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‘I’m not a secret Nazi’: Maine Democratic Senate candidate addresses tattoo
by Evelyn Reynolds 21 October 2025, 20:38
The Maine Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner attempted to get ahead of potential opposition research by disclosing and explaining a skull-and-crossbones tattoo he has on his chest that resembles Nazi imagery, along with an embarrassing personal video.In a video interview with Pod Save America that aired on Monday, Platner said he and fellow marines got matching tattoos at a parlor in Split, Croatia, in 2007 while deployed overseas.He said that he wanted to address the issues himself before opponents could weaponize them, saying there isn’t anything “worse” or “different” than his problematic Reddit posts that have come back to bite his campaign in recent days, and insisting that he had no knowledge of the imagery’s historical associations.“We chose a terrifying looking skull and crossbones off the wall because we were marines and skulls and crossbones are pretty standard military thing,” he said, “and we got those tattoos, and then we all moved on from our lives.”The tattoo in question resembles the Totenkopf, or “death’s head” symbol, which was adopted by Hitler’s SS during the Nazi era and became particularly associated with the SS-Totenkopfverbande, the branch responsible for guarding concentration camps, according to the Anti-Defamation League.When reached for comment, Platner said: “I absolutely would not have gone through life having this on my chest if I knew that” the tattoo resembled a Nazi symbol. He said he was “already planning to get this removed”.The skull is in full view in video footage he shared with the media company, which shows him dancing in his underwear at his brother’s wedding, lip-syncing Miley Cyrus’s Wrecking Ball in a performance for his sister-in-law.He emphasized in the interview that he was “not a secret Nazi” and pointed to his Reddit comment history as evidence of his opposition to Nazism, antisemitism and racism. “I would say a lifelong opponent,” he stated.The US military already has a policy that checks for extremist, racist and sexist tattoos, and Platner added that the Nazi connection never came up during security screenings, including when he joined the army national guard after his marine service and later for the state department when he worked as security detail for the US ambassador to Afghanistan.“The fact that I’ve managed to go from communist to Nazi in the span of four days according to people who are trying to do this to me I find to be quite a spectacular turn of events,” Platner said.The disclosures come as Platner’s insurgent campaign faced newfound scrutiny. On Friday, he issued a video apology for inflammatory Reddit posts spanning 2013 to 2021, which included calling police officers “bastards”, questioning why Black people tip less, and appearing to agree with characterizations of rural white voters as “racist” and “stupid”.His former political director, Genevieve McDonald, a former state representative who resigned on Friday over the Reddit comments, remained very skeptical about Platner’s explanation of the tattoo.“Platner prides himself on his extensive knowledge of military history,” McDonald said. “While he may not have known what his tattoo meant when he selected the image, it is not plausible he remained ignorant of its meaning all these years.”Platner has emerged as a significant figure in a competitive Senate race to flip Maine, drawing hundreds to town halls and raising nearly $4m while positioning himself as critical of the Democratic establishment, including the Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, who he said he would not support.In the podcast interview, Platner maintained he was not trying to conceal the tattoo.“I can honestly say if I was trying to hide it I haven’t been doing a very good job for the last 18 years,” he said. More
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Speaker Mike Johnson says he won’t block House vote to release Epstein files
by Evelyn Reynolds 21 October 2025, 20:35
The Republican House speaker, Mike Johnson, on Tuesday said he would not prevent a vote on legislation to make the Jeffrey Epstein files public, even as the chamber remained out of session for a fourth straight week.Johnson has kept the House of Representatives in recess ever since the shutdown began at the start of the month, after Democrats and Republicans failed to reach an agreement on extending government funding beyond the end of September.That has had the knock-on effect of delaying the success of a legislative maneuver known as a discharge petition to force a vote on a bill that would make public documents from the federal investigation into Epstein, who was charged with sex trafficking and died while awaiting trial in 2019. The justice department this year said he died by suicide, but Donald Trump and his officials have previously restated conspiracy theories that Epstein was at the center of a larger plot.The president opposes the release of the documents and called the controversy over them a “Democrat hoax”, but all House Democrats along with three Republicans have signed the petition, bringing it one signature away from reaching the 218-member threshold to trigger a vote.“If it hits 218, it comes to the floor,” Johnson told Politico in an interview. “That’s how it works: If you get the signatures, it goes to a vote.”It was speculated that the speaker could look for ways to undermine the petition. Earlier this year, Johnson backed efforts to block a discharge petition on legislation allowing proxy voting for new parents in the House.The final signature on the petition is expected to be Adelita Grijalva, an Arizona Democrat elected last month to fill her late father’s seat representing a district along the state’s border with Mexico. However, Johnson has refused to swear her in until the House reconvenes, which he says he will not allow until the government reopens.Grijalva has told the Guardian she believes that Johnson, a close ally of Trump, is attempting to delay the vote on the legislation concerning the Epstein files. But even if the bill is approved by the House, it will have to clear the Republican-controlled Senate and be signed by Trump to take effect.At a press conference earlier in the day, Johnson argued that the discharge petition was unnecessary because a House committee is conducting its own investigation into Epstein.