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      Trump names Truth Social head as chair of intelligence advisory board

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      Donald Trump on Saturday named ally Devin Nunes, a former US lawmaker who now runs Trump’s Truth Social social media platform, to serve as chair of the president’s intelligence advisory board.Nunes, a longtime Trump defender who led the US House of Representatives intelligence committee during part of Trump’s first White House term, will remain Truth Social CEO while serving on the advisory panel, Trump said in a post on the platform.As committee chair, Nunes alleged that the FBI had conspired against Trump during its investigation of Russian interference in the 2016 presidential elections in which Trump defeated Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton.“Devin will draw on his experience as former Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, and his key role in exposing the Russia, Russia, Russia Hoax, to provide me with independent assessments of the effectiveness and propriety of the U.S. Intelligence Community’s activities,” Trump wrote.The president’s intelligence advisory board is a White House panel that offers the president independent assessments of intelligence agencies’ effectiveness and planning.Trump on Saturday also named IBM executive and former US Department of Homeland Security official Troy Edgar to serve as the department’s deputy secretary, and businessman Bill White to serve as the US ambassador to Belgium.Edgar was Trump’s former chief financial officer and associate deputy undersecretary of management for homeland security. White is the former CEO of the Intrepid Museum in New York City, the current CEO of the Constellations Group and a longtime friend of TrumpIn a post on Truth Social, Trump said Edgar was “previously the Mayor of Los Alamitos, California, where he helped me lead the City and County revolt against Sanctuary Cities in 2018”. More

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      Victims of ‘kids-for-cash’ judge outraged by Biden pardon: ‘What about all of us?’

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      Victims of a former Pennsylvania judge convicted in the so-called kids-for-cash scandal are outraged by Joe Biden’s decision to grant him clemency.In 2011, Michael Conahan was sentenced to more than 17 years in prison after he and another judge, Mark Ciavarella, were found guilty of accepting $2.8m in illegal payments in exchange for sending more than 2,300 children – including some as young as eight years old – to private juvenile detention centers.Conahan was released from prison in 2020 due to Covid-19 and placed on house arrest, which had been scheduled to end in 2026.Conahan’s sentence was one of about 1,500 the US president commuted – or shortened – on Thursday while also pardoning 39 Americans who had been convicted of non-violent crimes.In response to Conahan’s pardon, the mother of a boy sent to jail at age 17 before later dying by suicide told the Citizens’ Voice: “I am shocked and I am hurt.”“Conahan’s actions destroyed families, including mine, and my son’s death is a tragic reminder of the consequences of his abuse of power,” Sandy Fonzo said to the outlet. “This pardon feels like an injustice for all of us who still suffer. Right now I am processing and doing the best I can to cope with the pain that this has brought back.”Similarly, Amanda Lorah, who at age 14 was wrongfully imprisoned as part of the scheme, told WBRE: “It’s a big slap in the face for us once again.“We had … time taken away from us. We had no one to talk to, but now we’re talking about the president of the United States to do this. What about all of us?”The Pennsylvania governor, Josh Shapiro, also condemned Biden’s decision, telling reporters that his fellow Democrat “got it absolutely wrong”, the Pennsylvania Capital-Star reported.“I’ll offer these thoughts as an outsider, not privy to all the information he looked at, but I do feel strongly that President Biden got it absolutely wrong and created a lot of pain here in north-eastern Pennsylvania,” Shapiro said.Biden’s actions Thursday marked the largest instance of presidential clemency carried out in a single day.Describing the move, the White House said: “The president is commuting the sentences of close to 1,500 individuals who were placed on home confinement during the Covid-19 pandemic and who have successfully reintegrated into their families and communities.”Attempts to contact Conahan were not immediately successful. More

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      Sold-out farm shops, smuggled deliveries and safety warnings: US battle over raw milk grows

