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      Trump pits immigrants against other working people. But we have a common enemy | Alejandra Gomez and Greisa Martínez Rosas

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      Over the last few years, we have witnessed some leaders of the Democratic party retreat from delivering bold policies that would address people’s struggles and aspirations, from a pathway to citizenship for all to a higher federal minimum wage, in favor of Republican-light talking points about the border and those seeking asylum – which only eroded trust with the American people.Right now, 60% of the country is living paycheck to paycheck. Families are drowning in debt, whether it be from trying to pay for unaffordable childcare, exorbitant student loans, costly medical bills or months of missed rent payments. Homelessness has skyrocketed. Millions are struggling to survive another day and are penny-pinching to be able to afford rent and groceries, while billions of our taxpayer dollars are being spent on turbocharging mass abductions of our neighbors through raids and deportations, all in service of filling detention centers that make the CEOs of companies like GeoGroup and CoreCivic richer by the minute.Barely a month into the Trump administration and already we have seen senators from both parties support the Laken Riley Act, a highly exploitative, anti-immigrant bill that Trump signed into law, opening the floodgates to his mass detention and deportation agenda. As we speak, Congress is pushing forward a massive budget resolution that would gut billions in funding for vital resources such as education, healthcare and food assistance programs like Snap, while pouring $350bn towards targeting immigrants.As immigrants and as organizers, our obligation at this moment is to radically shift the public’s consciousness in such a way that centers our interdependence as working people – immigrants and non-immigrants alike. We must wield our collective power against our common enemy and recognize that we have never been in competition with one another, despite what corporations, billionaires and some elected officials would like us to believe. Rather, our fights are the same.Progressive young leaders and organizations like ours are working to bring together a vast multiracial coalition of workers across the country who recognize immigrants cannot be left behind. Trump’s crusade is an opportunity we cannot miss to come together stronger than ever before. We have a shared enemy in the billionaire forces who have bought their way into our government and Trump’s good graces and whose interests elected officials on both sides of the aisle protect over ours.It’s time to get real about the fact that the wealthiest 1% in this country has kicked their feet up and watched the vast majority of people suffer and fight over breadcrumbs. They have planted and watered hateful seeds of division and individualism to sell communities the lie that we should only look out for ourselves and that our neighbors, especially immigrants, are not our comrades.Take, for instance, the myth that Trump and rightwing billionaires have sown that American workers are losing at the expense of undocumented workers. The issue is not a lack of jobs in this country or that undocumented people came to the US in search of an overall better life. Past crackdowns on immigrants are proof that this has never resulted in more jobs for US-born workers; it hasn’t made life better or easier. In fact, it’s made life more expensive for everyone.Agriculture, for example, is an industry in which about 70% of crop workers were born outside the United States and at least 40% are undocumented. Mass deportations would assuredly result in supply chain breakdowns and soaring food prices. But rich corporations benefit from letting animosity brew between working-class communities; they benefit from keeping immigrant workers and US-born workers in contention with one another. If they can continue to exploit millions of undocumented people who are desperate to survive, they will also be able to underpay their US-born workers who are demanding higher wages by simply showing that there are desperate people willing to work for less. At the end of the day, executives have chosen to make a buck at the expense of all their workers, undocumented and otherwise.The real solution is to level the playing field for all workers and families in the US and to grow our collective labor power. Undocumented workers don’t want to be exploited. They have shared dreams with US-born workers: to make a dignified living, provide for their families, and improve their quality of life. A high minimum wage for all workers, in conjunction with a pathway to citizenship, ensures that companies cannot massively underpay and exploit undocumented people and cut jobs and wages to natural-born citizens at the same time.As organizations led by Black, brown, immigrant young people, our commitment is to represent our members and build political power to counter that of Super Pacs and billionaire donors. To advance this work requires deeper community organizing and relationship building to bridge the trust gap between American workers, everyday people and undocumented communities. Together, we must build a shared understanding that we need each other. Immigrants have always been key to breakthroughs in climate justice, housing justice, labor power, LGBTQ+ justice and so much more.The only way forward is for masses of everyday people across race, age, gender and geography to rise up together in a shared fight; whether we are fighting for a pathway to citizenship, higher wages or affordable housing, we cannot win any of these on our own.This vision – our movement’s vision – is not just for immigrants. It is for everyone.