“The bipartisan House oversight committee is already accomplishing what the discharge petition, that gambit, sought, and much more,” he said. That investigation has resulted in the release of tens of thousands of pages related to the government’s handling of the case, including a salacious drawing Trump apparently sent Epstein for his birthday.In a statement, Democrat Ro Khanna, a co-sponsor of the discharge petition, called Johnson’s comments “a big deal”.“I appreciate Speaker Johnson making it clear we will get a vote on Rep. Thomas Massie and my bill to release the Epstein files. The advocacy of the survivors is working. Now let’s get Adelita Grijalva sworn in and Congress back to work,” Khanna said.The government shutdown entered its 21st day on Tuesday with no signs of ending. The Senate’s Republican leaders have held 11 votes on a continuing resolution (CR) that would approve federal funding through 21 November, but Democrats have refused to provide the support necessary for it to clear the 60-vote threshold to advance.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionThe minority party has countered by demanding an extension of subsidies for Affordable Care Act healthcare plans, which will otherwise expire at the end of the year. They also want curbs on Trump’s ability to slash congressionally approved funding through rescissions, and the undoing of cuts to Medicaid, which provides healthcare to poor and disabled Americans, that Republicans approved unilaterally early this year.The Republican Senate majority leader, John Thune, said he is willing to negotiate over the Affordable Care Act subsidies, but only once the government reopens.Trump held a lunch at the White House with Republican senators in the afternoon, during which he delivered a rambling speech thanking them for their cooperation in which the shutdown was mentioned only occasionally.“From the beginning, our message has been very simple: we will not be extorted on this crazy plot of theirs,” Trump said. “Chuck Schumer and the Senate Democrats need to vote for the clean, bipartisan CR and reopen our government. It’s got to be reopened right now.”In a speech on the Senate floor, Schumer, the Democratic minority leader, dismissed the White House event as a “a mini pep rally” and pressed Republicans to negotiate.“Democrats were ready to work with the other side to get it done. But Republicans continue to act like these ACA premiums are not their problem,” he said. More
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Trump is threatening Venezuela. But his own country looks a lot like it | Daniel Mendiola
by Evelyn Reynolds 21 October 2025, 14:00
Here in the Americas, we have a peculiar tradition. Every time there is a major election, prominent figures on the right find themselves compelled to repeat some version of the vaguely menacing prediction: if the candidate for the left wins, we will become “the next Venezuela”.Whether Brazil, Peru, Mexico, Colombia or Ecuador, countries throughout the western hemisphere keep this tradition. Donald Trump has also participated in this ritual, proclaiming during the 2024 election cycle that if Kamala Harris won, our country would become “Venezuela on steroids”.Oddly spoken with disdain.Harris, of course, lost the election, so we will never know how Venezuela-esque her version of the US might have been. But we are seeing Trump’s America, and the reality is: it’s looking a lot like Venezuela.Since the 1998 election of Hugo Chávez – a charismatic yet polarizing leftwing figure – political discourses have shrouded Venezuela in conflicting layers of partisan caricature, often making it difficult to parse what is actually happening. At this point, however, there is no doubt that the country is in crisis.Migration statistics alone provide compelling evidence. Amnesty International and the UN refugee agency estimate that nearly 8 million Venezuelans have left the country since 2014 – as much as 25% of the population. Hyperinflation and food shortages have driven this exodus, compounded by authoritarianism and increasing repression under Chávez’s successor, Nicolás Maduro, who has held on to power since 2013 through elections with overwhelming evidence of fraud.Significantly, the US has hardly been an innocent bystander. Not only have we frequently doled out reprehensible treatment to Venezuelan asylum seekers, but we have also played a role in creating the conditions that are forcing people to migrate in the first place. The US has maintained a belligerent stance toward Venezuela for more than two decades – for example, supporting a short-lived coup to overthrow Chávez in 2002, as well as hitting the country with sanctions – and the Trump administration has recently escalated the conflict by ordering a series of deadly strikes on civilian boats suspected of smuggling drugs off the Venezuelan the coast. Reports also indicate that Trump is considering an intervention to depose Maduro, and the CIA may already be carrying out covert operations in the country.Journalists and legal analysts have done excellent work explaining how these strikes are illegal according to US and international law, in addition to being murderously cruel. There has also been great coverage of how the demonization of Venezuelan immigrants – including a steady stream of propaganda painting Venezuelan immigrants as gang members and terrorists – has long been a centerpiece of Trump’s platform.These actions are disgraceful on their own terms. But they are also bitterly ironic: even while terrorizing Venezuelans in the name of defending democracy, Trump has, in fact, been running a strikingly similar authoritarian playbook. Noteworthy parallels include dismantling constitutional limits on presidential authority, manipulating electoral districts to inflate his party’s representation in Congress, and using state power to repress political opponents.In Venezuela’s case, the story begins with a fraught referendum. Immediately upon taking office in 1999, Chávez decreed a new executive power: the ability to call for a referendum on writing a new constitution. The legality of the claim was dubious given that the Venezuelan legal system already had mechanisms for updating the constitution, and a simple majority popular vote was not one of them. Nonetheless, the Venezuelan supreme court relented, and when the referendum passed, Chávez asserted a heavy hand in creating the process for how a constitutional assembly would work. Moreover, he unilaterally gave this assembly outsized powers to govern, suspending Congress and the supreme court in the meantime. Unsurprisingly, the resulting constitution of 1999 expanded executive authority considerably, and the entire process established a precedent to continue using these largely hand-picked