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      It’s 8am, and Redmond, an 11-year-old Brown Swiss dairy cow and designated matriarch of the Churchtown Dairy herd, has been milked in her designated stall. She is concentrating on munching hay; her seventh calf is hovering nearby.The herd’s production of milk, sold unpasteurised in half-gallon and quart glass bottles in an adjacent farm store, sells out each week. It has become so popular that the store has had to limit sales.Redmond and her resplendent bovine sisters, wintering in a Shaker-style barn in upstate New York, appear unaware of the cultural-political storm gathering around them – an issue that is focusing minds far from farmyard aromas of mud and straw.The production and state-restricted distribution of raw milk, considered by some to boost health and by ­others to be a major risk to it, has become a perplexing political touchstone on what is termed the “Woo-to-Q pipeline”, along which yoga, wellness and new age spirituality adherents can drift into QAnon conspiracy beliefs.Robert F Kennedy Jr, Donald Trump’s pick to run the US Department of Health, is an advocate. He has made unpasteurised milk part of his Make America Healthy Again movement and recently tweeted that government regulations on raw milk were part of a wider “war on public health”.View image in fullscreenRepublican congresswoman and conspiracy theorist Marjorie Taylor Greene has posted “Raw Milk does a body good”. But the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) says that “raw milk can carry dangerous germs such as salmonella, E coli, listeria, campylobacter and others that cause foodborne illness”.Last week, the US Department of Agriculture issued an order to broaden tests for H5N1 – bird flu – in milk at dairy processing ­facilities, over fears that the virus could become the next Covid-19 if it spreads through US dairy herds and jumps to humans. Since March, more than 700 dairy herds across the US have tested ­positive for bird flu, mostly in California. But the new testing strategy does not cover farms that directly process and sell their own raw milk.At the same time, another dairy product has become the subject of conspiracy theories after misinformation spread about the use of Bovaer in cow feed in the UK. Arla Foods, the Danish-Swedish company behind Lurpak, announced trials of the additive, designed to cut cow methane emissions, at 30 of its farms. Some social media users raised concerns over the additive’s safety and threatened a boycott, despite Bovaer being approved by regulators.In the US, raw milk is seen as anti-government by the right, anti-corporate by the left, and amid the fracturing political delineations, lies a middle ground unmoved by either ideology.“Food production has always been political,” says Churchtown Dairy owner and land reclamation pioneer, Abby Rockefeller.Churchtown manager Eric Vinson laments raw milk has been lumped in with QAnon and wellness communities. “There’s an idea around that ­people who want to take ownership of their health have started to become conspiratorial,” he says. “It’s unfortunate. Raw milk may be a political issue but it’s not a right-left issue.”Iowa, Montana, North Dakota, Alaska, Georgia, and Wyoming have passed laws or changed rules to allow the sale at farms or shops since 2020. In New York, sales are legal at farms with permits, although supplies are smuggled into the city marked “for cats and dogs”. There is no suggestion Churchtown is involved in that.Amish communities abandoned a non-political stance in the national elections in November and voted Republican, in part over the raw milk issue. An Amish organic farm was raided by the Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture in January.There are also the health-aware “farmers’ market mums”, who say they are looking to raw milk for an immunity boost, and who harbour latent anger over the government pandemic response and vaccine mandates.View image in fullscreenRachel, a Manhattan mother of a three-year-old, who declined to be fully identified, citing potential social judgment, said: “After Covid, more of us started thinking about our bodies and health because of scepticism around doctors, hospitals and a corrupted health care system.” But like many people, she said, she felt she’d been “caught in the middle” of a political battle.Sales of raw milk are up between 21% and 65% compared with a year ago, according to the market research firm NielsenIQ. Mark McAfee, California raw milk advocate and owner of Raw Farm USA in Fresno, says production and supply across the state is growing at 50% a year. But the FDA and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention call raw milk one of the “riskiest” foods people can consume. Experts say they are “horrified” by a trend they consider a roll-back of Louis Pasteur’s 19th-century invention of pasteurisation.Vinson disagrees with the idea that raw milk is “inherently dangerous” and argues, because conventional dairies rely on pasteurisation, “they don’t have to worry about sanitation around the milking practices – they can cut corners”. “You have to be more careful producing raw milk but it brings a higher price,” he adds.View image in fullscreenSince the pandemic, visitors to Churchtown have increased.Earlier this month, McAfee’s Raw Farm was hit by a notice from the California Department of Health warning that H5 virus, better known as bird flu, had been detected in a batch of cream-top whole raw milk.It’s not yet known if the virus can be transmitted to people who consume infected milk but the CDC officials warn that people who drink raw milk could theoretically become infected.Back at Churchtown Dairy, Vinson is tending the herd. A huge Jersey cow shadows her four-day old calf. At weekends, he offers tours of the barn to raw milk-curious visitors. “One of my main jobs is informing the public about farming and agricultural issues,” he says. That includes being receptive to changes. “It is important to say we don’t know everything and keep an eye open.” More

