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    US inflation rate slows but remains close to 40-year high

    US inflation rate slows but remains close to 40-year highConsumer price index reveals costs rising by a monthly rate of 0.3% in April, down from 1.2% in March, the first fall since August 2021 Price rises slowed in the US in April but the annual inflation rate remained close to a 40-year high, leaving many Americans struggling to afford necessities including food, shelter and fuel.The latest consumer price index (CPI) figures – which measure a broad range of goods and services – showed prices rising by a monthly rate of 0.3% in April, down from 1.2% in March, the first fall since August 2021.But it is still too early to say whether inflation has peaked. At 8.3% the annual rate of inflation in April was down from 8.5% in March but remains at a level unseen since the 1980s. Over the year the CPI’s food index increased 9.4%, the largest 12-month increase since April 1981. The so-called core-price index – which excludes the volatile categories of food and energy – increased 0.6% on the month, up from March’s 0.3% gain.The figures come as the Federal Reserve is moving to sharply increase interest rates in an attempt to bring prices back under control. The pace of rate rises, and fears that they may trigger a recession, have spooked investors and sent stock markets reeling.Soaring demand and a lack of supply thanks to the pandemic have led to price rises across a broad swath of goods and services. Air fares are up 40% over the last three months. A booming house market has made housing unaffordable for many Americans, especially people of color, and 49% of people recently told Pew Research that affordable housing is a large problem in their community.Randall Kroszner, an economics professor at the University of Chicago and former Fed governor, said the sharp rise in core inflation would worry the Fed. “That is where you look for evidence that inflation is becoming entrenched,” he said.Kroszner said global issues including the war in Ukraine and China’s Covid woes had combined with rising rates to deliver a “one-two punch” to the US economy. He believes the chances of the US entering a recession have risen and that the housing and jobs markets may be the next to suffer.“I’m generally an optimist but this is challenging,” he said.The rising cost of living has become a leading political issue as the US prepares for November’s midterm elections. Rising prices have battered Joe Biden’s approval ratings. This week an Investors Business Daily/TIPP poll found that Biden’s approval had fallen to 39%, approaching his previous record low of 38% set in February, and confidence in the US economy was close to an eight-year low.On Tuesday, Biden said his administration was doing all it could to tackle inflation. “I want every American to know that I’m taking inflation very seriously,” he said in remarks from the White House. “It’s my top domestic priority.The Biden administration has made attempts to bring down prices. In March the White House announced plans to release up to 1m barrels of oil a day from the strategic reserve, in an attempt to dampen high gasoline prices exacerbated by the war in Ukraine. But gas prices remain elevated at a national average of $4.37 a gallon compared with $2.96 a year ago, according to AAA.Republicans have blamed Biden’s stimulus programs for rising prices, a claim he disputes. ​​ The president said his policies had “helped not hurt” the nation’s economic outlook.MIT economics professor Kristin Forbes said the US recovery had shown the US economy lacked skilled workers in industries where demand for jobs was high, pushing up wages – a problem that also afflicted the UK in the wake of the pandemic.The former Bank of England policymaker told a committee of MPs in the UK parliament that she expected inflation in the US to fall, especially once increases in borrowing costs feed through into more expensive mortgages and loans.However, she said the UK faced an acute inflationary spiral that would continue into the autumn because Britain was the only country affected by all six drivers of global inflation. Inflation is running at 7% in the UK, but is forecast by the Bankto exceed 10% later this year. She highlighted the impact on the UK of higher energy prices, a falling exchange rate, trade restrictions that pushed up goods prices, a decade of modest inflation going into the pandemic, expectations among businesses and consumers of much higher inflation in a year’s time and a tight labour market, forcing wages higher.“The UK is the only country to tick every box with inflation pressures coming from all six areas,” she said.TopicsUS economyInflationEconomicsUS politicsBiden administrationnewsReuse this content More

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    Oil firms collect £22bn in profits as fuel and energy bills soar