constitutional assemblies to overrule congress whenever the opposition gained ground.While there are, likewise, calls for a constitutional convention coming from Trump allies that could function in a similar way, this hasn’t actually been necessary in the US. Rather, the conservative supermajority on the supreme court has managed to effectively do the same thing on its own: repeatedly ignoring plain text as well as its own precedent in order to assign new powers to the presidency while at the same time eviscerating longstanding checks from other branches of government and independent agencies alike. In short, even without literally rewriting the constitution, the supreme court has in practice served as a comparable constitutional assembly, fundamentally reshaping constitutional norms to create a “unitary executive” with fewer checks on executive power than ever before.Taking this comparison even deeper, there are also important parallels in Trump’s efforts to stack Congress through “gerrymandering”: a trick that hinges on exploiting the mathematical quirks of single-member, winner-take-all districts. For example, in a system where every district has an isolated winner-take-all race, even if one party gets 49% of the vote across the country, that does not mean that it will end up having 49% of the representation in Congress. In fact, if each district is a perfect microcosm of society with 49% of voters supporting this party, it could actually end up with zero seats in congress, despite representing roughly half the population.In short, single-member, winner-take-all districts have the potential to massively inflate or deflate a party’s overall electoral showing, depending on how the voters are distributed among the districts. And if the party in power gets to redraw the districts, they can easily rig the game. Knowing full well the consequences, the US supreme court blessed this approach during Trump’s first term, and now at a time when Republicans have a clear advantage in controlling redistricting, the justices are poised to make it even easier. Within this context, Trump is pushing Republican-governed states to capitalize.Significantly, Chávez’s early efforts to consolidate power used a similar mechanism. Though under-appreciated now, Venezuela’s earlier election system under its 1961 constitution actually included a clause guaranteeing minority representation, and officials developed a clever method to allocate seats roughly proportional to a party’s overall support. This made gerrymandering impossible, limiting the ability of the ruling party to press their advantage by further manipulating districts. In 1999, however, Chávez’s constitutional assembly eliminated this system, changing the rules so that most congressional seats would instead come from winner-take-all districts. The effect – at least in the short term while Chávez consolidated power – was to considerably inflate his party’s congressional representation.Along with expanding executive power and manipulating congressional elections, a third commonality – repression of political opponents – needs little explanation. Even before Maduro apparently resorted to overt election fraud, the Chávez government faced accusations of intimidating judges and arresting opposition candidates. Vocal critics of the government have also reported heavy-handed tactics from formal military and paramilitary forces alike.As we now watch Trump deploy troops in Democratic-led cities across the country; turn federal agencies such as Ice and into personal secret police who operate with impunity; and push to systematically arrest political opponents, the parallels are obvious.Ultimately, while there is every reason to believe that Venezuela is in crisis, there is no reason to believe that Trump’s military aggression will have any benefit for the people of either country. The bottom line: the Trump administration has demonstrated time and time again that it has no qualms about wreaking havoc on Venezuelan civilians – nor on its own. Trump’s abuses of power at home and in the Caribbean are two sides of the same coin. We must condemn both.
Daniel Mendiola is a professor of Latin American history and migration studies at Vassar College More
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Biden’s ex-press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre: ‘Why are Democrats not fighting back?’
by Evelyn Reynolds 21 October 2025, 13:35
When CJ Cregg exits the White House for the last time, a passing tourist asks her if she works there. “No,” she replies in the final episode of The West Wing, “No, I’m sorry I don’t.” The former press secretary casts a wistful glance back at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, knowing life will never be the same.The evanescence of power is now familiar to Karine Jean-Pierre, who in real life served as White House press secretary for two and a half years under the presidency of Joe Biden. She was the first Black person, first out gay person and – born in the Caribbean to Haitian parents – first immigrant to hold the title.But the old saying that all political lives end in failure applies to their spokespeople too. Jean-Pierre spent her final months in the West Wing parrying questions about Biden’s mental acuity, an exercise that increasingly came to be seen as defending the indefensible. She watched as her boss’s legacy was undone, his numerous accomplishments eclipsed by his failure to prevent the return of Donald Trump.That the whole experience ended on a sour note is made clear by the publication of Jean-Pierre’s memoir Independent: A Look Inside a Broken White House, Outside the Party Lines. Its front cover offers an image of the White House, seen not through Cregg’s rose-tinted gaze but rather a cracked lens.The book explains Jean-Pierre’s decision to leave the Democratic party after two decades and declare herself a political independent. It was driven by profound disillusionment with a party leadership that she argues betrayed Biden, failed to strategically support Vice-President Kamala Harris and has responded in a “shockingly weak manner” to the authoritarian threat posed by Trump.In an interview at the Guardian’s office in Washington, Jean-Pierre explains that she was spurred to write by conversations with strangers unnerved by Trump’s power grab. “Some were Democrats, some Republicans, some I don’t even know what their party affiliation was and they would say to me, ‘What are we going to do? Why are Democrats not fighting back? Where’s their soul? We’re losing here. I’m scared, I’m worried.’