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      Mitch McConnell condemns petition to revoke approval of polio vaccine by RFK Jr adviser

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      US Senate minority leader and polio survivor Mitch McConnell has condemned attempts to undermine the polio vaccine after reports that a lawyer affiliated with Robert F Kennedy Jr – the health secretary pick for Donald Trump’s second presidency – petitioned for the Food and Drug Administration to revoke its approval of the vaccine.In a statement reported by numerous outlets on Friday, McConnell, who contracted the disease as a child in 1944 – 11 years before the licensing of the world’s first polio vaccine – said: “The polio vaccine has saved millions of lives and held out the promise of eradicating a terrible disease. Efforts to undermine public confidence in proven cures are not just uninformed – they’re dangerous.”The 82-year-old went on to add: “Anyone seeking the Senate’s consent to serve in the incoming administration would do well to steer clear of even the appearance of association with such efforts.”McConnell’s latest comment comes after the New York Times first reported that Aaron Siri, a lawyer helping Kennedy select incoming health officials for Trump’s second White House term, filed a petition in 2022 in which he called on the FDA to revoke its polio vaccine approval. Trump has nominated Kennedy, an avowed vaccine skeptic, as health secretary for his incoming administration – a move widely criticized by health experts.According to the New York Times, Siri filed the petition on behalf of the Informed Consent Action Network, a major anti-vaccination organization in the US. Siri has also asked federal regulators to withdraw or suspend vaccines for hepatitis B and 13 other vaccines, the outlet reported.Kennedy’s anti-vaccination beliefs have been widely debunked, including the unsupported link between vaccines and autism.Polio, also known as poliomyelitis, is a highly infectious viral disease that mostly affects children under five years old. Transmitted through contaminated water, food or contact with an infected person, the poliovirus destroys nerve cells in the spinal cord, in turn causing muscle wasting and paralysis.Since 1988, polio cases have decreased by more than 99% across the world, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention stated on its website, adding that polio vaccines have prevented approximately 20m cases of paralysis in children since then.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionIn response to the reports, a Trump spokesperson for Kennedy Jr told the Washington Post that Siri “has never had a conversation about these petitions with Mr Kennedy or any of the [health and human services] nominees at any point”.Among other things, the spokesperson added that the vaccine “should be investigated and studied appropriately”, which it already has been. More

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      Trump eyes privatizing United States Postal Service during second term

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      Donald Trump in recent weeks has expressed a keen interest in privatizing the US Postal Service (USPS) because of its financial losses, the Washington Post reported on Saturday, citing three people with knowledge of the matter.Trump, who begins his second US presidency on 20 January, has discussed his desire to privatize the USPS with Howard Lutnick, his pick for commerce secretary, at his Mar-a-Lago home, the report said.As the Post noted, the move could disrupt consumer shipping and business supply chains while pushing hundreds of thousands of federal workers out of government.Nonetheless, Trump gathered a group of officials advising him on his transition back to the White House and asked them for their views on privatizing the agency. Informed of its annual financial losses, Trump said the USPS should not be subsidized by the government, according to the people who spoke with the Post on the condition of anonymity so that they could speak frankly about private conversations.Trump’s specific plans for possibly overhauling the USPS and privatizing it were not immediately clear. But he feuded with the agency during his first presidency, seeking to compel it to turn over key functions – including labor relations, managing relationships with its largest clients, rate-setting and personnel matters – to the federal treasury department.Meanwhile, before his defeat to Joe Biden in the 2020 election after his first presidency, Trump argued that the USPS was incapable of facilitating mail-in voting because he was blocking the agency from accessing emergency funding. Ultimately, as the Post noted, the USPS delivered nearly 98% of voters’ ballots to election officials within three days despite the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic.The USPS is older than the US itself, having been founded in 1775. It became a financially self-sustaining agency in 1970 and is one of the most well-liked federal agencies, according to a 2024 Pew Research Center study cited by the Post.In the fiscal year ending 30 September, the USPS lost $9.5bn after modernizing facilities and equipment did little to offset declines in mail volume as well as a parcel shipping business that was slower than anticipated, according to the Post’s reporting. The postal service’s annual financial report disclosed nearly $80bn in liabilities.Reuters contributed reporting More