    Oil, gas and electricity companies have raked in billions of pounds in extra profits this year as families struggle with massive rises in fuel prices and gas bills.Shell, BP, Exxon Mobil and Chevron have all seen profits rise, boosted by high oil prices in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Between them, the four companies reported $27.3bn (£22bn) in profits during the first three months of this year.Energy suppliers have also enjoyed bumper earnings, with British Gas owner Centrica updating the stock market on Tuesday to say it expected profits to be at the top end of previous guidance.It came on the same day that the chairman of Tesco – Britain’s largest fuel retailer – said there was an “overwhelming need” for a windfall tax on energy companies after seeing the supermarket’s customers “extremely stretched”.Tesco sold £6.6bn of petrol and diesel in its latest financial year – a 48 per cent increase on 2020/21.Forecourt prices have surged to record highs this year while the price cap on domestic energy billed jumped 54 per cent last month.New estimates from consultants Cornwall Insight predict that the cap will rise again from £1,971 to £2,395 for the average household, putting extra pressure on consumers. Prices are expected to remain elevated until at least the end of 2024.The latest profit figures will lend further weight to calls for a windfall tax on energy companies. Labour has pushed for a tax on North Sea oil and gas revenues which it claims would raise around £1.2bn to help households with bills.Tesco chairman John Allan told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme ahead of the Queen’s Speech that he thinks oil and gas companies are “expecting” a windfall tax and doubts “they would actually be much fazed by it”. The speech laying out Boris Johnson’s legislative agenda for the year has been criticised for not including adequate measures to tackle the cost of living crisis.The UK’s “Big Six” energy suppliers have yet to report results for the first quarter of this year but British Gas is not alone in forecasting stellar financial performance. Rival supplier and energy network operator SSE recently upgraded its profit outlook to £1bn for the year to 31 March, a rise of 10 per cent on last year’s performance.E.On is set to deliver its results on Wednesday with analysts forecasting earnings from the group’s core business to jump from £1.6bn in 2021 to £2.1bn in 2022.BP boss Bernard Looney likened the oil giants’ business to a “cash machine” last year, as sales bounced back after being hammered by the pandemic. Underlying profit rose to $6.2bn (£5.3bn) in the first three months of this year, more than double the $2.6bn (£2.1bn) BP made in the same period last year.It was the firm’s best quarterly result in a decade and helped Mr Looney to a big pay rise as he collected an annual package of £4.5m, up from £1.7m a year earlier.Exxon Mobil, the ultimate owner of Esso, reported profits of $5.5bn (£4.4bn) during the first quarter of this year, up from $2.7bn (£2.1bn) in the same period during 2021.Revenue for the Texas-based oil major came in at $90.5bn (£73bn) during the latest period, up from $59.1bn (£48bn) a year ago when sales were impacted by Covid restrictions. Esso has more petrol stations than any other operator in the UK, with 1,227.Shell has also benefited from rising oil prices. Its adjusted earnings – which exclude one-off costs – rose to $9.1bn (£7.3bn) in the first quarter from $3.2bn (£2.5bn) in the same period last year.Chevron, which owns the Texaco brand, reported its profits had quadrupled to $6.5bn (£5.2bn), the company’s best performance in 10 years.Oil companies argue that their profits have always been cyclical – rising when the price of crude is high and falling when it is low. All major oil companies saw sales plunge during the early part of the pandemic. Several firms, including Exxon, Shell and BP, have written off billions of dollars as they hurry to exit investments in Russia.However, as financial pressures on consumers mount, political pressure to tax this year’s bumper revenues is growing. BP and Shell have both committed to making backing future projects in the UK, undermining arguments that a windfall tax would deter investment.Ed Miliband, Labour’s shadow climate change and net zero secretary, said government plans to tackle spiralling fuel bills, including a “buy now pay later” scheme of rebates, were “wholly inadequate to meet the scale of needs. And they refuse to implement a windfall tax on the oil and gas producers making record profits, that could fund real support for families.” More

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    White House announces internet program for low-income Americans