“It was a constant me trying to reassure people or trying to give some words of encouragement or listening to what I was hearing and it made me think, oh wait, maybe there’s a way that I can have a voice in this moment.”View image in fullscreenThe fallout from the June 2024 presidential debate between Biden and Trump in Atlanta was the catalyst for Jean-Pierre’s political evolution. She writes that Biden’s “faint and hoarse” voice and bumbling performance were due to a cold. Within minutes her phone began “to blow up” with texts from reporters asking if the president had Covid-19 or was sick.That soon morphed into a narrative about his age and mental fitness, which Jean-Pierre argues the media had been building for a year while failing to apply the same standard to Trump. She ardently rejects what has now become almost conventional wisdom in Washington: that Biden was in inexorable decline and, by accident or design, White House aides tried to cover up his condition.“That night completely took me by surprise,” she insists. “Everything that I’ve said at the podium was true then and it continues to be true now. This is someone – President Joe Biden – that I saw day in and day out. Now, did he age? Yes. He aged. People saw what they saw and I saw what I saw.“Of course he aged. I’ve aged, we’ve all aged. We never denied that he was older and he was in his 80s. That’s something that we actually tried to own up to and did. His mental acuity for me never, ever came into question. I always thought this man was more than fit to serve.”View image in fullscreenIn Jean-Pierre’s view, the Democratic party, which had nominated Biden for re-election, lost its nerve on the basis of one debate and went into full panic mode. She describes a three-week “wrenching” ordeal where she witnessed the party “tear itself apart”. She felt “enraged” and “heartbroken” by the way in which a man who had given 50 years of public service was now being hung out to dry.She says: “When I saw the way Democratic leadership was behaving and treating him, it stuck out. I thought to myself, you have a whole different party – the Republican party – who are standing behind their guy 200%. It doesn’t matter what record he may have. They are saying to themselves, this is our guy – Project 2025, authoritarianism, the way they’re going to treat vulnerable communities – we’ll take that, we’re fine with it and we’re going to hold him up.”Jean-Pierre asserts that the former House of Representatives speaker Nancy Pelosi, whom Biden considered a friend, led the charge against him. She learned from members of Congress that Pelosi was on group texts claiming that Biden needed to step aside. She writes that this was a significant “about-face” from Pelosi’s public praise for Biden’s record just months earlier.Jean-Pierre adds in the interview: “She wasn’t quiet about it; she was very vocal about it and she’s a force in the party. Look: 2023, coming out of the midterms, there was no red wave. It wasn’t as bloody or as horrible as people had thought it was going to be. No one publicly or privately said for him not to run. They gave him the space to make that decision.“If anything, leadership like Nancy Pelosi said he should run. There was support for him and so to do what was done to him, I thought, what’s going on? He had the right to make that decision. Every incumbent president has an opportunity to make that decision, especially coming from a successful presidency and a successful – in historical terms – midterm elections.”View image in fullscreenBut opinion polls showed widespread public concerns about the mental and physical fitness of Biden, the oldest president in US history, who in May this year was diagnosed with an aggressive prostate cancer. Only diehard loyalists still think he could and should have served a second term, which he would have completed at the age of 86. Is Jean-Pierre among them?The ex-press secretary sidesteps the question and turns the focus on Trump. “I’m not going to go back in time. What happened, happened. He made his decision. We are where we are and my focus is truly on how do we move forward, what is the roadmap for getting out of this very much authoritarian regime that we seem to find ourselves in?“Looking at Project 2025, everything that they said very loudly and clearly that they’re going to do is now happening. Families are in danger, individuals are in danger, vulnerable people are in danger. I’m not brilliant for saying this because it’s been said in history: if they come after one group of people, they’re going to come after everybody. Everyone’s lives now and everyone’s livelihood is at stake.”Jean-Pierre does not watch her successor at the podium, Maga evangelist Karoline Leavitt, but is aware that her briefings contain a new battalion of rightwing influencers and Trump cheerleaders. “It’s not supposed to be ‘Dear Leader’ and only who he wants in the press briefing. If we did that, my goodness!”She is scathing about Democrats’ failure to meet the moment. She points, for example, to the disorganised Democratic response during Trump’s joint address to Congress, where members wore different colours and used different slogans, as evidence of a party that cannot even unite on messaging.Jean-Pierre urges: “Democrats need to do more. Democrats need to behave as the opposition party in this time. It has been seen and shown in history, when you are the opposition party, there are things that could happen that could benefit the country. There’s a reimagining that they could lean into and try to think about: OK, how do we do this different and better? In 2024 millions of people who came out and voted in 2020 for Joe Biden didn’t come out. There’s a problem.”Jean-Pierre accepts that, as the spokesperson for the leader of the Democratic party, she too should be held accountable. But she warns against taking the wrong lessons from the election. She argues that Democrats take Black women’s votes for granted while chasing “moderate white Republicans” and contends that, after elections, Black women’s concerns are often dismissed as “identity politics”.Democrats such as Rahm Emmanuel are taken to task for labelling the party’s brand as “toxic” and “weak and woke”. By using Republican talking points, she argues, Democrats betray their base and appear to lack the courage of their convictions.