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      Washington DC steels itself for Trump’s ‘takeover’: ‘We’re in for a bumpy ride’

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      View image in fullscreenBoth a senator and a pastor, Raphael Warnock reflected on being asked to give closing remarks at an annual congressional dinner in Washington. “Since we are meeting in what used to be the Trump International Hotel,” he mused, “perhaps it is an exorcism”.That was last year, when the ghost of Donald Trump had seemingly been banished for good from the nation’s capital. But like all the best horror movies, there is going to be a sequel. Next month Trump will return to a city that he has openly disparaged – the feeling is generally mutual – when he is inaugurated as the 47th US president.Trump lost the Republican primary election to Nikki Haley in the District of Columbia. He lost the presidential election there to Democrat Kamala Harris by 86 percentage points. Even so, he has vowed to radically overhaul the capital, threatened its political autonomy and recruited the billionaire Elon Musk to slash the federal workforce.Sally Quinn, an author, journalist and socialite, said: “The mood is pretty grim. People are depressed. I had a dinner last night with a number of people from Washington and I would say that everyone was very subdued and there’s not a lot of gaiety or celebration. I don’t know anybody who’s in the Christmas spirit right now.”During his first term, Trump, a New Yorker and now Florida resident, never truly embraced Washington, a city of around 700,000 people that has been home to the abolitionist Frederick Douglass, the singer Marvin Gaye and the comedian Dave Chappelle.During his presidency, the only DC restaurant he patronised was his own, ordering a well-done steak with ketchup at BLT Prime in the Trump International Hotel, half a mile from the White House. He has since sold the hotel, and its new restaurant is run by José Andrés, a Spanish-American chef and outspoken Trump critic.The former president snubbed Washington rituals. He was the only president never to attend the annual Kennedy Center Honors. He also skipped the annual White House Correspondents’ Association dinner. In late 2019 Trump did watch the Washington Nationals in the baseball World Series only to be met with loud boos and chants of “Lock him up!” and “Impeach Trump!”In 2020 Washington was convulsed by the coronavirus pandemic and Black Lives Matter demonstrators. Teargas was fired against nearby peaceful protesters outside the White House before Trump staged a photo opportunity holding a Bible outside a church. DC responded by painting “Black Lives Matter” on a nearby street and creating Black Lives Matter Plaza.Then came his defeat in the presidential election. First the city erupted in joy with people celebrating in the streets. Then it was stunned by the insurrection on 6 January 2021 at the US Capitol building, leading to five deaths. Washington was left reeling but, two weeks later, saw Trump depart the White House and assumed he was gone for good.Quinn reflected: “This is a Democratic town. People are in a state of shock and disbelief and trying to understand: how do you get over January 6? What is it that Democrats did wrong that was so much worse than January 6? What did the Democrats do that didn’t appeal to people? You have an indicted criminal as an elected president. How is that possible?”With the Trump hotel now under different ownership, it remains to be seen where his allies and supporters will congregate. Quinn recalls that some used to gather at Cafe Milano in Georgetown, much to the dismay of locals. “One night there were about 10 Trump people there and the buzz all around the room was such that I felt like everybody was going to stand up and start singing ‘La Marseillaise’ the way they did at Rick’s Café in Casablanca.”Trump’s return also has huge implications for the way that DC runs itself. The district has always lacked the autonomy of state. It was granted limited self-governance by the Home Rule Act in 1973 but Congress still essentially vets all DC laws and can outright overturn them.During his first term Trump threatened to federalise DC police, deployed the National Guard against protesters and expressed a desire to control city functions like road repair. On the campaign trail he expressed disdain for the city, raising fears about a potential escalation during his second term.Trump repeatedly vowed to “take over” the city and usurp the authority of the local government. In August last year, when he briefly came to town to plead not guilty on charges of trying to overturn his 2020 electoral loss to Biden, Trump derided the capital on social media, calling it a “filthy and crime ridden embarrassment to our nation”. He has long condemned it as “the swamp”.George Derek Musgrove, co-author of Chocolate City: A History of Race and Democracy in the Nation’s Capital, suggests that there are two Washingtons in Trump’s imagination. “One is the place where only lobbyists, lawyers and Hill staffers and federal regulators live. He sees those people as parasitical: if we got rid of those, we’d be able to have a much more functional democracy.