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      US health secretary on Alabama’s IVF ruling: ‘Pandora’s box was opened’ after fall of Roe

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      The health and human services secretary, Xavier Becerra, said the US must provide federal protections for reproductive rights if Americans hope to avoid further restrictions on in vitro fertilization, contraception and abortion in an exclusive interview with the Guardian.Becerra’s comments come in the wake of an Alabama supreme court decision that gave embryos the rights of “extrauterine children” and forced three of the state’s largest fertility clinics to stop services for fear of litigation and prosecution. The fallout from the decision prompted the Alabama legislature to hastily sign new legislation that will give IVF providers with immunity from civil and criminal suits, which the governor signed into law on Wednesday night.He said the events in Alabama were linked directly to the “take-down” of Roe v Wade, a decision that provided a constitutional right to abortion grounded in privacy and was overturned by conservative US supreme court justices in 2022.“It wasn’t until this new court came in” – that is, that three new supreme court justices were confirmed by former President Trump – “that we saw the attacks on Roe v Wade take hold, and today without Roe v Wade there are women who are trying to have babies in Alabama who are facing the consequences,” said Becerra.He continued: “None of this would be happening in Alabama on IVF if Roe v Wade was still the law of the land, and no one should try to deny that.”Becerra’s comments come ahead of Joe Biden addressing the nation in the State of the Union on Thursday night. Although the White House has not released the speech, a large number of Democratic guests suggest reproductive rights may feature heavily.Among the guests of high-ranking Democrats are Elizabeth Carr, the first person in the US to be born via IVF; Amanda Zurawski, a Texas woman who nearly died of septic shock when she was denied a medically necessary abortion; and Kate Cox, who had to flee Texas for an abortion after she learned her fetus had a fatal chromosomal condition.View image in fullscreenAlso, sitting alongside First Lady Jill Biden as a guest of the president will be Latorya Beasley, from Birmingham, Alabama.She and her husband had their first child, via IVF, in 2022. They were trying to have another child through IVF but Beasley’s embryo transfer was suddenly canceled because of the Alabama court decision.Beasley’s “recent experience is yet another example of how the overturning of Roe v Wade has disrupted access to reproductive health care for women and families across the country,” the White House said on Thursday.More guests include reproductive endocrinologists, an Indiana doctor who provided an abortion to a 10-year-old rape victim, and leaders of reproductive rights groups.Becerra’s comments emphasizing the importance of reproductive rights, Democrats’ guest list for the State of the Union and a recent administration officials’ trips to states with abortion restrictions are the most recent evidence of Democrat’s election bet: that when Republicans married the motivated minority of voters who support the anti-abortion movement, they also divorced themselves from the broader American public, broad margins of whom support IVF, contraception and legal abortion.“As a result of the fall of Roe v Wade – or actually the take-down of Roe v Wade – my daughters have fewer rights in America than their mom did,” said Becerra. “And that happens only when you have a supreme court that acts to overturn a constitutional protection.”While Becerra said his agency would continue to enforce federal laws in Alabama, including laws that provide medical patients a right to privacy and the right to stabilizing emergency care, including emergency abortions, it is ultimately the courts in and politicians of Alabama who need to fix the upheaval their policies caused.“The supreme court in Alabama is the one that has to undo its wrongful decision,” said Becerra. “The state legislature in Alabama should move to provide protections to families that rely on IVF – and serious comprehensive protections, not short-term, piecemeal protections that threaten anyone going through the process or any provider who wishes to provide quality IVF services.”Although Alabama politicians have passed a bill to give IVF providers immunity from civil and criminal suits, national associations of fertility doctors have said the law does not go far enough to address the core problem – the supreme court “conflating fertilized eggs with children”.“Clearly, this goes way beyond abortion,” said Becerra. “It would not surprise me if we also begin to see actions which undermine the ability of women to get basic family planning services,” including contraception.While doctors and patients have reacted with astonishment, anger and sorrow at the Alabama supreme court’s decision, the anti-abortion movement has cheered the decision. “Fetal personhood” has long been the ultimate aim of the movement.For years, Republicans have abetted this aim. As recently as 2023, 124 Republicans co-sponsored the federal Life at Conception Act, which would give embryos the rights of people “at the moment of fertilization, cloning, or other moment when the individual comes into being”. This week, Kentucky Republicans advanced a bill to allow people to claim fetuses as dependents on their taxes.They have also blocked federal legislation to protect IVF – twice. In late February, Senator Tammy Duckworth of Illinois introduced an IVF protection bill. Most recently, its expedited passage was blocked by Republican Senator Cindy Hyde-Smith of Mississippi (a state which, like Alabama, has a near-total abortion ban).Nevertheless, the Alabama decision has been palpably uncomfortable for many members of the party. Former president Donald Trump has said he supports IVF, and views anti-abortion policies as a threat to his campaign. Republicans such as Tommy Tuberville of Alabama and Joni Ernst of Iowa have issued awkward, noncommittal statements about the decision. Ernst supported federal fetal personhood statutes in the past.“When Roe v Wade was struck down by the Dobbs decision the Pandora’s box was opened,” said Becerra. “Now, we see the consequences and how far the loss the protections of Roe go beyond abortion.” More