    White House announces internet program for low-income AmericansWith new commitment from 20 internet providers, about 48m households will be eligible for $30 monthly plans The Biden administration announced on Monday that 20 internet companies have agreed to provide discounted service to people with low incomes, a program that could effectively make tens of millions of households eligible for free service through an already existing federal subsidy.The $1tn infrastructure package passed by Congress last year included $14.2bn in funding for the Affordable Connectivity Program, which provides $30 monthly subsidies ($75 in tribal areas) on internet service for millions of lower-income households.Jill Biden makes unannounced visit to Ukraine and meets first ladyRead moreWith the new commitment from the internet providers, about 48m households will be eligible for $30 monthly plans for 100 megabits per second, or higher speed, service – making internet service fully paid for with the government subsidy if they sign up with one of the providers participating in the program.Biden, during his White House run and the push for the infrastructure bill, made expanding high-speed internet access in rural and low-income areas a priority. He has repeatedly spoken out about low-income families have struggled to find reliable wifi, so their children could take part in remote schooling and complete homework assignments early in the coronavirus pandemic.“If we didn’t know it before, we know now: high-speed internet is essential,” the Democratic president said during a White House event last month honoring the National Teacher of the Year.The 20 internet companies that have agreed to lower their rates for eligible consumers provide service in areas where 80% of the US population, including 50% of the rural population, live, according to the White House. Participating companies that offer service on tribal lands are providing $75 rates in those areas, the equivalent of the federal government subsidy in those areas.Biden and Vice-President Kamala Harris on Monday were set to meet with telecom executives, members of Congress and others to spotlight the effort to improve access to high-speed internet for low-income households.The providers are Allo Communications, AltaFiber (and Hawaiian Telecom), Altice USA (Optimum and Suddenlink), Astound, AT&T, Breezeline, Comcast, Comporium, Frontier, IdeaTek, Cox Communications, Jackson Energy Authority, MediaCom, MLGC, Spectrum (Charter Communications), Starry, Verizon (Fios only), Vermont Telephone Co, Vexus Fiber and Wow! Internet, Cable and TV.American households are eligible for subsidies through the Affordable Connectivity Program if their income is at or below 200% of the federal poverty level, or if a member of their family participates in one of several programs, including the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (Snap), Federal Public Housing Assistance (FPHA) and Veterans Pension and Survivors Benefit.TopicsUS newsBroadbandInternetBiden administrationIncome inequalityTelecommunications industryUS politicsnewsReuse this content More

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    Corporate America buckles down for culture war on Roe v Wade