“Contradictorily, he also sees the district where actual real people live but those people are poor and Black and highly criminal. Those are two DCs that he and House Republicans have presented to the country and both of them have a national political function. They’re a way of painting the Democratic party as part of the deep state and siding with criminals over victimised law-abiding citizens.”Trump has duly appointed Elon Musk and the entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy to a “Department of Government Efficiency” intended to save money by shrinking the federal government – an effort that could risk the jobs of thousands of employees in Washington and nearby Maryland and Virginia. The president-elect has also vowed to dismantle the Department of Education.Musgrove, an associate professor of history at the University of Maryland, Baltimore county, said: “When you talk about the fear of the incoming Trump administration, it’s twofold. One is the attacks on democracy in the district. The other is this real fear that his plans to slash the federal workforce will fall disproportionately on us and cause economic pain in the district.”Congressional Republicans have become increasingly aggressive in using their power to override DC laws, restrict its budget and target liberal policies on criminal justice, marijuana legalisation and abortion. Andrew Clyde, a Georgia congressman, has proposed completely repealing the Home Rule Act, while Andy Ogles, a Tennessee congressman, has talked publicly of abolishing the office of DC mayor.The current mayor, Muriel Bowser, was a thorn in Trump’s side first time around. But she and other local officials are seeking ways to work with the Trump administration on issues such as bringing federal workers back to the office. Unlike Democratic state governors, who are already coordinating on how to resist Trump on issues such as immigration, the mayor’s reach is limited.Meagan Hatcher-Mays, a senior adviser for United for Democracy, a coalition of more than 140 organisations, said: “We have a Democratic mayor but we’re not a state and so the federal government can interfere with our local politics and our local decisions in a way that they can’t with the states. Whether Trump is physically present here or not, we’re in for a bumpy ride with a lot of his policy folks and administration.”Hatcher-Mays also warned that DC could also prove a laboratory for Project 2025, a radical policy blueprint drawn up by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative thinktank. “Pretty much everything that’s in Project 2025 that they might not be able to get through Congress to go national could become real and exclusively apply just to DC.”Republicans’ clean sweep of the White House and both chambers of Congress was also a heavy blow to the long-running campaign for DC statehood. Advocates argue that this is the only way to ensure full democratic rights for DC residents, who pay federal taxes but lack voting representation. Republicans, however, are fiercely opposed to the idea of adding two senators likely to be Democrats.Paul Strauss, the “shadow” senator for DC who does get a vote in the Senate chamber, admitted: “We’re on defence. Most of what I expect I’ll be doing in the next two years is defending attacks on DC autonomy without a majority in either chamber. There’s not going to be much of a chance to move a bill forward. We are going to be trying to preserve what little self-determination we have.”The storied culture of DC includes the Washington Post, a newspaper founded in 1877 and famed for its investigation into the Watergate scandal that led to the resignation of President Richard Nixon. It spent the first Trump term locked in an old fashioned newspaper war with the New York Times over a seemingly endless series of revelations about his administration.But since then the Post has suffered deep financial losses, job cuts and reports that its publisher, Will Lewis, tried to pressure Post staff not to report on questions of whether he was involved in covering up crimes more than a decade ago at Rupert Murdoch’s British tabloid newspapers. The paper, owned by the billionaire Jeff Bezos, declined to endorse a candidate for president, reportedly prompting more than 250,000 readers to cancel subscriptions.Hatcher-Mays commented: “This is not a knock on any of the reporters who work at the Post. I know they’re independent and all great but it’s going to be a tough uphill climb to report out the various misdeeds of this administration when the owner of your paper is more interested playing footsie with a person who’s been impeached twice, is under indictment and has no interest in the product of democracy.”During his first term, Trump spent many weekends at his clubs in Florida or New Jersey but, when in Washington, was often driven to his golf club in Sterling, Virginia, where he played rounds. An accompanying pool of reporters would kill time at Lucia’s, an Italian restaurant nearby.Its owner, David Hackett, is preparing for their return after a four-year hiatus and prefers to not reveal his political allegiance. “It was definitely a nice Saturday and Sunday boost,” he said. “I’m looking forward to the journalists coming back. That might be the only plus to the whole deal for me.” More