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      Biden’s State of the Union guests include mother whose IVF was canceled and Kate Cox

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      An Alabama mother who saw a second round of IVF canceled after the state supreme court ruled that embryos were children and a Texas mother forced to travel outside her state for a doctor-recommended abortion were due to attend Joe Biden’s State of the Union address on Thursday, as guests of the first lady, Jill Biden.The White House said the cases of LaTorya Beasley of Birmingham, Alabama, and Kate Cox, from Dallas, Texas, showed “how the overturning of Roe v Wade has disrupted access to reproductive healthcare for women and families across the country”.Roe v Wade, the US supreme court ruling that guaranteed federal abortion rights, was overturned by the rightwing-dominated court in June 2022.Last month, the Alabama IVF decision caused national uproar. As Democrats seized on a rightwing threat to reproductive rights of the kind that has fueled a string of successful election campaigns, Republicans scrambled to say they supported IVF. On Wednesday the Republican Alabama governor, Kay Ivey, signed a law protecting IVF providers.In a statement, the White House said: “Stories like Kate’s and LaTorya’s should never happen in America. But Republican elected officials want to impose this reality on women nationwide.”Amanda Zurawski, a Texas woman who nearly died of septic shock when she was denied a medically necessary abortion, is also due to attend.Republicans are on the defensive. At an event hosted by Axios in Washington on Thursday, Byron Donalds, a far-right Florida congressman touted as a vice-presidential pick for Donald Trump, parried repeated questions about whether federal protection was needed but said: “IVF is a procedure many couples use throughout our country.” Donalds also said he supported six-week abortion bans.The head of Donalds’ caucus, Mike Johnson, the US House speaker, also used his State of the Union guest list to highlight reproductive rights as an political issue, inviting Janet Durig, executive director of the Capitol Hill Pregnancy Center in Washington DC, described as “one of the hundreds of pro-life centers or churches targeted and vandalised” after the fall of Roe v Wade.State of the Union guest lists are political by definition. Johnson’s list reflected the Republican agenda, highlighting crime (which is down nationwide), the fallout from the withdrawal from Afghanistan, and support for Israel in its war with Hamas.Among Johnson’s guests were two parents of US service members killed in the evacuation of Kabul in 2021; the mother and son of a US-Israeli soldier held hostage by Hamas; and a French-Israeli hostage released by Hamas.Johnson also invited the parents of Evan Gershkovich, a Wall Street Journal reporter held in Russia; two New York police officers “attacked in January by a mob of illegal immigrants in Times Square”; parents of people killed by a person who is undocumented and by fentanyl poisoning; the widow of Mike Gill, a former Trump administration official killed by a carjacker in Washington; campaigners against trans participation in women’s sports; the Turkish basketball star and campaigner Enes Freedom; and the pastor of Johnson’s Louisiana church.Announcing its own list, the White House said guests were picked “because they personify issues or themes to be addressed by the president in his speech, or they embody the Biden-Harris administration’s policies at work for the American people”.Other guests set to sit with Jill Biden and Doug Emhoff, husband of the vice-president, Kamala Harris, included an oncology nurse and a cancer patient; a gun control advocate from Uvalde, Texas, the scene of an elementary school massacre; the president of the United Auto Workers and a member of that union; and a veteran of Bloody Sunday, the historic civil rights march in Selma, Alabama, in 1965.The governor of the Gilar River Indian Community in Arizona, a naval commander back from protecting Red Sea shipping against attacks by Houthi rebels in Yemen, the women’s health advocate Maria Shriver, and a military spouse were also set to attend.Ulf Kristersson, the prime minister of Sweden, a new Nato ally, accepted an invitation. But two other high-profile international figures turned the Bidens down: Yulia Navalnya, widow of the deceased Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny, and Olena Zelenska, first lady of Ukraine.Thanks to opposition from Johnson (and Trump), Congress is gridlocked on new aid for Ukraine in its war with Russia. The Washington Post also reported that Zelenska did not want to be associated with Navalnya because her husband once said Crimea was part of Russia, which annexed it from Ukraine in 2014. More