“One of the problems the Democratic party has is that we take whatever Republicans give us and we go down a rabbit hole,” she says. “So what they’re talking about woke? Don’t take the bait. You say, look, this is a big tent party, we care about everybody, everybody has a voice here. Don’t even say the word ‘woke’.View image in fullscreenJean-Pierre succeeded Jen Psaki as press secretary in May 2022 after previously serving as deputy press secretary and also working as a senior adviser during Biden’s victorious 2020 campaign. During Barack Obama’s first term, she was a regional political director.Independent also reflects on the barrier-breaking nature of her appointment. She states that she could not respond to critics with the same force as her predecessors for fear of being labelled an “angry Black woman”. She had to consciously “keep it cool” in the face of what she perceived as disrespect and undermining of her credibility.She also recounts being the target of negative stories planted in the press by her own colleagues. She claims a senior female White House official who “should have been my mentor” orchestrated a campaign in outlets such as Politico and the New York Post to push her out of her job because she asserted her autonomy. This hostility, she writes, was worse than anything she faced from the press corps.View image in fullscreenShe says in the interview: “To come after you in that way is sad and heartbreaking and disappointing. I focused on the job. I didn’t fight back in any stories. I didn’t even defend myself and so I thought it was an opportunity to lay out what I was experiencing and what it was like in my role as a first.”Jean-Pierre is making up for lost time with her young daughter and has no plans to run for elected office herself. But she hopes that her declaration of independence will help spur an essential conversation about the future course of the Democratic party and the country.“How do we move forward in a way that everybody feels like they’re being engaged, they’re being heard and they’re understanding that elections have consequences?” she asks rhetorically. “You have to come out and vote. You lose your voice if you don’t come out to vote. One of the problems that’s happening right now is people are fearful and that’s how dictatorship begins. That’s how authoritarian regimes start. They create this chaos and then this fear and we cannot be fearful in this moment.” More
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Scrutiny grows over Trump competence – but can an unfit president be removed?
by Evelyn Reynolds 21 October 2025, 13:00
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Donald Trump looked out across the White House ballroom at his audience of wealthy donors and business figures – people who had given millions of dollars to his extravagant plan to build a vast ballroom attached to the building’s East Wing.The president, 79, told the crowd he had enjoyed a “really historic trip” to the Middle East, and indulged in some of his familiar patter: saying his tariffs were successful, and claiming that under Joe Biden, countries were “literally emptying out insane asylums into our country”.As his speech, given last Wednesday, labored on, Trump turned to ballroom specifics.He said: “So I just wanna say, thank you all. Uh, simply, behind me, so, is a knockout panel. This panel, the next time you come here, will be opened up and gone. No – uh, no problem with any of the surrounding areas. These, this room will be fixed. This will be like a cocktail – the whole floor will be cocktails or pre-briefings or whatever it may be, lots of different things. So the entire floor. So you come in, the entire floor sets up. We didn’t have to do any of that. Usually, you have to do that. You need different rooms to go along with a ballroom.”The speech, with its confusing false starts and repeated tangent-veering, was typical of many addresses Trump, the oldest person to be inaugurated president, has given recently. The president frequently appears to lose his train of thought, before retreating to the verbal safe ground of repeating frequently incorrect claims about the current success of the US.Republicans seem happy to ignore Trump’s odd speeches and claims. But his performances in public settings, whether a lengthy soliloquy about how former president Barack Obama walks down the stairs – “Da da da da da da, bop, bop, bop,” Trump told a room full of generals in September – or his focus on water pressure – “The water’s dripping out and that’s no good for me. I like this hair lace and [sic] – I like that hair nice and wet,” the president said at a roundtable discussion about immigration in July – has slowly begun to raise questions from experts, Democrats, and the general public.Among those: what guardrails exist to remove an impeded commander-in-chief from office?“The system is really set up to protect the president. It’s really hard to get rid of a president between elections,” said Brian Kalt, a professor at Michigan State University College of Law and author of Unable: The Law, Politics, and Limits of Section 4 of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment.There are essentially two ways a US president could be removed from office: through impeachment and conviction by the Senate, and through the aforementioned section 4. No president has ever been removed by either measure – although three presidents have been impeached: including Trump, twice.A simple majority of the House of Representatives has to vote to impeach a president for “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors”, and the president is then tried in the Senate, where a two-thirds majority is required to convict. In 2021, 57 of the 100 senators voted to convict Trump – 10 short of the 67 votes required.Given there are 53 Republican senators, it is hard to imagine Trump being convicted and removed from office.That leaves section 4 of the 25th amendment, designed to be used when a president is “unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office”. This month, JB Pritzker, the governor of Illinois, who has repeatedly clashed with Trump, called for the amendment to be invoked against the president, claiming “there is something genuinely wrong with this man”.It came as Trump bizarrely reposted to Truth Social an AI-generated fake video which featured himself making an announcement about “med-bed hospitals”, and after he spoke confusingly of “certain elements of genius that can be given to a baby” during a speech at the White House.Speaking about grants awarded to investigate autism, Trump added: “They have to move quickly. They, they – when the alternative is that nothing bad can happen, let’s do it now. I was just saying to Bobby [health secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr] and the group, let’s do it now. Nothing bad can happen, it can only good happen.”The examples keep coming. At a press conference last week Trump repeated himself several times when talking about immigration, in one case appearing to become confused on the issue of so-called legal immigration.