      Alejandra Gomez is executive director of Living United for Change in Arizona (Lucha). Greisa Martínez Rosas is executive director of United We Dream Action. More

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      ‘Heinous actions’: opposition to Trump, slow to energize, shakes off its slumber

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      On a bright winter’s day this week, a group of protesters fanned out along a palm tree-lined thoroughfare in the picturesque city of Palm Desert to demand that their Republican congressman stand up to Donald Trump and Elon Musk’s slash-and-burn effort to reshape the American government. “You work for us, not Musk!” read one sign. “Remember your oath,” another warned, as a mobile billboard circled nearby, featuring the president and the billionaire tech mogul, with the message: “When he’s snooping through your bank accounts, you dump him.”The group, dozens strong, cheered wildly when the driver of a white Tesla turned the corner and laid on his horn. A smaller contingent of constituents had attempted to secure a meeting with the congressman, Ken Calvert, but found the door of his regional office locked and the blinds drawn.“He needs to hear from us, we the people,” said Colleen Duffy-Smith, 71, who helped organize the lunchtime demonstration as a volunteer with the progressive political advocacy group MoveOn. The semi-retired trial lawyer and college lecturer waved her “Nobody elected Elon” sign as a string of cars honked. She insisted she was not a “professional activist” but had been “called to action” by a real fear that Trump, with Musk by his side, had put the country’s democracy in grave peril.“I have to believe, given the heinous actions that are being signed with a Sharpie on the daily, abridging people’s personal freedoms, their civil rights, our social service programs, our aid abroad, that somebody would have a conscience,” Duffy-Smith said. “And once you start tipping the iceberg, other right-minded people will follow.”Progressive activists and concerned constituents spent the first week-long recess of the new Trump administration pressuring congressional Republicans to stand up to the president, Musk and their potentially unlawful power grabs.At congressional offices, Tesla dealerships and town halls across the country, including in solidly conservative corners of Georgia, Wisconsin and Oregon, voters registered their alarm over Republicans’ proposed cuts to Medicaid, the widening influence of Musk’s so-called “department of government efficiency” and the Trump administration’s efforts to dismantle or entirely eliminate federal agencies that Americans rely on for essential services.“They scoff at the constitution,” said Kathleen Hirschi, 74, who wore a knitted pink pussy hat that became a symbol of an anti-Trump resistance movement during his first term to the Palm Desert protest. She carried the same sign she made for the Women’s March eight years ago, when the wave of discontent helped fuel Democratic victories in the 2018 midterms. Calvert’s office did not respond to a request for comment.One month into the new Trump administration, the opposition looks different than it did during his first term.But activists say the week of protests signals a growing movement. “We’re seeing a lot of the energy that happened in 2016 and 2020 really coming back as people are feeling pretty incensed by the actions of Musk and Trump,” said Ravi Mangla, the national press secretary for the Working Families Party (WFP). “If the threat did not feel real and urgent at election time or earlier this year, it seems to be feeling very urgent to people now.”The group helped organize several protests this week, including a Wednesday action with parents, educators and students at a congressional office in Republican Mike Lawler’s suburban New York district.Among those who braved the frigid temperatures to protest a Trump administration proposal to abolish the Department of Education was Melita Corselli, 38, a mother of four whose children rely on special education services.“The people who rely the heaviest on these services are your workforce – the people that are pumping your gas at the gas station in your town but who are barely able to afford to live in your town,” she said, describing her message to the congressman. “Our kids deserve the same education as your kids.”With few exceptions, Republicans have remained silent as the president moved quickly to purge critics from the government, fire federal prosecutors, upend democratic alliances and assert authority over Congress’s spending power. And despite a growing backlash, they have mostly voiced support for Musk’s Doge and its purported goal of rooting out waste in the federal government.View image in fullscreenLawsuits brought by Democratic attorneys general as well as unions and legal groups that formed during Trump’s first administration have stalled some of the actions taken by the administration and Doge. While congressional Democrats, out of power and still reeling from their losses in November, face mounting pressure to use all available leverage – including the possibility of a government shutdown – to derail the president’s agenda.Musk has become something of a supervillain to liberals, many of whom spent the better part of the last decade powering the opposition – or the “resistance” – to Trump. Doge’s aggressive government cuts – and its access to sensitive taxpayer data – have triggered a flood of lawsuits and nationwide protests, with activists and Democrats accusing Musk of orchestrating a “hostile” and “illegal” takeover of the federal government.