    Corporate America buckles down for culture war on Roe v WadeRepublicans are mulling retaliation against firms providing benefits such as travel assistance for employees seeking abortion After a supreme court decision that overturns Roe v Wade was leaked and signaled the impending end of federal constitutional protection for abortions, a trickle of companies have slowly started to announce policies that provide abortion access for their employees. But while the protections may keep employees and consumers happy, the threat of retaliation from conservative lawmakers looms.Abortion surveillance: in a post-Roe world, could an internet search lead to an arrest? Read moreCitigroup, one of the biggest banks in the US, quietly started covering the travel expenses of employees who want to get an abortion but are banned from getting one in their home state.The benefit was not announced publicly. Instead, the company mentioned the change in benefits in a March filing for shareholders. Once news outlets began to report on the new benefit, the Republican ire began.Conservatives in Congress asked House and Senate administrators to cancel its contract with the company, which issues credit cards to lawmakers to use for work-related flights, office supplies and other goods. A state lawmaker in Texas, infuriated by Citigroup, introduced a bill that would prevent companies from doing business with local governments in Texas if they provide abortion-related benefits to their employees.“Citigroup decided to pander to the woke ideologues in its C-suite instead of obeying the laws of Texas,” said Briscoe Cain, the Texas state representative who introduced the bill, in a statement. “We will enact laws necessary to prevent this misuse of shareholder money and hold Citigroup accountable for its violation of our state’s abortion laws”.Citigroup has now been joined by Amazon, Apple, Yelp, Match Group, Tesla and Levi Strauss & Company, all which have said they will offer travel assistance to employees who are in states that restrict abortions. Insiders at JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs have told news outlets they too are considering similar policies.“I expect there will be a significant shift and the most leading companies are going to recognize that they need to protect the healthcare of their employees,” said Shelley Alpern, director of shareholder advocacy at Rhia Ventures. “Most companies would like to avoid taking a public stance on this issue because it’s so controversial, but there are higher risks for companies when they don’t protect their employees’ healthcare access.”In today’s heated political climate – and with midterm elections looming – corporate America can expect a fiery response to any stance it takes on Roe’s fall. But given the widespread impact the end of Roe v Wade will have on much of the country – 26 states will restrict abortion access if the decision is overturned – it is unlikely that companies can get away with not responding to the issue once the supreme court makes its final decision.Neeru Paharia, an associate professor at Georgetown University McDonough School of Business, said that people expect more out of companies as trust in government has fallen.“People are enacting their political will in the marketplace,” she said. For consumers, a purchase from a company can be a symbolic sign of support. For employees, their identities can be tied to the ethical positions of the company they work for.Over the last few years, corporate America has started to become more vocal on various issues that have gotten the attention of conservative lawmakers, including voting rights and LGBTQ+ issues. But conservative politicians have gotten bolder at fighting back against what they consider to be “woke capitalism”.While the GOP has historically positioned itself as the business-friendly, tax-cutting political party, conservative lawmakers have been emboldened to threaten and punish companies who speak out on controversial issues.Last month, Florida’s governor, Ron DeSantis, revoked special land use privileges the state gave to Disney for its Disney World theme park in Orlando after the company – responding to backlash from employees and consumers – spoke out against the state’s “don’t say gay” law. The move appeared to catch people by surprise. Lloyd Blankfein, former Goldman Sachs CEO, tweeted that the move “smacks of government retaliation for exercising free speech. Bad look for a conservative.”“That was really shocking,” Paharia said. “Now you have a situation where consumers and employees want companies to take a political stance, but then you have governments that are possibly retaliating against them.”When it comes to abortion, “even though it might not be [explicitly] taking a side … [companies] are taking a position based on the kind of benefits they are going to offer their employees”.The threats lawmakers have made have so far not come to fruition, but the party seems serious on trying to penalize companies in some way. The Republican senator Marco Rubio introduced a bill this week that would not allow companies to deduct abortion-related travel benefits as regular employee benefits when a company files its taxes.“Our tax code should be pro-family and promote a culture of life,” he said in a statement.With these warnings, companies may try to keep the introduction of abortion-related quiet or downplay their significance. When Citigroup’s CEO, Jane Fraser – the first woman to lead a major American bank – was asked in a shareholders meeting about the company’s new abortion travel benefit, she said the benefit “isn’t intended to be a statement about a very sensitive issue”.“What we did here was follow our past practices,” she said, adding that the company had “covered reproductive healthcare benefits for over 20 years. And our practice has also been to make sure our employees have the same health coverage, no matter where in the US they live.”Jen Stark, senior director of corporate strategy at Tara Health Foundation, who helped coordinate the signatures of over 180 executives in a statement against abortion bans in 2019, said the potential backlash from conservative lawmakers proves that companies need to act on abortion restrictions beyond mitigating effects for their employees.“They can buy all the plane tickets their workers need, and that addresses the immediate harm, but the structural deficiency is the collateral damage,” she said. “The supreme court case didn’t happen in a bubble … you’re kind of walking over the rubble.”Beyond benefits for employees, Stark has been advocating for companies to use their lobbying powers and scrutinize political donations as state lawmakers prepare to restrict abortions.“We are at the moment everyone’s cried wolf about. It’s here, but there was also a lot of headwind,” she said. “What companies can do with a stroke of a pen to mitigate some of the harm is important, but the larger issue is getting out of this structural whirlpool that we’re in.”TopicsRoe v WadeCitigroupBankingGoldman SachsAppleUS politicsfeaturesReuse this content More

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    ‘What am I going to do?’: soaring prices fuel calls for US government to step in