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      Put yourself in the shoes of a Donald Trump voter – and understand what drives his success | Simon Jenkins

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      Donald Trump is certain to be the Republican candidate in this year’s election for US president. He is also currently favourite to win. To most readers of the Guardian, I am sure this prospect is appalling, as it is to most Britons. The nation to which they gave birth and language, that has been their friend and protector down the ages, seems to be going mad.Britons who know the US are amazed that, however reluctantly, enough of its voters might again choose Trump to rule over them after the experience of 2017 to 2021. Who are these Americans? How can they be so blind to his faults, with the law hounding him, gossip ridiculing him and commentators pouring scorn and derision on his every word?The answer is that the Americans who support Trump are not those whom most Britons know. They are elderly and rural: they are often, but by no means solely, working class and/or non-graduates. But, above all, they love Trump because they, too, are hostile to the Americans that he purports to hate.These hated Americans – the language of Trump’s rallies is visceral – mostly live in big cities down the east and west coasts. They favour federal government, identity politics, social liberalism and free trade. They are led by a college-educated, liberal establishment. Of course, these are generalisations – but that is what Trump trades in.His claim is that over the past two decades this establishment has corrupted the nation’s identity and bruised its essence. Using the rhetoric of a mafia boss, he declares he will smash these enemies of America. He will stop Mexicans crossing the border, with guns if need be. He will execute drug dealers, protect American families from gender politics, leave idiot Europeans to their petty wars and end Biden’s crazy foreign interventions.Trump is the braggart of every bar-room brawl. Most democratic leaders come to power with their rough edges softened through climbing the ladder of party politics. Not so Trump. The only experience he brought to the White House was that of New York’s property jungle, a world of rivalry, double-dealing and revenge; his favourite motto is the phrase he used in January towards his now fallen rival Nikki Haley: “I don’t get too angry, I get even.”A large amount of the abuse that Trump attracts from his critics disappointingly relies on raw snobbery. It comprises attacks on his dress, his manners, his vulgar houses and his coarse turn of phrase – and echoes the remarks of English toffs on the arrival of the first Labour government in Downing Street. They do him no harm in the eyes of his fans. Early comparisons with Mussolini played to his self-image as a warrior taking on an entrenched elite.See it through their eyes: the US did not collapse into dictatorship under Trump. Enemies were not arrested nor hostile media shut down. Since leaving office, though, his own enemies have not stopped trying to convict and imprison him, even as the trials merely aid his cause. Colorado’s attempt to stop him running for office was as legally wrongheaded as it was counterproductive.The US economy did well under Trump, better than Britain’s. He made a genuine if futile attempt to find peace in Korea. Vladimir Putin, with whom his relations remain obscure, did not invade Ukraine while he was in the White House. His recent demand that Nato and Europe reassess both their strategy and their forces was hardly unreasonable, if poorly expressed. His fixation with immigration is hardly confined to the American continent.That is why Trump’s enemies would do well to look to the causes of their own unpopularity. Democracy gives no quarter. It is one person, one vote, and its believers cannot complain when the arithmetic goes against them. Trump complains that the US ruling class and its media – apart from the bits he controls – are governed by new ideologies based on gender and race. He claims they want to ban conservatism from campuses, “defund” the police and flood the country with Mexican labour and Chinese goods. There is just enough truth in these accusations to have his supporters cheering him on.A prominent US senator recently assured a private gathering in London that Americans would never return Trump to the White House. It was inconceivable. Those declaring for him were just “just trying to give us a fright”.I can only hope he is right. With the present state of things in the world, the erratic Trump should never be in a position to lead what is still, tenuously, the free world. But those who oppose him should study what makes him so popular in the eyes of most Americans – and makes them less so.
      Simon Jenkins is a Guardian columnist More

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      Taylor Swift can teach us all a lesson in how democracy works | Margaret Sullivan