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      Hiding in plain sight: Americans’ obsession with camouflage is a sign of paranoid times

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      It’s become an inescapable pop culture touchstone. A pattern of crispy brown leaves interspersed with twigs and moss darting around like advancing thickets, peeking out from underneath jackets, plastered on oversize pants and trucker hats.Hunting camouflage, a tactical pattern designed to resemble forest undergrowth to disguise hunters during deer season, is seen everywhere from Chappell Roan’s Midwestern Princess hat (and its ill-fated Harris-Walz dupe), to Lana Del Rey’s gator-wrangling husband, to Sweetgreen’s kale-themed camo merchandise, to lacy thong underwear sold by Bass Pro Shops that promises “a look that’s as thrilling as the hunt itself”.While we live in an age of ephemeral trends – anyone remember mob wife? What about grandpacore? – the recent rise of hunting camo outside hunting culture has been a slow burn.In 2021, the clothing brand Online Ceramics released a foliage-covered baseball hat. Later that year, GQ called Realtree camouflage “a cool-kid essential”. The designer Marine Serre released a fall 2022 collection featuring a glitchy camo pattern worthy of Elmer Fudd, and an $85 “God’s Favorite” cap became available via the luxury retailer SSENSE. The pattern has found itself increasingly in the closets of urban tastemakers, as likely to see the inside of a coffee shop as the muzzle of a gun. Even prior to this demographic expansion, Realtree, one of the most popular hunting camo licensors, estimated licensed partners sold $4bn in branded products each year.View image in fullscreenIt is also one of the few current fashion objects that could be considered truly democratic, accessible to all: you can buy a woody khaki denim maxi skirt for $300 or a hat with identical print at Walmart for $5.97.However, hunting camo’s creeping pervasiveness mirrors the rise of populism in the United States and a wholesale rejection of the “elite class”. During the most recent election, the Democratic party abandoned its core voters on the left by swinging rightwards with a bloodless campaign designed to capture centrist and undecided voters. (See: Kamala Harris palling around with Liz Cheney, and the refusal to call for a ceasefire in Gaza.)Meanwhile, the Harris-Walz hunting camo hat was a doomed attempt to court young, hyper-online voters through an extremely shallow campaign based on fleeting internet parlance over addressing progressive voters’ real needs. As a result, the political system is thoroughly despised by many on the left and the right.View image in fullscreenAccording to Sarah Scaturro, chief conservator at the Cleveland Museum of Art, whose master’s thesis traced the evolution of camo in fashion, the pattern tends to appear outside military contexts during periods of political instability. During the Vietnam war, the military’s US woodland print was defaced and subverted by protesters as a form of dissent. It ascended again around the late 1990s and early 2000s, a time of unease over Y2K and the contested election of George W Bush. “[The current revival suggests] we’re really in an insecure moment where we don’t really know what will happen,” Scaturro says.Hunting camo, as worn by the denizens of Duck Dynasty, symbolizes autonomy, self-sufficiency and a rigid belief in personal liberties. “When that survivalist look becomes desirable, to me that reflects that we’re experiencing anxiety as a society,” says Louisa Rogers, an assistant professor of fashion communications at Northumbria University. A recent survey found that gen Z feels the need to make $587,000 a year to consider themselves financially successful; economic unease is being felt across the US.In 2024, hunting camo reflects our culture’s growing individualism, and a desire to arm oneself in the face of great uncertainty. As opposed to military camo, which can symbolize faith in or a direct criticism of our military institutions, hunting camo brings to mind the second amendment. Increasingly, we live in a sick society that forces people to fend for themselves, and what more poignant symbol do we have than the gun enthusiast? The pattern has been co-opted by libertarian self-determinists who reject government in all its forms, so it makes sense that such a paranoid archetype resonates widely in an era where neighbourly trust in one another has all but eroded away. Ironically, the widespread embrace of hunting camo could be the closest we have come to bipartisanship in a long time.View image in fullscreenRogers suggests that some of the appeal of hunting camo to non-hunters might also rest in its inherent taboo. At times, it can be difficult to tell whether it’s worn in earnest; meme accounts like Pathetic Fashion and Doomscroll Forever point out the aesthetic homogeneity – Realtree camo hat, white tank and New Balances – that now exists between the political poles. While some may be wearing the pattern to subvert its rightwing associations, others wear it cloaked under several levels of brain-fried irony to the point where they may actually be embracing the outlaw symbolism (like rightwing-coded “it” girls such as Red Scare’s Dasha Nekrasova). Others still, including the midwest musicians Ethel Cain and Chappell Roan, might see it as a way of reclaiming their rural roots.What do actual hunters make of the broad adoption of their hobby gear? Is it stolen valor? “I don’t think I’ve ever heard another hunter complain about it,” says Lindsay Thomas Jr, chief communications officer of the National Deer Association. “National surveys show a large majority of the public supports hunting, and if the non-hunting public is adopting camo for their own fashion, I think it’s symbolic of that support.” (According to a June survey, public support for legal hunting shooting is 76%, a figure that has been declining since 2021.)In the end, we’re left with a paradox. “Camouflage is a protective pattern. It’s meant to protect us, conceal us, save us from danger,” says Scaturro.But wearing camo in the city doesn’t offer protection, literally. What it does offer is a way to blend in, especially now that Donald Trump is about to enter office once again. It’s about “becoming part of a whole”, says Rogers. “There is a sense of community creation there, a leveling out between the people the pattern resonates with and the leftwing consciousness.” In this way, Realtree is the perfect pattern for these anxious times. More