“We’ve got the strongest border of anybody – nobody has a border. We have a border where the numbers just came out again, you saw zero people came in illegally. Now we do take people into our country legally, but zero people,” Trump said. Approximately 7 million people entered the US from abroad during the first three months of 2025 alone.Section 4 of the 25th amendment is designed for when a president is “not just doing a bad job, but not doing anything at all – like can’t function”, Kalt said. For it to be invoked, JD Vance and a majority of Trump’s cabinet would have to agree that Trump is unable to perform the duties of president. But even then, Trump could disagree, which would force a vote in the House and the Senate. A two-thirds majority in both would be required to remove the president – a higher bar than impeachment. Kalt said it’s a deliberately high bar.“It’s not just about protecting the president, although that is the most direct manifestation of it. It’s really about protecting the system of elections. So once the people elect a president, it’s supposed to be four years before they get to say anything again – their choice is respected, is put in place,” Kalt said.Despite the White House claiming earlier this year that Trump’s “mental sharpness is second to none”, the examples of unusual behavior keep stacking up. There was an incident this summer where Trump invented an entire story about his deceased uncle having met the Unabomber. The time in July when he went on a sudden rant about windmills driving whales “loco”, during a meeting with the European Commission president. The occasion when he derailed a cabinet meeting by talking, unprompted, for 13 minutes about the decor of the room.Last month, Democratic congresswoman Madeleine Dean made national news after she confronted the Republican House speaker, Mike Johnson, in an exchange about Trump’s health recorded by MSNBC.“The president is unhinged. He is unwell,” Dean told an uncomfortable-looking Johnson. 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The US refugee program changed my life. Trump’s possible overhaul would be disastrous | Bahati Kanyamanza
by Evelyn Reynolds 21 October 2025, 12:00
Last week, leaked documents from the Trump administration reportedly revealed plans to gut the US refugee program, not only capping refugee resettlement at a record low of 7,500, but also transforming it from a life-saving humanitarian system into one that favors white South Africans and Europeans over the world’s most vulnerable people. As a refugee who found safety and belonging in this country, I broke into a sweat reading the news. Memories of my own journey rushed back, now mixed with a deeper fear that racism and exclusion are not just social undercurrents, but official policy.I was born in the Democratic Republic of Congo and fled war at 14, spending nearly two decades in a refugee camp in Uganda before finally being resettled in the United States. Here, I reunited with my family, built a new life, and became a citizen. My story is one of patience, resilience and gratitude for a country that gave me safety and the chance to rebuild my life and give back.Despite these troubling political developments, I still love my country and wouldn’t want to live anywhere else. Historically, generosity, welcoming and caring for people fleeing violence, war and persecution have been America’s core values. Refugees and immigrants like me have benefited from these values when we were welcomed into this nation, and passed them on to our children. Since 1975 a total of 3.7 million refugees have been resettled in the United States. Refugees and immigrants are our neighbors and community members. We provide essential services in hospitals caring for people, in the military defending and protecting our nation, in restaurants, hotels and airports, and as workers on farms feeding the American people. We build houses and construct roads and highways so we can all safely make it home to our families. These services make everyone’s daily lives better while driving our nation’s socio-economic development.The current administration conveniently ignores this. This week’s reports unfortunately fit into the pattern we’ve seen as Donald Trump looks to fundamentally upend our refugee systems. The president suspended the United States Refugee Admission Program (USRAP) on his first day in office, leaving 120,000 refugees who were conditionally approved to travel to the US in limbo, and froze funding to refugee agencies providing critical services. The International Refugee Assistance Project is currently engaged in a class-action lawsuit challenging this suspension in the case Pacito v Trump.In May, the Trump administration prioritized the admission of Afrikaners despite the suspension of USRAP, showing preference for one group instead of others, some of whom have been waiting a decade or more.The administration alleges that part of its rationale for doing all of this is an unfounded claim that refugees place a burden on local communities. Yet, between 2005 and 2019, refugees contributed nearly $124bn more in state and local revenuecombined than they received in services. During the same period, refugees paid $581bn in federal, state and local taxes. A majority of Americans recognize the great effect of their neighbors and want to continue welcoming them, and more than 300 elected officials from across the country have vocalized bipartisan support to uphold and strengthen refugee resettlement.Through USRAP, refugees like me are thoroughly vetted for years before we are allowed to travel to the US. USRAP is the most successful and celebrated refugee resettlement program, but now its future remains uncertain. Despite broad public support across the country for traditional resettlement, the Trump administration appears to be deciding who is worthy of safety based on the color of their skin and their political views. This is deeply alarming and betrays America’s deepest values. As someone who found hope and belonging here, I know that our greatness has never come from exclusion. It comes from compassion, courage and the belief that every person deserves a chance to rebuild their life in safety.We must hold our elected leaders accountable for keeping their promises and passing policies that support and care for all who call America home. This includes protecting refugees and immigrants who give so much to our communities and implementing humane policies to address immigration without harming people seeking safety. That is true leadership.
