=”login”]’).after(‘<div class=”success-message”>Login successful! Redirecting…</div>’);
} else {
// Clear previous error messages
$(‘form[name=”login”] .error-message’).remove();
$(‘form[name=”login”] .input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’);

const errorMessage = response.data.errors; // Assuming this is an HTML string
// Extract plain text error messages from the response
const extractedErrorMessage = $(errorMessage).text().trim();

// Determine where to display the error based on keywords in the message
const userLoginInput = $(‘form[name=”login”] #user_login’);
const userPassInput = $(‘form[name=”login”] #user_pass’);

$(‘form[name=”login”]’).prepend(`<div class=”error-message”>Email address or password is incorrect.</div>`);
userLoginInput.addClass(‘input-error’);
userPassInput.addClass(‘input-error’);
}
}

});

// Switch Between Forms (Login and Forgot Password)
$(‘.switch-form’).on(‘click’, function (e) {
e.preventDefault();
const target = $(this).data(‘target’);
$(‘.popup-form’).hide(); // Hide all forms
$(‘.error-message’).remove(); // Remove all error messages
$(‘.input-error’).removeClass(‘input-error’); // Remove input error classes
$(‘.popup-form input’).val(”); // Clear all input values (optional)

// Show the target form
if (target === ‘forgot-password-form’) {
// Always show forget-password-before when switching to forgot-password-form
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-after’).hide();
$(‘#forgot-password-form .forget-password-before’).show();
}

$(‘#’ + target).fadeIn(); // Show the target form
});
});
</script>

<!– <script>
document.addEventListener(“DOMContentLoaded”, function () {
// Select the “I Accept” button by its ID or class (adjust selector based on your HTML)
const acceptButton = document.querySelector(“#cookie_action_close_header”); // Replace with the actual button’s class or ID

if (acceptButton) {
acceptButton.addEventListener(“click”, function () {
// Set the cookie with site-wide path and a long expiration date
document.cookie = “viewed_cookie_policy=yes; path=/; expires=Fri, 31 Dec 9999 23:59:59 GMT;”;
console.log(“Cookie consent accepted and cookie set.”);
});
}
});
</script> –>

</script>

class WaveformAudioPlayer {
constructor(playerId) {
this.playerId = playerId;
this.audio = document.getElementById(`audioPlayer_${playerId}`);
this.playBtn = document.getElementById(`playBtn_${playerId}`);
this.playTriangle = document.getElementById(`playTriangle_${playerId}`);
this.pauseBars = document.getElementById(`pauseBars_${playerId}`);
this.currentTime = document.getElementById(`currentTime_${playerId}`);
this.totalTime = document.getElementById(`totalTime_${playerId}`);
this.waveformContainer = document.getElementById(`waveformContainer_${playerId}`);
this.waveformProgress = document.getElementById(`waveformProgress_${playerId}`);
this.waveformBars = document.getElementById(`waveformBars_${playerId}`);
this.menuBtn = document.getElementById(`menuBtn_${playerId}`);

this.isPlaying = false;
this.waveformData = [];
this.totalBars = 200; // Number of waveform bars

this.initWaveform();
this.initEventListeners();
this.updateTotalTime();
}

initWaveform() {
// Generate random waveform data (in real app, you’d analyze the audio)
this.waveformData = Array.from({ length: this.totalBars }, () => {
return Math.random() * 40 + 5; // Random height between 5-45px
});

// Create waveform bars
this.waveformBars.innerHTML = ”;
this.waveformData.forEach((height, index) => {
const bar = document.createElement(‘div’);
bar.className = ‘waveform-bar’;
bar.style.height = `${height}px`;
bar.dataset.index = index;
this.waveformBars.appendChild(bar);
});
}

initEventListeners() {
// Play/Pause button
this.playBtn.addEventListener(‘click’, () => this.togglePlayPause());

// Audio events
this.audio.addEventListener(‘loadedmetadata’, () => this.updateTotalTime());
this.audio.addEventListener(‘timeupdate’, () => this.updateProgress());
this.audio.addEventListener(‘ended’, () => this.audioEnded());

// Waveform container click for seeking
this.waveformContainer.addEventListener(‘click’, (e) => this.seek(e));