“The idea of somebody who was not elected, who does not have a mandate to lead, who also happens to be the richest man on earth, taking unilateral actions outside of normal processes, feels so deeply disconnected with our values, with just basic democratic principles, that it, I think, is setting off an alarm in a lot of people’s minds,” Mangla said.In a joint interview with Fox News’s Sean Hannity, Trump praised Doge’s efforts while Musk brushed aside his critics: “They wouldn’t be complaining so much if we weren’t doing something useful.” Onstage at the Conservative Political Action Conference this week, Musk celebrated with a “chainsaw for bureaucracy”.But new polling suggests many Americans aren’t as pleased. A Washington Post-Ipsos poll found that twice as many respondents disapproved as approved of Musk shutting down federal agencies that he deems unnecessary. Meanwhile, a CNN survey found that 62% of respondents – including 47% of Republicans – believe Trump has not done enough to address many Americans’ top concern: the high cost of everyday goods.In Georgia this week, Trump supporters said they understand it may take the president time to lower prices, but they’re still struggling to pay for basic necessities like eggs and milk.Democrats sense an opening to channel that frustration.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionIn California, Democrat Christina Gagnier, a former school board member, recently joined the race to take on Republican congresswoman Young Kim in a closely watched Orange county district. On the campaign trail, Gagnier said she has heard many stories from business owners and parents who “feel bullied” by the administration’s threats to impose tariffs and enact sweeping cuts.“They feel like they’re not being respected,” she said. “These are real things that are happening to real people. They are happening to our neighbors. This isn’t just something happening in DC.”In a statement, Sam Oh, Kim’s political consultant, said the congresswoman has “deep roots in the community and has always been focused on meeting and listening to her constituents, fighting for her district, and delivering results”.Fury over Trump and Musk’s actions boiled over not only in liberal enclaves and House battlegrounds that will probably decide control of Congress, but also in conservative places that backed the president in 2024.In Georgia, congressman Rich McCormick may have expected a friendly reception at a town hall in his heavily Republican district. But the congressman was repeatedly booed and jeered by attendees furious over Musk’s merciless approach to the federal government but also over Trump’s baseless assertion that Ukraine started the war with Russia and the president’s social media post likening himself to a “king”.“We are all freaking pissed off about this,” a constituent told McCormick. Another attendee concerned by the administration’s dismissal of hundreds of workers at the Atlanta-based Centers for Disease Control and Prevention asked: “Why is a supposedly conservative party taking such a radical and extremist and sloppy approach to this?”“I came here to have a discussion,” McCormick said as the tense session came to a close. “I think a lot of you didn’t come here in good faith to have a discussion. You came here to yell at me and to boo me.”Many House Democrats held in-person events to address the impacts of the administration’s cuts and the Republican’s government funding proposal. On Tuesday night, a town hall hosted by Democratic congressman Eugene Vindman of Virginia drew a large crowd that included federal workers who said they were living in fear that their job might be eliminated next.Congressman Mark DeSaulnier, a Democrat of California, scheduled a second town hall in light of the “overwhelming response” to his first one. And congressman Jim McGovern, a Democrat of Massachusetts, said 500 people attended his “Coffee with your Congressman” last week, “maybe the most I’ve ever had”. In Omaha and Iowa City, Vermont senator Bernie Sanders rallied thousands as part of his “fight oligarchy” tour.Sanders hit the road after joining Senate Democrats in an all-night “vote-a-rama” to protest against the Republicans’ budget bill. The plan, a blueprint for enacting key pieces of the president’s immigration and energy agenda, passed on a near-total party-line vote early on Friday morning. But it remains a backup option if the House is unable to advance Trump’s preference for “one big, beautiful bill” that “implements my FULL America First Agenda”.To pay for the House version, Republican negotiators are considering steep cuts to social services, and particularly Medicaid, the government health insurance program for poor and disabled Americans that Trump recently said would not be “touched”. With only a razor-thin majority in the House, GOP leaders can hardly afford any defections.Aware of the math, Keeley Level, 64, and her dog Prudence joined the Palm Desert protest on Thursday in hopes that she might persuade Calvert, the Republican congressman, to oppose any cuts to Medicaid, or California’s version, Medi-Cal.For more than two decades, Level has cared for her husband, who suffered a brain injury that left him partially paralyzed. Without federal assistance, she worries: “I don’t know how I’m going to be able to afford his prescriptions.”She also fears for the country. The midterm elections won’t take place until 2026. By then she wonders what will be spared of the federal government from Trump and Musk’s wrecking ball?“I’m hoping that, before it’s too late, people wake up,” she said. More