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      If you’re any kind of a Taylor Swift fan, you’ve seen the footage of the pop star arguing with her father. The subject is politics. Or, more specifically, whether Taylor should express herself publicly on political issues and candidates, in this case in defense of women’s reproductive rights.Dad makes the case against it. In protective mode, he wants his daughter to stay in her lane: music. It’s not good for her safety or her career or her mental health to go prancing through this minefield of controversy, alienating people and drawing abusers along the way. One of her managers agrees – does she really want to see only half as many people at her next show?Taylor is, at times, in tears. Speaking out about her core beliefs is simply something she feels a moral obligation to do, she tells her father. And, of course, she does just that – in fact, eventually, she went so far as to endorse Joe Biden for president in 2020. (It must have worked; he did win, after all, despite what certain ex-presidents would have you believe.)Swift spoke out again this week when she urged her fans to take some basic democratic action.“I wanted to remind you guys to vote the people who most represent you into power,” Swift said on her Instagram story on Super Tuesday. “If you haven’t already, make a plan to vote today.”In this case, she wasn’t pushing for a specific candidate – merely telling her millions of followers to be engaged citizens. It wasn’t just “vote” – it was “make a plan to vote”. Swift was specific: she told people to check the locations and hours of their polling places, in her state of Tennessee and beyond.For November, “make a plan to vote” means getting registered, something that Swift has urged before, and which has resulted in voting registration spikes in the tens of thousands. The Biden campaign, of course, hopes that she’ll go further eventually and endorse him again.But even this basic message is important. And simple though it is, it made some people angry. Why can’t she shut up and just be an entertainer, they seemed to think? The Guardian reported one response posted on social media: “WOW: Taylor Swift has officially begun interfering in the 2024 election. She tells her young female fans to vote the candidate that ‘most represents you into power’.”Horrors! Representative government at work! There’s a strong “stay in your lane” vibe from that and other negative responses.I admire Swift for using her vast influence for something important. And she serves as a good role model for the rest of us. We may not have her mass numbers of followers – no one does – but we can all play a role in sustaining American democracy, which is looking rather fragile right now.Last year, when I interviewed scholars, authors and commentators on my podcast, American Crisis, I asked each of them for a pro-democracy “call to action” for both the media and for citizens. They had plenty of pointed advice for the media – like prioritizing journalism’s public service mission instead of focusing on polls, the horserace and chasing clicks. And they were in general agreement about what regular people – non-celebrities – can do.“We face a really existential choice about the type of country we want to have and how we want to be governed,” the author Garrett Graff warned. He added that he had been shocked at how radically and quickly the guardrails of democracy have crumbled in recent years and how “cynically” the news media has played along for the sake of profit.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionSo, Graff counseled, citizens need to be intensely focused on the stakes – the consequences – of the coming presidential election and down-ballot elections as well. And to act accordingly.As Ruth Ben-Ghiat told me, staying well-informed is crucial. An expert in authoritarian leaders and the author of Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present, she knows how important it is that citizens resist the temptation to tune out and throw up our hands. Taking advantage of a passive electorate is one way that strongmen manage to gain power.Democracy, by its nature, requires participation. You have to give a damn. That can mean donating to a campaign, volunteering as a poll worker, helping people to register or to get to a voting location. And make your own plan to vote; then carry it out.Being an engaged, vocal citizen isn’t the easiest thing to do, as Taylor Swift’s father tried to tell her.But she went ahead anyway. And so should we all.
      Margaret Sullivan is a Guardian US columnist writing on media, politics and culture More

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      Johnson pleads for decorum from Republicans at Biden State of the Union