// Menu button
this.menuBtn.addEventListener(‘click’, () => this.showMenu());
}

togglePlayPause() {
// Pause all other players first
window.pauseAllPlayersExcept(this.playerId);

if (this.isPlaying) {
this.pause();
} else {
this.play();
}
}

play() {
this.audio.play().then(() => {
this.isPlaying = true;
this.updatePlayButton();
}).catch(error => {
console.error(‘Error playing audio:’, error);
});
}

pause() {
this.audio.pause();
this.isPlaying = false;
this.updatePlayButton();
}

updatePlayButton() {
if (this.isPlaying) {
this.playTriangle.style.display = ‘none’;
this.pauseBars.style.display = ‘block’;
} else {
this.playTriangle.style.display = ‘block’;
this.pauseBars.style.display = ‘none’;
}
}

updateProgress() {
if (this.audio.duration) {
const progress = (this.audio.currentTime / this.audio.duration) * 100;
this.waveformProgress.style.width = `${progress}%`;
this.currentTime.textContent = this.formatTime(this.audio.currentTime);

// Update active bars
const activeBars = Math.floor((progress / 100) * this.totalBars);
const bars = this.waveformBars.querySelectorAll(‘.waveform-bar’);
bars.forEach((bar, index) => {
if (index <= activeBars) {
bar.classList.add(‘active’);
} else {
bar.classList.remove(‘active’);
}
});
}
}

updateTotalTime() {
if (this.audio.duration) {
this.totalTime.textContent = this.formatTime(this.audio.duration);
}
}

seek(e) {
const rect = this.waveformContainer.getBoundingClientRect();
const percent = (e.clientX – rect.left) / rect.width;
const newTime = percent * this.audio.duration;

if (newTime >= 0 && newTime <= this.audio.duration) {
this.audio.currentTime = newTime;
}
}

formatTime(seconds) {
if (!seconds || !isFinite(seconds)) return ’00:00′;

const minutes = Math.floor(seconds / 60);
const remainingSeconds = Math.floor(seconds % 60);
return `${minutes.toString().padStart(2, ‘0’)}:${remainingSeconds.toString().padStart(2, ‘0’)}`;
}

audioEnded() {
this.isPlaying = false;
this.updatePlayButton();
this.waveformProgress.style.width = ‘0%’;
this.currentTime.textContent = ’00:00′;

// Reset all bars
const bars = this.waveformBars.querySelectorAll(‘.waveform-bar’);
bars.forEach(bar => bar.classList.remove(‘active’));
}

showMenu() {
console.log(`Menu clicked for player ${this.playerId} – implement additional features here`);
// Add your menu functionality here
}

// Method to change audio source
changeAudio(src) {
this.pause();
this.audio.src = src;
this.audio.load();
this.waveformProgress.style.width = ‘0%’;
this.currentTime.textContent = ’00:00′;

// Reset bars
const bars = this.waveformBars.querySelectorAll(‘.waveform-bar’);
bars.forEach(bar => bar.classList.remove(‘active’));
}
}

// Global variables to manage multiple players
window.waveformPlayers = {};

// Function to pause all players except the current one
window.pauseAllPlayersExcept = function(currentPlayerId) {
Object.keys(window.waveformPlayers).forEach(playerId => {
if (playerId !== currentPlayerId) {
window.waveformPlayers[playerId].pause();
}
});
};

// Initialize all players when DOM is loaded
document.addEventListener(‘DOMContentLoaded’, () => {
// Find all waveform audio players
const playerElements = document.querySelectorAll(‘.waveform-audio-player’);

playerElements.forEach(playerElement => {
const playerId = playerElement.dataset.playerId;
if (playerId) {
// Extract post ID from player ID (format: player_123)
const postId = playerId.replace(‘player_’, ”);
window.waveformPlayers[postId] = new WaveformAudioPlayer(postId);
}
});

// Global keyboard shortcuts
document.addEventListener(‘keydown’, (e) => {
const isEditable = e.target.isContentEditable;
if (e.code === ‘Space’ && e.target.tagName !== ‘INPUT’ && e.target.tagName !== ‘TEXTAREA’ && !isEditable) {
e.preventDefault();
// This will be handled by individual players
}
});
});
</script>

jQuery(function($){
// Prevent numbers while typing & enforce maxlength for Name
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘#contactFormCustom input[name=”your-name”]’, function(){
// allow letters, spaces, hyphen, apostrophe, limit to 50 chars
this.value = this.value.replace(/[^A-Za-zs’-]/g, ”).slice(0,50);
});

// Email field: limit to 100 characters and block spaces
$(document).on(‘input’, ‘#contactFormCustom input[name=”your-email”]’, function() {
this.value = this.value.replace(/s/g, ”).slice(0, 100);
});

});

</script>

</html>
<style>
/* Hide the view count by default */
.hidden {
display: none;
}

</style>

<p class=”hidden”>Total Views: </p>

<!– <style>
#cliSettingsPopup {display:none}
</style>
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