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      US politics live: Donald Trump addresses Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland

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      Donald Trump has wrapped up his address at CPAC, an approximately 75-minute tirade of repeated false claims ranging from voter fraud and stolen-election lies to foreign wars, among others.Opening up his speech, Trump assailed “the fraudsters, liars … globalists and deep-state bureaucrats” that he said “are being sent back”.He then went on to cite a series of polls in which he is leading. “Rasmussen just came out at 56% insider advantage, 56% RMG research … we have many polls in the mid-60s, one at 71%. We like that,” he said. However, he did not mention the latest Gallup poll, where he is six points under – 51% of Americans disapproved of his performance while 45% indicated their approval for him.Donald Trump then moved to attacking immigrants across the country, saying: “I couldn’t stand it! … We don’t have that problem any more.” On the contrary, on Friday, reports emerged of the White House reassigning the top official at US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) after the agency’s level of arrests and deportations were slower than expected.He also read from a list of millions of people in the social security database that the agency has no death records for. However, that has been a known issue for more than a decade, and an inspector general report found that just 13 people over 112 years old were getting any payments as of 2013.On Israel’s war on Gaza, Trump claimed that Joe Biden got back “zero” hostages held by Hamas in Gaza. “Biden got none back, by the way, just so you understand, none, zero,” Trump claimed. In fact, 105 hostages were freed in the November 2023 ceasefire deal brokered by Biden’s administration.At one point, Trump, who has not ruled out using military action to take over Greenland and who has vowed to make Canada the 51st state, along with taking back the Panama Canal, said: “I don’t want to be a conquerer.”Despite his false claims, Trump supporters roared and cheered inside the CPAC auditorium at National Harbor, Maryland.“I have not yet begun to fight, and neither have you,” he said in his closing remarks. Before exiting the stage, Trump returned to his trademark dance, fist-pumping to Village People’s YMCA.Donald Trump has wrapped up his address at CPAC.Trump closed out his roughly 75-minute speech by dancing to YMCA in front of a cheering crowd of supporters.On Israel’s war on Gaza, Donald Trump claimed that Joe Biden got back “zero” hostages held by Hamas in Gaza.“Biden got none back, by the way, just so you understand, none, zero,” Trump claimed.In fact, 105 hostages were freed in the November 2023 ceasefire deal brokered by Biden’s administration.Donald Trump is now talking about ending the war between Ukraine and Russia, saying: “We’re getting our money back.”“The United States has given $350bn because we had a stupid, incompetent president and administration … Europe gave it in the form of a loan. They get their money back. We gave it in the form of nothing. So I want them to give us something for all of the money that we put up. And I’m going to try and get the war settled, and I’m going to try and get all that death ended. So we’re asking for rare earth and oil, anything we can get,” Trump said.From claiming Ukraine was responsible for the war to incorrect numbers about aid received from the US and Europe, Trump has in recent weeks made a number of inaccurate statements while praising the progress made in US-Russia talks in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.The Guardian has had a look at his claims:Donald Trump just read out from a list of millions of people in the social security database that the agency has no death records for.“Under our administration, there will be no tolerance for social security fraud. Will not allow anyone to cheat our seniors and those who will do that will be prosecuted by [attorney general] Pam Bondi and others,” he said.However, that has been a known issue for over a decade, and an inspector general report found that just 13 people over 112 years old were getting any payments as of 2013.The Guardian’s Robert Mackey contributed to this postDonald Trump is well under way with his speech at CPAC and the main room is absolutely packed.The energy in here is less political conference and more rock concert – every line gets massive applause, cheers or laughter.Trump workshopped nicknames for his predecessor Joe Biden, asking the crowd to cheer for “Crooked Joe” and then moments later to cheer for “Sleepy Joe”. He said “Crooked Joe” won.A group of rowdy, pardoned January 6 rioters created a scene near the media section in the back of the hall, shouting for Trump to acknowledge them and their cause, which still has not come up.Donald Trump is now praising his staunch ally, Elon Musk, the richest person in the world.“He’s doing a great job and he doesn’t need this … but … he’s a patriot,” Trump said.On Thursday, Musk hailed efforts by himself and Trump to cut the federal workforce by the hundreds of thousands.In a post on X today – which he owns – Musk, who leads the so-called “department of government efficiency”, said:
      All federal employees will shortly receive an email requesting to understand what they got done last week. Failure to respond will be taken as a resignation.