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      Mike Johnson, the Republican speaker of the US House, reportedly pleaded with his party to show “decorum” on Thursday, when Joe Biden comes to the chamber to deliver his State of the Union address.“Decorum is the order of the day,” Johnson said, according to an unnamed Republican who attended a closed-door event on Capitol Hill on Wednesday and was quoted by the Hill.The same site said another unnamed member of Congress said Johnson asked his party to “carry ourselves with good decorum”.A third Republican was quoted as saying, “He said, ‘Let’s have the appropriate decorum. We don’t need to be shrill, you know, we got to avoid that. We need to base things upon policy, upon facts, upon reality of situations.”Last year’s State of the Union saw outbursts from Republicans and responses from Biden that made headlines, most awarding the president the win.Kevin McCarthy, then speaker, also asked his Republican members not to breach decorum. But in a sign of his limited authority, months before he became the first speaker ejected by his own party, such pleas fell on deaf ears.When Biden said Republicans wanted to cut social security and Medicare, many Republicans shouted: “No!”Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia – apparently dressed as a Chinese spy balloon – yelled: “You lie! You lie! Liar!”Responding to widespread applause, Biden said: “As we all apparently agree, social security and Medicare are apparently off the books now … We’ve got unanimity!”Greene has form. In March 2022, she and Lauren Boebert, a fellow extremist from Colorado, repeatedly interrupted Biden’s first State of the Union.The two congresswomen tried to start a chant of “Build the wall”, referring to the southern border. Boebert shouted about the deaths of 13 US service members in Afghanistan. She was booed in return.Biden will give his third State of the Union at a key point in an election year, his rematch with Donald Trump all but confirmed, polling showing Trump in the lead.The third Republican who spoke to the Hill said Republicans attending Biden’s speech should let Democrats “do the gaslighting, let them do the blaming. I think the American people know who is responsible for the many worldwide crises that we have.”But a named Republican, Tim Burchett of Tennessee, said decorum would most likely not be maintained.“Will they do it?” Burchett said, of likely boos and catcalls at Biden. “Somebody asked me that earlier and I said, ‘Does the Baptist church got a bus?’ Of course they will because he’s gonna say some very offensive things, he’s gonna attack us.“I think we just need to try to be a little classy. Consider where we’re at, let the other side do that. You know, they did it to Trump, and nobody said boo, but when we do it we’re gonna get made an example of it.”Democrats did boo Trump. The most memorable State of the Union moment from his presidency, though, came in 2020, another election year, and was expressed in actions rather than words.After Trump finished speaking, Nancy Pelosi, then speaker of the House, stood behind him and theatrically ripped up his speech. More

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      It’s Trump v Biden again. Why were there no better options for voters? | Moira Donegan