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      Sad but true – Donald Trump really did wrestle his way into the White House | David Moon

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      Do you remember World Wrestling Entertainment? For many people, the show, in which muscle-bound wrestlers in tight tights throw one another around in staged fights, is a nostalgic throwback to the early 2000s, when it played briefly on Channel 4. Today, its mix of soap opera, theatre and athletic spectacle still draws millions of viewers each week. To some, it’s a guilty pleasure; to others, timeless entertainment. Still, few would associate it with the serious world of politics.For Donald Trump, though, professional wrestling is a lifelong passion. His announcement in November that the former CEO of WWE, Linda McMahon, would take up the role of education secretary in his cabinet of curiosities elicited shock and disbelief. It is impossible to fully understand US politics today without understanding the significance of pro wrestling.Long before McMahon’s nomination, Trump was the first occupant of the Oval Office to be a WWE Hall of Fame inductee, an honour that marked his decades-long business relationship with the company. Trump has hosted two WrestleManias, the WWE’s flagship annual event, appeared more than a dozen times on WWE programmes, played a leading role in two storylines, and gotten physical (albeit to a very limited, awkward degree) around the ring itself. It’s now widely acknowledged that pro wrestling is key to Trump as a political phenomenon. Yet its influence is bigger than Trump. Wrestling has become a key element to understand the reshaping of US politics itself – particularly the Republican right.Just look at the 2024 presidential campaign. Jesse “the Body” Ventura was named by the Robert F Kennedy Jr campaign as a potential vice-presidential running mate. Hulk Hogan tore his shirt off at the Republican national convention, rallied “Trumpaholics” at Madison Square Garden, and hinted at a possible role in a future Trump administration on Fox News. For his part, Donald Trump participated in a Fox News segment with former WWE superstar Tyrus, who dubbed him “the people’s champion” and gave him a replica title belt. He joined the podcasts of pro wrestling icon Mark “the Undertaker” Calloway and current WWE superstar Logan Paul, as well as receiving the endorsement of Calloway and Glenn Jacobs – better known as WWE’s Kane, the Undertaker’s storyline brother – in a TikTok video.One explanation for such behaviour is simply that it’s strategic. A former boxing promoter, Trump has become a fixture at combat sports in general, especially Ultimate Fighting Championship (which merged with WWE to form the media conglomerate TKO in 2023), whose CEO, Dana White, was one of the first people brought on stage at his victory speech. By attaching himself to entertainment forms widely dismissed in polite society, Trump burnishes his anti-establishment vibes while reaching out to a younger, often politically apathetic, male electorate that populates these fandoms. It is pro wrestling, however, that is his natural home. The idea that Trump’s pro wrestling background is used strategically is also linked to his infamous campaign rallies. From the fireworks and thumping entrance music, to the carefully choreographed conflict and spectacle on the stage, the atmosphere of these rallies has often been compared with pro wrestling shows.View image in fullscreenTrump frequently resorts to call-and-response chants and indulges in “smack talk” against the “losers and haters” – assigning them diminishing nicknames such as “lyin’ Ted”, “crooked