      Donald Trump has moved back to attacking immigrants across the country, saying: “I couldn’t stand it!” before adding: “Donald, don’t get angry.”“I couldn’t stand it, so I said, I’m going to run for president again, and now we don’t have that problem now. We don’t have that problem any more,” he claimed.On the contrary, on Friday, reports emerged of the White House reassigning the top official at US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) after the agency’s level of arrests and deportations were slower than expected.Trump singled out in the crowd the 40-year-old son of the former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro – the country’s ex-president who tried a January 6-style insurrection and was just charged with plotting to poison his successor and the current president, Luiz Inácio Lula.“Say hello to your father. Thank you very much. Great family, great gentleman, and your great family,” Trump said to Eduardo Bolsonaro.Jair Bolsonaro could face between 38 and 43 years in jail if convicted. In addition to being accused of being involved in a coup, Jair Bolsonaro has been accused of being involved with an armed criminal association and the violent abolition of the rule of law.The Guardian’s Robert Mackey contributed to this postTrump went on to cite a series of polls in which he is leading.“Rasmussen just came out at 56% insider advantage, 56% RMG research … we have many polls in the mid-60s, one at 71%. We like that,” he said.However, he did not mention the latest Gallup poll, where he is six points under – 51% of Americans disapproved of his performance while 45% indicated their approval for him. More

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      Anti-Trump conservative summit charts alternative to CPAC Maga-fest

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      While Donald Trump and his acolytes take a victory lap at the Conservative Political Action Conference this week, some of the president’s staunchest right-leaning critics will convene for their own event just 10 miles away.The Principles First summit, which will be held in Washington from Friday to Sunday, has become a venue for anti-Trump conservatives to voice their deep-seated concerns about the “Make America great again” faction of the Republican party, and the gathering has now grown in size and scope. As its organizers confront another four years of Trump’s leadership, they are stretching beyond party lines with speakers such as the billionaire Mark Cuban and Jared Polis, the Democratic governor of Colorado, to craft their vision for a new approach to US politics.That vision looks quite different than it did six years ago, when the conservative attorney Heath Mayo founded Principles First. At the time, Mayo, formerly a rank-and-file Republican who supported the presidential campaigns of Mitt Romney and Marco Rubio, hoped to present an anti-Trump alternative to fellow conservatives.“It started as disgruntled Republicans and conservatives, but that was back in 2019 when that objective seemed to be perhaps more realistic or people were holding out hope that the party would come to its senses,” Mayo said. “Over the years, it’s grown.”The group’s first summit attracted just a couple of hundred attenders in 2020, but the guest count at this year’s sold-out event has increased to about 1,100.“We’ve been surprised actually with the number of people that have signed up to come,” Mayo said. “I think it’s this hunger for new spaces in our politics – new ideas, new faces.”Those new faces include Cuban, who plans to address the summit on Saturday as his name has been floated as a potential presidential candidate in 2028. A vocal supporter of Kamala Harris’s campaign for the White House last year, Cuban might seem like an unorthodox choice for a presidential candidate, as he has never served in public office, but the same was said of Trump 10 years ago.“Clearly we live in a moment of disruption. Things are changing really fast … Democrats may have learned that lesson the hard way in November,” Mayo said. “That’s what I hope the weekend will be – a time for people to set aside the party labels and really ask where we’re going as a country.”The summit’s list of speakers reflects that mission, ranging from John Bolton, Trump’s former national security adviser, to Polis, the Colorado governor who has occasionally clashed with fellow Democrats over how to navigate the new Trump era. Other speakers include Chris Christie, the former Republican governor of New Jersey who has become a fierce critic of Trump, and four of the police officers who responded to the Capitol on 6 January 2021, as a group of the president’s supporters attempted to disrupt the congressional certification of Joe Biden’s electoral victory.View image in fullscreen“I feel like character and integrity are two non-negotiable, key components of Principles First,” said Rich Logis, founder of a group called Leaving Maga and a speaker at the summit. “If you look at the attendees, it’s a large, diverse swath of authors, thinkers and former elected officials. It doesn’t skew rightwing. It doesn’t skew leftwing. But what they all share in common is that they’re devoted to truth, democracy, liberal democracy and the rule of law.”Kyle Sweetser, another speaker at the summit and a former Trump supporter who voted for Harris in November, hopes that the event can offer an example of productive political discourse to fellow voters.