    ‘What am I going to do?’: soaring prices fuel calls for US government to step inLarge corporations are passing on higher-than-needed price increases to customers under the cover of inflation, war and supply chain squeezes, experts say Outside a Dollar Tree in Detroit, Latasha Holmes lamented the rising cost of toilet paper, beverages, food and other items she had just purchased. The price increases, she said, were forcing her to choose among necessities for her and four kids.“What am I going to do? Prices are up everywhere, all over town,” she said. “I can’t afford everything.”But while Holmes struggles, Dollar Tree thrives. The retailer increased its prices by 25% as profits jumped 269% between 2019 and 2021, and its profit margins widened. Shareholders won too. The company also announced a stock buyback program worth $1bn that will deliver cash from those price increases to its investors.Dollar Tree and other large corporations are juicing profits by passing on higher-than-needed price increases to customers like Holmes under the cover of inflation, war and supply chain squeezes, consumer advocates and economists say. They are calling for the federal government to take bold steps to rein in the companies.Revealed: top US corporations raising prices on Americans even as profits surgeRead moreAmong proposed prescriptions are price controls, improved price fixing rules, commodity market intervention, stock buyback regulation and antitrust enforcement. Ranged against those proposals are a powerful business lobby and a divided Congress that seems unable to pass major legislation.“There are reasons to have a profit incentive, but there are also reasons to have an overall regulatory body that can say, ‘This is actually profiteering … while everyone is hurting,’” said Krista Brown, a policy analyst with the American Economic Liberties Project.A Guardian analysis of 100 top corporations’ Securities Exchange Commission filings found a median increase of 49% in profits between the most recent quarter and the same quarter two years ago, pre-pandemic. It shows companies have largely shielded themselves from inflationary pain by passing most or all of their increased costs on to customers via price hikes.So far, the federal government’s most visible attempt to address inflation has been to increase interest rates, rates look set to rise again this week. But the Guardian’s data suggests such a measure may miss an important mark. Raising rates effectively takes money out of consumers’ pockets to cool the economy.If corporate profits are contributing in a meaningful way, then raising rates would only reduce the amount of money people have to spend on products and services for which prices are still going up.“That would mean you’re exacerbating this dynamic instead of doing anything to help it,” said Isabella Weber, University of Massachusetts Amherst economist.Instead, limited and targeted price controls could work for essentials like bread, she said, but stressed those would have to be coupled with a bailout plan for negatively affected companies.“Increased prices for basic items like bread can exert enormous pressure on wages” and send inflationary ripples throughout the economy, Weber added. Though price controls are controversial and generally regarded as a leftist idea, the last president to enact them was Richard Nixon, who imposed a 90-day freeze on wages and prices to address inflation in 1970. Price controls were also enacted during and following the second world war, when, again, supply chain issues and pent up demand led to soaring prices.Table of 100 US companies’ profit growthBut price rises are not the only issue critics would like to see the Biden administration address. Others, like Groundwork Collective’s executive director, Lindsay Owens, have called for a ban or new restrictions on stock buyback programs. Joe Biden’s 2023 budget proposes prohibiting executives from selling their stock three to five years after enacting a buyback program.“The other big winner besides the shareholders in excess cash that’s going to buybacks are the executives,” Owens said. “They announce the buybacks, their stock prices soar, then they sell their shares and there are a number of ways to make this work better.”The Guardian’s analysis found companies’ buyback programs over the last 15 months totaled $544bn. That cash could have been reinvested to keep prices down, or increase workers’ wages, consumer advocates say.Others levelled accusations of price fixing and gouging. The American Economic Liberties Project is helping draft legislation that would make it easier for businesses to sue companies for price fixing by making private corporate communications more accessible. As of now, only 3% of price fixing cases make it to trial, Brown said.“Reinvigorating price fixing laws and going after price gouging in moments like this, where a war or Covid are used as excuses for companies to raise rates just because they can, could help a lot,” she added.Fixing is especially a problem in highly consolidated industries, consumer advocates say. Companies have benefited from “decades long under-enforcement of consolidation laws”, added Martin Schmalz, an Oxford University economist.Just four companies control most of the US beef industry, four airlines control about 80% of domestic passenger traffic, Walmart accounts for the majority of grocery sales in the majority of US states, the list goes on and on.And it’s not just the companies that have outsized control. Large investors also a role to play.Schmalz pointed to the Investment Company Act, which limits investment funds to holding no more than 10% of a corporation’s securities. Vanguard on average holds 10% of all S&P 500 companies, Schmalz research has found, but it is not violating the law because companies within its fund family own the shares, not Vanguard itself. But Vanguard still executes the voting rights of more than 10% of shareholders.