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      You would hardly know from the 2024 cycle that primaries are supposed to be political contests. Each party’s primaries, if they can be called that, were long exercises in foregone conclusions. And so the primary process, which for nearly 60 years has been a popular contest in which each party’s internal factions jockeyed for position, worked to shape the party identity, and ultimately made their case to voters did not come to pass this year. Functionally, there were two incumbents. And functionally, neither party’s primary offered a meaningful opportunity for the expression of internal dissent.This did not change on Super Tuesday. Biden and Trump racked up delegates; the votes that were cast in the presidential contest were cast mostly in full awareness of their futility, the result already decided. There is one option labeled “R”, and one option labeled “D”. More than once throughout the campaign, I’ve imagined America’s political party leaders as cruel lunch ladies, slopping greyish gruel on to trays for an unappetized America. “You’ll eat it and you’ll like it.”Except nobody does like it. Poll after poll showed that voters did not want a rematch between Donald Trump and Joe Biden. In a healthier political system, this discontent with the two incumbents would be an opportunity for other ideas to emerge, for other candidates to make a case to the public. In ours, this dissatisfaction did nothing to affect the slow march to the inevitable. In leaks to the press, representatives from both campaigns have long been speaking of a pivot to the general, and of waiting for voters to let it sink in that the general election would in fact be between Trump and Biden. Like doctors giving a patient a bad prognosis, they seemed eager to skip over the formality of having to deal with how little they had satisfied their constituents, ready to get back to the part where they accrued more power for themselves.But the fact that both parties are sclerotic, slow-moving, captured by cynical necessity and immune from dissent should not suggest that there is any symmetry between them. Functionally, ours is now a unipolar national politics: Trump is the sole author of its controversies and the sole definer of its terms. The Republican party has remade itself in his image, and the Democratic party has struggled to represent all of those who reject him. Neither party was especially strong before Trump’s emergence, and perhaps in another world, the primary system would have collapsed this way even in his absence. But in this world, the force of Trump is what broke the primaries, making every contest, on each side, little more than a referendum on him.On the Republican side, the farcical and juvenile little primary contest, which was never a real competition anyway, dwindled steadily and inevitably down to just two candidates: Donald Trump and the person whose futile candidacy was meant to stand in for all the aspirations of a non-Trump alternative, Nikki Haley. Once the other alternatives were gone, Haley garnered perhaps more support than was expected –showing that a small but sizable contingent of Republican voters are dissatisfied with Trump. But on Tuesday, she lost consistently by wide margins; her unhappy minority was always a small minority; there was not one day when the Republican primary was a real contest. It seems almost ridiculous now, remembering how at the beginning of 2023, some people thought that Ron DeSantis might actually have a chance. The ensuing months proved what we now know: there will never be another meaningfully competitive Republican primary for as long as Trump is alive. So long as he cares to run, it will always be his.The whole Republican party is his. It’s not just that Trump has no real Republican challengers for the presidency: it is that he seems to wield more or less sole authority over policy for all Republican federal elected officials. It was a nod from Trump that killed the draconian border and immigration bill that Democrats had assented to earlier this year – not because Trump did not like the policies, which were a litany of violent Republican priorities, but because he wanted to be able to continue to use immigration as a cudgel in an election year. And so the Republican party dropped one of its most longstanding goals – increasing cruelty to migrants – for the sake of Donald Trump’s personal political convenience. The Democrats, of course, took this as a win: they wanted to be able to say to the American people that they tried to hand all power and policy over to the Republicans, but that the Republicans are too incompetent and internally corrupt to let them.This incident, and the Democrats’ response to it, serves as a decent metaphor for the status of the party: a frantic and committed compliance. Since Donald Trump’s rise, and particularly since the cruelty, disfunction and anti-democratic potential of his tenure became clear during his first term, the Democratic party has become the receptacle for all the hopes of a resurgent left, from the Women’s March to Black Lives Matter. It was these voters, and their anger at Trump, that allowed Democrats to retake the House in 2018; it was these voters, and their anger at Dobbs, that allowed the party an unprecedented victory in the 2022 midterms. But the party has responded to these newly energized liberal voters with all the enthusiasm of someone finding something writhing and slimy under a rock. The party would rather chase centrist and conservative voters who are permanently in thrall to Trump than service this base. They remain a center-right party, contrasting themselves to a far-right opposition. This, they say, is the only way they can win.And this is more or less the only option that their voters have. For all the rancor of the 2020 Democratic primary, that contest was never very competitive, either: Joe Biden was always the presumed frontrunner, and he solidified the nomination when he handily won South Carolina, a victory that showed support from Black voters, particularly older ones.But in 2024, that support seems to be dwindling. In part, it is dwindling because Biden has been so condescending and hostile to the resurgent left. He has repeatedly voiced his distaste for abortion, the issue that his campaign will hinge on; his administration has severely bungled its response to Arab American and pro-Palestinian voters who are angry at Biden’s support for Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.Ordinarily, this would be a moment for a leftwing challenger to emerge, to raise the salience of progressive issues and exert influence over the party, even if such a challenge could not capture the ticket. But the necessity of defeating Donald Trump has made such a contest seem unacceptably risky: aside from Dean Phillips, a centrist footnote of a presidential candidate, Biden has had no primary challenge. Concerns about his candidacy have taken on a pretext of being about his age, his energy. But what is really at stake is the fragility of the anti-Trump coalition. Real political struggle, both within the Democratic party and in the nation as a whole, has been largely suspended for the sake of defeating Donald Trump and his threat to constitutional democracy. But Donald Trump keeps on not being defeated.
      Moira Donegan is a Guardian US columnist More

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      ‘Cult of authoritarian personality’: Jamie Raskin excoriates Republican party