“I think it’s more crucial than ever to offer some sort of platform, at least to reaffirm our commitment to core democratic values and principles,” Sweetser said. “And I’m really looking forward to some good discussion and hopefully some exchange of ideas that will strengthen our democracy.”Sweetser knows firsthand how difficult it can be to reach Trump supporters who have embraced the Maga movement. He voted for Trump twice before starting to question that loyalty, prompting him to diversify his media diet and seek out more information about the president’s record. He considers himself proof that Trump supporters can change their ways, a message he wants to bring to the Principles First summit.“I want some of the Democrats to understand that there’s a lot of Republicans out there that are good people, and if Democrats work for those people, then they will be able to pull some of those people over to their side,” Swisher said. “But unfortunately, it’s going to be a heavy lift. It’s going to take a lot of work, and it’s going to take patience.”Sweetser and Logis both predicted that Trump’s eventual failure to follow through on key campaign promises, like addressing the high inflation seen in recent years, would chip away at the president’s base and perhaps spur some of his supporters to reconsider their political identity.Some early examples of this trend may already be emerging. In Sweetser’s home state of Alabama, about 250 customers of a public utility company based in Huntsville just learned they would see a $100 surcharge on their energy bills after one of Trump’s executive orders paused a program aimed at lowering heating costs for low-income households.“I am wagering a bet that many in the Maga community right now are going to realize that the president is not going to fix anything for them,” Logis said. “When the scales start to fall a bit from the eyes, I want them to know that there’s an exit ramp.”That exit ramp eventually brought Logis to the Democratic national convention, where he was featured in a video explaining his transformation from a diehard Trump supporter to a Harris voter. Harris may not have been successful in November, but Mayo still sees a potential path to victory for a pro-democracy candidate who can unify the ideologically diverse group represented at Principles First.“There’s still a broad coalition out there that can be assembled, and it has got to be constructive. It’s got to have ideas and solutions for the challenges that Americans face, like the affordability crisis,” Mayo said. “At a time when it feels hopeless, it feels like there is a reason to be hopeful when you see that many people coming together to talk about these things.” More

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      ‘A particularly heinous villain’: a disdain for Musk has sparked protests across US

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      When protesters showed up at state capitols around the country and at a host of federal agencies this month, they carried signs with messages about the unelected billionaire running a slash-and-burn government-cutting campaign that moved them to action.As liberal protesters find their footing in the second Donald Trump era, Elon Musk is proving a potent target.“He’s a particularly heinous villain,” said Ezra Levin, a co-founder of the activist organization Indivisible. “He is less popular even than Trump, and it makes sense, because he’s an unelected billionaire, in fact, the richest man in the world, who’s trying to end cancer research and nutrition assistance for the poorest children in the country.”Trump’s inauguration wasn’t met with protests like in 2017. In the 2024 election, Trump won the popular vote for the first time and Republicans took hold of both chambers of Congress, dampening the movement against him. But the ascendancy of Musk in Washington has given the leftwing protest movement somebody to mobilize against, and people across the country appear to be taking their poster boards out of storage.In Washington, Indivisible and other groups on the left have organized protests, moving from agency to agency and following Musk’s team at the unofficial “department of government efficiency” (Doge) as it tries to gut programs and services.The protests are meant to voice anger against Musk and Trump, but also to pressure Democrats into working in tandem with groups such as Indivisible as an opposition party, Levin said. Democratic elected officials have not led the resistance, he argued, so the resistance is pushing them to action.Even without Musk, though, Levin thinks people would have been moved to opposition by the actions taken by the Trump administration, which is “not starved for possible villains”.