Hillary” and “sleepy Joe”. Being part of a pro wrestling audience – much like attending a Trump rally – allows spectators to experience emotions that are usually forbidden. They can scream, shout and display rage in a rare public context where it’s socially permitted. Trump rallies are safe spaces where it’s acceptable to emote: to shout and cheer for your country and candidate, while vocalising hatred for political opponents. In 2016, it was possible to think these similarities were coincidental. Today, the influence of pro wrestling is unavoidable. Watch the post-election footage of Donald Trump emerging to the strains of Kid Rock’s American Badass – the Undertaker’s previous entrance music – through the roaring crowd of a recent UFC event and it’s impossible not to make the connection.As the US political sphere becomes one gigantic pro wrestling arena, traditional theories and frameworks are inadequate for making sense of events. We need, therefore, to turn to pro wrestling for answers, particularly the industry-specific concept of “kayfabe”. Initially a label for the illusion that pro wrestling’s predetermined performances were “real”, today, kayfabe describes the peculiar way fans engage with pro wrestling as an acknowledged performance form. In her own insightful writings on pro wrestling and politics, the writer and author Abraham Josephine Riesman proposes “neokayfabe” as a label for Trump-inspired Republican strategies that deliberately blur truth and fiction so that producers and consumers lose the ability to distinguish between what’s real and what isn’t.The idea of politics as kayfabe can be taken further. In my view, the relationship between pro wrestling fans and performances are analogous to how electorates engage with contemporary politics more generally. Trump and his supporters are an extreme case of a wider phenomenon. Enjoying pro wrestling involves a deliberate suspension of disbelief, whereby fans acknowledge the theatricality of the performance while investing in it emotionally. Spectators collaborate with the performers by playing along as “believing fans”, cheering and booing as conventions dictate, embracing the spectacle even while recognising its pretence. In pro wrestling terms this is called “keeping kayfabe”.This mirrors people’s engagement with the artifice surrounding contemporary, professionalised politics. We all know, for example, that politicians’ words are written by speechwriters, based on focus group findings, targeted at specific voter demographics, identified by pollsters and strategists. Yet supporters suspend disbelief, cheer conference speeches and emotionally invest in sentiments they express, all while knowing and accepting and even discussing in detail the calculations behind their construction. In other words, they keep kayfabe. Politics increasingly amounts to this: electorates acting out their role as “believing supporters” while maintaining a knowing cynicism about the whole performance.What makes Trump special is thus not that he personifies “pro wrestlingified” politics, but that his supporters are willing to suspend their disbelief and support his campaign when its fakery is so blatant. If the best our political systems offer their understandably jaded electorates is the option to “suspend disbelief” and “keep kayfabe” with a political campaign they view as essentially simulated, we shouldn’t be shocked many choose the one with an anti-establishment pose and chaotic performance style (each products of a pro wrestling pedigree). It may be a performance, sure, but at least it’s entertaining.

      Dr David Moon is head of division for politics at Bath University More