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      The Republican party under Donald Trump has become “a cult of authoritarian personality in league with autocrats and kleptocrats and dictators”, the prominent Democrat Jamie Raskin said, as the former US president saw off Nikki Haley, his last rival for the presidential nomination, and finally won the support of Mitch McConnell, the Republican leader in the US Senate.Raskin was a House manager in Trump’s second impeachment, for inciting the attack on Congress on 6 January 2021. After Senate Republicans ensured Trump escaped conviction, Raskin sat on the House committee that investigated January 6.“The next election wasn’t much on my mind when we were reeling from the violence and the catastrophe of January 6,” Raskin told MSNBC, referring to the deadly riot Trump stoked in an attempt to overturn his 2020 defeat by Joe Biden.“But I think my assumption was that of the constitution itself, which is that someone who participates in an insurrection against the union should never be allowed to hold office again.“It is disgraceful that a great political party, much less Abraham Lincoln’s [Republican] party, a party of liberty and union, should be reduced to a cult of authoritarian personality in league with autocrats and kleptocrats and dictators all over the world.”Of 91 criminal charges now faced by Trump, four federal and 13 state charges concern attempted election subversion. The others arise from retention of classified information (40, federal) and for hush-money payments to an adult film star (34, state).Trump has also been handed multimillion-dollar fines in civil cases over his businesses and a rape allegation a judge called “substantially true”, and subjected to attempts to remove him from the ballot for inciting an insurrection. Regardless, he has dominated the Republican primary.This week, the US supreme court rejected attempts to keep Trump off the ballot. In criminal court, meanwhile, Trump’s lawyers are playing for time, seeking to fend off judgment until Trump can return to power and have cases dismissed.On Wednesday, Haley, the former South Carolina governor, bowed to the inevitable and ended her presidential campaign, if without endorsing Trump.Raskin said: “What we’ve seen in this election, and we’ll have to follow what happens with Nikki Haley, is the Republicans break but they can’t bend. In other words, there’s no ability to accommodate other views because everybody has to follow Donald Trump, like a monarch.”The Marylander also saluted “Liz Cheney, Adam Kinzinger, the Lincoln Project and all of the Republicans who are standing up for the constitution” by opposing Trump.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionCheney, from Wyoming, and Kinzinger, from Illinois, were the only Republicans on the January 6 committee. Kinzinger retired. Cheney lost her seat.The daughter of the former vice-president Dick Cheney and a stringent conservative, Liz Cheney has resisted calls to run against Trump as a Republican or on a third-party ticket. On Wednesday, she announced a new political action committee, The Great Task.Named for a phrase in the Gettysburg Address, the 1863 Lincoln speech that became a foundational American text, the group said it would support candidates for office “focused on reverence for the rule of law, respect for our constitution, and a recognition that all citizens have a responsibility to put their duty to the country above partisanship”.“The GOP has chosen,” Cheney said. “They will nominate a man who attempted to overturn an election and seize power. We have eight months to save our republic and ensure Donald Trump is never anywhere near the Oval Office again. Join me in the fight for our nation’s freedom.” More

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      Smirking and smiling: why America’s judges have made Trump gleeful