“Musk is particularly bad, and he makes for an easy opponent to rally against,” he said. “ We thought there was going to be a backlash at some point. We didn’t think that we were going to have the richest man in the world tweet out that the Department of Education no longer exists. I mean, that is bonkers.”Beyond DC, a nascent protest movement – organized on social media by people who were tired of waiting for direction on how to voice their discontent with Trump – began in late January with a Reddit post that set a date chosen at random, 5 February, for a 50-state protest. Now called 50501 (for 50 states, 50 protests, one day), the group claims people turned out in 80 cities that day. Established left-leaning groups first viewed the protest plans with wariness, given the organizers’ inexperience.The movement is planning a president’s day protest on 17 February, dubbing it the “not my president’s day of action”. On social media, the group talks about standing up to dictators and “tech bros” and against the abuse of power they see in the second Trump administration.View image in fullscreenThe 50501 group is working to build relationships with activists around the country and plan further protests, said Sydney, an organizer with 50501, who asked that her last name not be used. She had never organized before, but didn’t see anyone on social media channels planning for the 5 February protest in Pennsylvania.“I decided to pick the ball up and do it myself. And I learned a lot extremely quickly. It’s probably one of the most rewarding things I’ve ever done,” she said.Levin, of Indivisible, said he hoped those who attend protests then find further ways to get involved – many local chapters of Indivisible formed on the buses on the way home from the Women’s March in 2017, he said.Those Indivisible chapters around the country have grown steadily, and Levin is seeing more groups registering now than the same period in 2017. Chapters in all 50 states organized 300 events at local Senate offices to call on senators to oppose Russ Vought’s nomination to lead the office of management and budget.Levin said his organization was initially “really frustrated” that Democratic leadership was not responding strongly to the funding freeze that caused confusion and chaos. The group held a “Nobody Elected Elon” protest at the treasury department, and elected Democratic members of Congress made an appearance.At a protest at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau on 10 February, Levin introduced 17 members of Congress. During each introduction, he asked them if they would withhold their vote on any funding bill, the next big battle for Democrats to show they are standing against the Trump agenda. Sixteen of the 17 said they would – some answering before he could even finish the question. The one who didn’t, the California representative Brad Sherman, faced a crowd chanting “withhold your vote,” Levin said.While the long-term efficacy of such efforts is unclear, Quinta Jurecic, a a fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution, suggested in an interview with the New York Times that protests outside the labor department prompted in an-person “Doge” meeting to move online.Some Democrats have privately complained that Indivisible and MoveOn, another liberal advocacy group, were pressuring them too much, considering Republicans hold the levers of government power, Axios reported. Faced with a barrage of phone calls, Democratic representative Don Beyer said: “It’s been a constant theme of us saying, ‘Please call the Republicans.’”Republicans have also been getting calls – Lisa Murkowski, the Republican senator from Alaska, told the Washington Post on 7 February that the Senate was receiving 1,600 calls per minute, and that calls to her office were mostly from people concerned about Musk and his agency.Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the Democratic representative from New York, said in an Instagram story that the volume of calls to her Republican colleagues is sending the message that people are mobilized and angry. “But the pressure needs to stay on,” she said.Send us a tip
      If you have information you’d like to share securely with the Guardian about the impact of cuts to federal programs, please use a non-work device to contact us via the Signal messaging app at (646) 886-8761. More

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      How a faded New York hotel became a lethal political battleground