Bahati Kanyamanza is a former refugee who spent about 25 years in a Ugandan refugee camp and as a refugee in the US before he became a naturalized US citizen. He is the global partnerships director at the International Refugee Assistance Project More
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‘Rogue president’: growing number of US judges push back against Trump
by Evelyn Reynolds 21 October 2025, 11:00
US district and appeals courts are increasingly rebuking Donald Trump’s radical moves on tackling crime, illegal immigration and other actions where administration lawyers or Trump have made sweeping claims of emergencies that judges have bluntly rejected as erroneous and undermining the rule of law in America.Legal scholars and ex-judges note that strong court pushback has come from judges appointed by Republicans, including Trump himself, and Democrats, and signify that the administration’s factual claims and expanding executive powers face stiff challenges that have slowed some extreme policies.Among the toughest rulings were ones this month by Judge Karin Immergut in Oregon and Judge April Perry in Chicago. Both district judges sharply challenged Trump’s plans to deploy national guard troops to deal with minimal violence that Trump had portrayed as akin to “war” zones, spurring the judges to impose temporary restraining orders.Immergut, whom Trump nominated for the court in his first term, rejected Trump’s depiction of Portland as “war-ravaged”, and in need of saving from “Antifa and other domestic terrorists” concluding that the “president’s determination was simply untethered to the facts”. But a court of appeals ruled on 20 October that Trump could send national guard troops to the city.Elsewhere, district judge William Young in Boston issued a scathing 161-page ruling last month calling some of Trump’s deportation policies illegal efforts to deport non-citizen activists at colleges in violation of their first amendment rights “under the cover of an unconstitutionally broad definition of antisemitism”. Young was nominated by Ronald Reagan.Some former appeals court judges say that the district courts and courts of appeals are responding appropriately to a pattern of unlawful conduct by Trump and his top deputies.“The president and attorney general are openly contemptuous of the constitution and laws of the United States and of the federal courts, and the arguments they make to the courts mirror that personal contempt,” said retired court of appeals judge J Michael Luttig. “The federal district courts and the courts of appeals well understand that and they are going to have none of it.”View image in fullscreenRecent court rulings reveal a pattern of strong judicial rebukes to the Trump administration from district and appeals courts on multiple issues since Trump took office again, which the legal news and analysis site Just Security has documented.A Just Security study, which was spearheaded by New York University law professor Ryan Goodman, revealed that courts’ distrust of government information and representations hit over 40 cases as of 15 October versus 35 cases in mid-September. Similarly, it noted that courts’ findings of “arbitrary and capricious” administrative action totaled 58 cases on 15 October versus 52 in mid-September. The study showed courts’ concerns over noncompliance with judicial orders totaled over 20 cases as of 15 October up from 15 cases a month before.But despite the growing number of strong lower court rulings against the administration, some may well get reversed by the supreme court given its 6-3 conservative majority, and its rulings that have markedly expanded presidential powers.Nonetheless, legal scholars and ex-federal judges stress that recent district court rulings against Trump’s radical policies are grounded in fact and reveal profound scepticism about a number of the administration’s sweeping legal claims.“US district judges have the responsibility to determine the relevant facts before applying the law. Accordingly, the credibility of a party and its counsel are immensely important,” said former federal judge John Jones, who is now president of Dickinson College.“Simply put, the president’s reputation for hyperbole that lapses into outright lies precedes him in these cases, and judges are increasingly refusing to take the administration’s rationale for its actions at face value.”For example, Perry called the Department of Homeland Security’s depiction of events in Chicago “simply unreliable” with a “lack of credibility”. She noted that state and local law enforcement contradicted the case for deploying the national guard and Trump’s assertion that it was a “war zone”, and warned that using the guard could fuel “civil unrest”.Days later, the seventh circuit court of appeals upheld Perry’s ruling that denied a White House request to deploy national guard troops on Chicago streets in response to a lawsuit brought by the city of Chicago and Illinois.But on Friday the Trump administration asked the supreme court to pause those rulings and permit Trump to deploy troops in Illinois, boosting efforts to send the national guard into the Chicago area.Elsewhere, on Monday a three-judge appeals court panel ruled 2-1 that the Trump administration can send the national guard to Portland, lifting Immergut’s ruling and allowing some 200 federalized guard troops to be sent to the city to protect federal buildings.Responding to the ruling, Oregon’s attorney general said if the decision is allowed to stand Trump would have “unilateral power to put Oregon soldiers on our streets with almost no justification”.More broadly, scholars and other experts voice strong criticism of the administration’s legal claims.“Trump is abusing the laws that authorize domestic military deployment in a crisis, and the courts are starting to push back,” said Liza Goitein, the Brennan Center’s senior director of liberty and national security.“In the United States, federal armed forces cannot be used to execute the law except when civilian authorities have been completely overwhelmed. As judges in Oregon and Illinois have recognized, the facts on the ground simply don’t justify deployment of the military.“A court could reach the opposite conclusion only by extending a dangerous level of deference to the president, effectively giving him free rein to use the military as a domestic police force. That would be contrary to American principles and traditions, and it would pose a grave threat to democracy and individual liberty.”Not surprisingly, some recent rulings by district judges have outraged Maga world and top Trump officials, who have decried them in incendiary terms. The White House deputy chief of staff, Stephen Miller, called Immergut’s ruling “legal insurrection”, which some analysts worry could incite violence.Trump, too, fired back at Immergut’s ruling. “I wasn’t served well by the people who pick judges,” Trump told reporters soon after the ruling, seemingly forgetting he had nominated her, and then misidentifying her sex. “Portland is burning to the ground … That judge ought to be ashamed of himself.”Trump’s attacks on Immergut and earlier dust-ups with judges who ruled against the administration were advanced this month by El Salvador’s authoritarian leader Nayib Bukele, who urged the Trump administration to emulate his policies and impeach “corrupt judges”.