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      You’re reading the Guardian US’s free Trump on Trial newsletter. To get the latest court developments delivered to your inbox, sign up here.On the docket: the courts are suddenly making Trump ‘jubilant’On Monday, Donald Trump did something he has rarely done in the past few months: he heaped praise on judges.“I want to start by thanking the supreme court for its unanimous decision today,” he said in remarks at his Mar-a-Lago home, shortly after the US supreme court ruled that he was wrongly removed from Colorado’s primary ballot, in a decision that guarantees he’ll be able to appear on every state’s ballots this fall.“It was a very important decision, very well crafted. I think it will go a long way toward bringing our country together, which our country needs.”In the past week, judges have given Trump a lot to smile about.The supreme court’s ruling that he can’t be removed from the ballot came just days after the same court decided to in effect delay his Washington DC federal election interference trial for months, possibly pushing it past election day and derailing the trial entirely. On Wednesday, the court announced that it would hear arguments for that case on 25 April – the absolute final day of the court’s calendar for oral arguments.Guardian US reporter Hugo Lowell writes that Trump “has been jubilant” over the supreme court’s move, and has repeatedly raised the topic “every day since” it happened, according to people close to him.On Friday, Trump smirked and smiled as he watched Judge Aileen Cannon, a judge in Florida he appointed to the federal bench who’s now overseeing his classified documents case, make clear she was in no rush to get that trial moving and was likely to delay its start date.Cannon told prosecutors that one part of their proposed schedule was “unrealistic”, a sign she wouldn’t accept their proposed July trial date. And she declined to actually schedule anything during last Friday’s scheduling hearing – an unusual approach that charitably indicates the rookie judge is moving very deliberately through the process, and could even suggest she’s aiming to slow the trial down as much as possible.Trump is known for wearing his emotions on his sleeve, and his demeanor couldn’t have been more different than at other recent court appearances. When he appeared at the late January hearing to set his New York hush-money trial dates, Trump called it a “sad day for New York” and complained the trial would take him off the campaign trail. During his civil defamation trial with E Jean Carroll in late January, Trump groused so loudly during testimony that the judge had to warn him to pipe down – or be removed from court.In Georgia, we’re still waiting to see what Judge Scott McAfee decides to do after last Friday’s hearing wrapped up debate over whether the Fulton county district attorney, Fani Willis, and special prosecutor Nathan Wade should be removed from Trump’s Georgia criminal election interference case. Trump’s criminal hush-money case is set to kick off in New York in just a few weeks.But the events of the past 10 days have made it more likely that all but one of Trump’s criminal trials may not take place before the November election – if they happen at all.Will this matter?View image in fullscreenGuardian US chief reporter Ed Pilkington dissects the supreme court’s decision to leave Trump on the ballot in Colorado, warning that its 9-0 decision belied a deep division over what the liberal justices viewed as a “wholly gratuitous” expansive decision from five of the court’s conservative justices.Ed writes: “The sting of the ruling – and its danger, despite its unanimous facade – is likely to be felt in the longer term. As the three liberal justices lament, the ruling shields the court and ‘petitioner’ – ie Trump – ‘from future controversy’. Worse, the conservative majority has moved to ‘insulate all alleged insurrectionists from future challenges to their holding federal office’ … protecting all future insurrectionists against the democratic safeguards built into the US constitution.“That future may not be long in coming. Trump has shown no remorse over 2020, and may well unleash another attack should he lose in November.”Our reporter George Chidi explains that Judge McAfee’s crucial decision on whether or not to disqualify Fulton county district attorney Fani Willis and special prosecutor Nathan Wade from the Georgia election interference case probably hinges on how McAfee views a specific part of the law: whether the defense had to prove Willis and Wade had an actual conflict of interest, or just the appearance of impropriety, for them to be booted from the case.“The stakes are high,” George writes. “If Willis is disqualified, it will plunge the prosecution against Trump, and others, into chaos, likely triggering delays that could go beyond the November election. If Willis remains, the prosecution of the former US president for seeking to undermine Georgia’s 2020 election will continue – though it will be badly damaged in terms of political optics.”And Sam Levine lays out how the supreme court’s decision to hear Trump’s claims of presidential immunity was “unquestionably one of Trump’s biggest legal victories to date” – and undercuts their own standing in the eyes of the public.“The court has now essentially sanctioned Trump’s delaying strategy,” Sam writes. “Regardless of what the supreme court rules on the immunity question, by delaying the trial, it has now directly linked itself to Trump’s fate in the 2024 election. It is a perilous move for a court that is already suffering a credibility crisis and is widely seen as a body that favors Republicans and conservatives.”skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionBriefsView image in fullscreen Trump’s attorneys said they opposed a gag order that Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg’s office has asked Judge Juan Merchan to put in place in Trump’s upcoming hush-money criminal trial. The limited gag order would bar Trump from attacking potential trial witnesses, jurors, and Bragg and Merchan’s staffs while excluding the prosecutor and the judge themselves from the order. The Georgia state senate committee that is investigating Willis held a Wednesday hearing with Ashleigh Merchant, the attorney for Trump Georgia co-defendant Mike Roman, where she reiterated the claims she’d made during her push to disqualify Willis from the case. Politico reports that in recent weeks Arizona prosecutors issued grand-jury subpoenas to multiple people linked to Trump’s 2020 campaign, a sign that Kris Mayes, Arizona’s Democratic attorney general, is nearing a decision on whether to charge Trump’s allies in the state with crimes relating to their attempts to overturn his 2020 election loss.Cronies & casualtiesView image in fullscreenPro-Trump attorneys Kenneth Chesebro and Jim Troupis settled a civil lawsuit in Wisconsin on Monday by agreeing to turn over documents that revealed the key role they played in creating what became Trump’s “fake electors” scheme to try to overturn his 2020 election defeat.Those once-private text messages and emails show exactly how intimately Chesebro was involved in the efforts – from conceptualizing the plan itself to brainstorming media strategy to attending the 6 January rally, where he took a selfie near the conspiracy theorist Alex Jones.In one text message, after the Wisconsin supreme court declined to overturn the state’s election results, Chesebro sent Troupis a screenshot of a text that appears to joke about killing Brian Hagedorn, a conservative justice who cast a critical vote in the case. “We’re thinking of inviting Hagedorn on the plane and solving that problem at high altitude, over water …” the message says.What’s nextFriday Georgia’s campaign-filing deadline is noon on Friday – meaning we’ll know by then whether anyone decides to run against Fani Willis (as well as Judge Scott McAfee, who’s overseeing the case and is running for election for the first time after being appointed to the bench by the Republican governor, Brian Kemp, in 2022).Some time next week McAfee said at last Friday’s hearing that he plans to make a decision by the end of next week on whether Willis and special prosecutor Nathan Wade will be allowed to remain on the Georgia case.Any time now Judge Cannon could announce the new trial schedule for the Mar-a-Lago classified documents case.25 March Trump’s criminal hush-money trial is set to begin with jury selection in New York.25 April The US supreme court will hear oral arguments over Trump’s claims that presidential immunity protects him against any criminal charges for his actions in the lead-up to the January 6 insurrection.Have any questions about Trump’s trials? Please send them our way at: trumpontrial@theguardian.com More