“The law is written at the fund level so technically speaking they don’t violate the law, but they are violating the spirit of the law,” Schmalz said.Economists and attorneys working on US antitrust law have proposed prosecuting mutual funds like BlackRock or Vanguard that own large stakes in multiple companies in the same sector. Such shareholders can exert an outsize influence on companies’ pricing decisions, Schmalz said, and he noted Investment Company Act language that specifically targets this scenario: “The national public interest … is adversely affected … when investment companies [have] great size [and] excessive influence on the national economy.”Schmalz said there’s little discussion among policymakers to address that specific issue.Biden’s budget includes over $220m for antitrust enforcement, and bills that would break up large tech companies have bipartisan Senate and House support.The Guardian’s analysis highlighted the commodity market boom as companies trading in grain, steel, mining, wood, rubber, meat, oil, homes and other materials generally recorded higher profit increases than companies across the rest of the economy.However, many commodity companies operate in what analysts characterize as “feast and famine” cycles in which they’re unprofitable for years before cashing in. The pendulum has swung for many commodity companies in the day’s economic climate.“When there’s a chance to raise prices when markets are tight, companies are going to do so,” said Skanda Amarnath, executive director of the Employ America thinktank. “It’s some part opportunistic, some part greed, some part rationality, some part a response to uncertainty.”The oil industry highlights the dynamic. After seven years of low returns, it’s restricting supply to boost profits regardless of how that hits Americans at the pump. Earnings calls transcripts reveal executives eagerly “putting shareholders first” and an investor who described industry-wide supply suppression “one of the delights of this earnings season”.Bar chart of the monthly change in US wages since January 2019Bringing volatile commodity prices under control would require curtailing uncertainty and building supply chain resiliency, analysts who spoke with the Guardian say. That could involve some degree of government intervention to cut down on risk by establishing a floor on commodity prices. The government could do that by effectively becoming the “buyer of last resort” when material prices dip below a certain level.But the government should also set a ceiling above which it collects profits, said commodities analyst Alex Turnbull. He suggested the federal government set up what’s effectively a state reserve board.Turnbull pointed to lithium, which, amid increased demand for EV batteries and supply chain squeezes, jumped from $5,000 a ton to $45,000 a ton last year. Higher prices impact the pace of the clean energy transition, and the government could hypothetically set a $10,000 a ton floor price and $25,000 a ton ceiling that would limit the volatility, Turnbull said.The federal government could also increase stockpile reserves of products like grain or oil that are released when prices spike.“That sends the message ‘You should plant more wheat because if it goes really bad, you might have a lean year or two, but we will buy your wheat. But on the other hand don’t expect to buy a Lamborghini if you’re a farmer in Iowa because when prices get too high we’ll be out there selling the shit out of our stockpiles,’” Turnbull said.Stabilization may also spur investment in raw material production that’s risky, which would further bolster markets against future supply shortages. Few companies have built steel plants in recent years because the prices have been so low, Turnbull noted, and now the world is short on steel.Though price caps are “not politically palatable” Bespoke Investment analyst George Pearkes said, the government could take a number of measures to steer futures curves and markets for raw commodities like oil and wheat.“Something in between where there are strategic efforts to smooth volatility, and provide the private sector with enough certainty that they can make decisions is a lot more compelling,” he said.Spikes in investment for some commodities, like nickel, that are essential to the clean energy transition, can be a positive development, Turnbull said. Mining companies limped through the several years leading up to the pandemic, but reaped windfalls over the last year.“People say ‘Nickel producers are making too much money’, well, they didn’t make money for a decade,” Turnbull said. “At some point, somebody has to put money down to dig holes because people aren’t going to drive to the middle of fucking nowhere with a truck and work for free.”Another force in some commodity price spikes: Wall Street speculation. Commodity markets were once heavily regulated because they deal in raw materials that underpin the economy. An influx of investment capital followed the commodity markets’ deregulation about 20 years ago, and some are now treated like speculative assets similar to bitcoin, said Rupert Russell, who authored a book on the topic.The consequences of economy-addling commodity price spikes are real, he adds, pointing to the 2010 grain prices that helped trigger the Arab spring uprising in Tunisia.Supply chain back ups, inflation and war have generated “radical uncertainty” in which no one knows how much commodities are worth, because the prices are no longer anchored, Russell told the Guardian. He echoed others’ calls for stronger government intervention to tamp down the casino-like mentality.“Once there’s not just radical uncertainty but markets dominated by speculators, algorithmically driven speculation that is just kind of responding to headlines, then you’re going to get that kind of Bitcoin-esque volatility,” he said.But experts say there are few viable short-term solutions, and long-term measures don’t help Holmes. That’s forcing her to think about getting another job to survive as she feels the pressure of an economic system stacked against her.“I don’t want to. I’ve got four kids to take care of, but what am I supposed to do?” she asked.TopicsUS economyInflationEconomicsUS politicsUS income inequalityInequalityfeaturesReuse this content More