“If you don’t impeach the corrupt judges, you CANNOT fix the country,” Bukele tweeted, sparking multi-billionaire and Maga ally Elon Musk to retweet it as “essential”.But legal experts say the ruling by Immergut and other district judges who have pushed back hard against administration policies are fully warranted and reasonable, given extreme moves by Trump on immigration, crime and other fronts they deem unjustified or illegal.“I think the strong district court response in these contexts is striking,” said Columbia law professor Gillian Metzger. “It’s occurring in other Trump contexts as well – for example, the administration’s efforts to deny appropriated funding or target law firms – but immigration enforcement and calling out the national guard are traditional executive areas where you’d expect the president to get deference.”Metzger said: “Judges are perceiving an administration that is asserting power in novel ways and at odds with basic norms and longstanding practices – eg, employing the national guard in a partisan fashion over the objections of state and local leaders, deploying Ice officers in aggressive ways, etc – and at times violating governing statutes.”Other legal scholars go further.“The problem is not rogue judges, but a rogue president. The problem is not what judges are doing but what the president is doing,” said former Massachusetts judge Nancy Gertner, who now teaches law at Harvard.Gertner pointed in particular to Young’s ruling in a deportation case involving efforts by the Department of State and the Department of Homeland Security to deport pro-Palestinian non-citizen students and professors who protested against Israel’s actions in Gaza.In his ruling, Young wrote that Trump’s conduct violated his oath to “preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the United States” and the actions of his administration represented a “full-throated assault on the first amendment”.Gertner noted that the “case involved sending people to countries without due process. We gave due process to people involved with the September 11 attacks. Sending people to countries where they had no relatives, NO TIES, was a flagrant violation of law.“What the Trump administration has been doing is so unprecedented and so far from normal and so illegal it makes sense that judges have issued injunctions stopping them.”Luttig stressed: “The judges of the United States will not be threatened and intimidated by this president and this attorney general. They will continue to honor their oaths to the constitution, which means the president and attorney general can expect loss after loss after loss, at least before the nation’s lower federal courts.” More
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Trump news at a glance: president can send national guard to Portland, for now
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 October 2025, 23:12
President Donald Trump claimed a key victory in a US appeals court Monday as a divided three-judge panel decided he is allowed to deploy federal troops to the city of Portland, Oregon.Trump had claimed the right to send the national guard to the liberal stronghold for the purported purpose of protecting federal property and agents. The ruling marks an important legal victory for Trump as he continues to send military forces to Democratic-led cities.Oregon attorney general Dan Rayfield spoke out against the ruling, saying that if it’s allowed to stand, Trump would have “unilateral power to put Oregon soldiers on our streets with almost no justification”.“We are on a dangerous path in America,” he added.Oregon governor urges appeal court review of national guard decisionOregon governor Tina Kotek, has called on a federal appeals court to review and overturn a decision made by a three-judge panel on Monday that would permit Trump to deploy federalized national guard troops to the streets of Portland against the wishes of state and local officials. Kotek said she hoped the full ninth circuit court of appeals vacates the panel’s 2-1 decision, as the dissenting judge, Portland-based Susan Graber, urged her colleagues to do.“I’m very troubled by the decision of the court,” Kotek told reporters.Read the full storyComey asks judge to dismiss criminal chargesFormer FBI director James Comey formally asked a federal judge to dismiss criminal charges against him, arguing he was the victim of a selective prosecution and that the US attorney who filed the charges was unlawfully appointed.Read the full storyThe White House is a work zone nowConstruction of the president’s $250m White House ballroom appears to be underway. Photos obtained and published by media outlets show part of the East Wing being demolished.Read the full storyShutdown becomes one of the longest in US historyThe US government shutdown extended into its 20th day on Monday with no resolution in sight, as a prominent Republican lawmaker publicly broke ranks with party leadership over the decision of Mike Johnson, the House speaker, to keep Congress shuttered for weeks.Read the full storyTrump reposts AI clip of plane dumping sludge on protestersDonald Trump reposted an AI-generated video of him flying a fighter plane emblazoned with the words “King Trump” and dumping brown sludge onto protestors, in what appears to be a retort to the widespread No Kings protests that took place Saturday against his second presidency.Read the full storyTrump meets with Australian prime ministerDonald Trump welcomed PM Anthony Albanese to the White House, signing a rare earth minerals deal. It came amid rising trade tensions with China, which tightened its rare earth exports and is facing a 100% tariff threat from the US.Read the full storyWhat else happened today:
A Trump nominee who is scheduled for a confirmation hearing told other Republicans he “has a Nazi streak,” according to a report based on a private group chat.
In a Fox News interview, Trump said he has “unquestioned power” to deploy the national guard to San Francisco, claiming that residents want the military in their city.
Disgraced former US congressman George Santos said his prison sentence had been “disproportionate”, but that he had been served “a very large slice of humble pie”, while lashing out at his critics.
Catching up? Here’s what happened 19 October 2025. More

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