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    Democrats announce plans to ‘go after’ big oil in effort to bring down prices

    Democrats announce plans to ‘go after’ big oil in effort to bring down pricesNancy Pelosi says oil companies ‘hoarding the windfall while keeping prices high at the pump’ amid concerns over US inflation The Biden administration is to propose legislation that would allow US federal and state agencies to “go after” oil companies on wholesale and retail sales practices, lambasting the industry over price gouging and profiteering.As American voters express increasing concerns about the high prices of a wide range of consumer goods, including energy and food, Senate majority leader Chuck Schumer said passing legislation to bring down retail gasoline prices “is at the very top of our list”.‘We’re not attacking Russia,’ Biden says as he asks for $33bn in Ukraine aid – liveRead moreNeither Schumer nor House speaker Nancy Pelosi would say when such legislation will be voted upon, or how much money it could end up saving consumers if enacted into law.“Big oil has profiteered and exploited the marketplace,” Pelosi told reporters, noting companies’ strong corporate profits over the past year. “They are hoarding the windfall while keeping prices high at the pump,” she added.The move comes as gas prices have surged in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Despite recent falls, the average price of a gallon of gas is now over $4 in the US, up from $2.88 a year ago, according to the American Automobile Association.Oil companies have enjoyed record profits as prices have soared. Exxon, the largest US oil company, is expected to report record earnings on Friday and rival Chevron recently reported “the best two quarters the company has ever seen”.Pelosi said the White House had discussed a “holiday” for Federal gas taxes but said that there was no evidence that oil companies would pass those savings on to consumers.Oil companies are not alone in reporting huge surges in profits even as consumers face higher bills thanks to soaring inflation. An analysis of 100 leading US companies found their net profits had risen by a median of 49%, and in one case by as much as 111,000%. The increases came even as prices rose and average wage increases were eroded by rising inflation.Reuters contributed to this storyTopicsOil and gas companiesUS politicsBiden administrationInflationEconomicsEnergy industrynewsReuse this content More

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    Convergent Conversation – In fact VR is Possible, Bill!

    The Fair Observer website uses digital cookies so it can collect statistics on how many visitors come to the site, what content is viewed and for how long, and the general location of the computer network of the visitor. These statistics are collected and processed using the Google Analytics service. Fair Observer uses these aggregate statistics from website visits to help improve the content of the website and to provide regular reports to our current and future donors and funding organizations. The type of digital cookie information collected during your visit and any derived data cannot be used or combined with other information to personally identify you. Fair Observer does not use personal data collected from its website for advertising purposes or to market to you.As a convenience to you, Fair Observer provides buttons that link to popular social media sites, called social sharing buttons, to help you share Fair Observer content and your comments and opinions about it on these social media sites. These social sharing buttons are provided by and are part of these social media sites. They may collect and use personal data as described in their respective policies. Fair Observer does not receive personal data from your use of these social sharing buttons. It is not necessary that you use these buttons to read Fair Observer content or to share on social media. More

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    DC Deconstructed: The View from the Carriage House

    The Fair Observer website uses digital cookies so it can collect statistics on how many visitors come to the site, what content is viewed and for how long, and the general location of the computer network of the visitor. These statistics are collected and processed using the Google Analytics service. Fair Observer uses these aggregate statistics from website visits to help improve the content of the website and to provide regular reports to our current and future donors and funding organizations. The type of digital cookie information collected during your visit and any derived data cannot be used or combined with other information to personally identify you. Fair Observer does not use personal data collected from its website for advertising purposes or to market to you.As a convenience to you, Fair Observer provides buttons that link to popular social media sites, called social sharing buttons, to help you share Fair Observer content and your comments and opinions about it on these social media sites. These social sharing buttons are provided by and are part of these social media sites. They may collect and use personal data as described in their respective policies. Fair Observer does not receive personal data from your use of these social sharing buttons. It is not necessary that you use these buttons to read Fair Observer content or to share on social media. More