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      Manhattan’s Roosevelt hotel, with its faded Renaissance revival facade, last week became the focal point of a fast-moving political battle enveloping New York City’s mayor, the state governor and the department of justice in the service of Donald Trump’s anti-immigrant agenda.Trump’s new head of homeland security, Kristi Noem, claims the formerly luxurious 1,025-room hotel, now a shelter for mostly Central and South American immigrants, is a “base of operations” for Tren de Aragua, the Venezuelan prison gang.Noem’s head of immigration enforcement, Tom Homan, wants Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) agents to be able to enter the hotel, but New York’s sanctuary city laws prevent New York police from cooperating.The Trump administration, under Elon Musk’s cost-cutting Doge team, claimed that $80m had recently been transferred to New York to house migrants, including in the Roosevelt, and clawed it back.The Roosevelt is a grimy backdrop to an extraordinary battle that has pitted the city’s Democrat mayor, Eric Adams, seeking re-election this year, against Governor Kathy Hochul, and has had career federal prosecutors, Democrat and Republican, at each other’s­ throats over claims of bias and corruption.Late Friday, the justice department moved to dismiss corruption charges against Mayor Adams, the latest move in a legal saga that led over two days to the resignation of seven career prosecutors and left a justice department in chaos.View image in fullscreenDuring his campaign Trump vowed to “save” New York, claiming that businesses were fleeing hundreds of thousands of illegal immigrants who were sucking up public resources. Last year, the city estimated that the migration crisis has cost New York $5bn in two years, and costs are expected to double in 2025.Last week, the justice department in Washington sent a proposal to New York’s southern district to shelve an indictment against Adams on corruption charges of accepting illegal campaign donations in exchange for political favours, arguing that it would interfere with his ability to help the administration tackle illegal immigration.Democrats claimed the move amounted to using the law to influence an elected politician. It was characterised by one of Adams’ prosecutors as a “dismissal-with-leverage” proposal, a corrupt exchange for allowing federal agents to deport tens of thousands of migrants in the city against sanctuary city laws.Danielle Sassoon, acting US attorney in New York, said she could not “agree to seek a dismissal driven by improper considerations”, and resigned. Emil Bove, acting deputy US attorney general, accepted her resignation, alleging that she was “incapable of fairly and impartially” reviewing the case.Hochul said she was considering removing Adams as mayor over the alleged deal and claims Trump’s department of justice “is already showing they’re corrupt”. Homan called Hochul an “embarrassment” who “needs to be removed”. Progressive Bronx Democrat Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said: “This corruption poses a real threat to the people of the city.”View image in fullscreenThe escalating drama kicked off last month when Damian Williams, the former Democrat prosecutor who brought corruption charges against Adams, wrote that New York was “being led with a broken ethical compass” – seemingly a reference to Adams.That was a red flag to the incoming administration, whose chief executive is still smarting over a state conviction on a scheme to obscure hush-money payments to a porn actor and an $83m civil judgment for defaming writer E Jean Carroll and has seemingly found an ally in the Democrat mayor.“We are living in an era where political favoritism overrides the legal process in pursuit of political gains. This marks a dangerous new phase where selective law enforcement, applied at whim, is a weapon,” said Mike Quinn, a lawyer involved in the drive to hold Sackler family members accountable for the opioid crisis.Adams, like Trump, claims the criminal actions brought against him are politically motivated. The two are growing closer, with Adams visiting Trump at his Florida estate.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionThe impact on Adam’s re-election prospects are hard to read. A recent poll ahead of the Democrat primary in April had the mayor in third or fourth place, behind Trump’s arch enemy Andrew Cuomo, the former New York governor who resigned in 2021 amid a sexual harassment scandal. Cuomo has not yet officially declared. In the running also is Zohran Mamdani, a progressive Democrat, who has vowed to lower the cost of living for working-class New Yorkers.A poll last month found that 73% of likely primary voters held an “unfavorable” view of Adams, with fears about subway crime, highlighted in December when a homeless woman was fatally set on fire in a subway car, among the factors behind their dissatisfaction.“New Yorkers have the idea that the mayor turns on the lights in the morning and turns them off at night,” says Democrat consultant Hank Sheinkopf. “They instil in him tremendous values and powers. When he fails to meet them on either side of the aisle, people lose their minds, and that’s what’s happening in New York right now.”But Adams has scored some wins, including reducing a post-Covid rat infestation by introducing plastic rubbish bins. “Everybody wants the city to function, and if it doesn’t function it doesn’t really matter what your ideological bent is,” says Sheinkopf. “It’s about how the garbage gets picked up, how you don’t feel threatened by homeless people and how your life functions.”But the left also dislikes Adams as a matter of reflex. “It’s a natural response, because anything Trump touches is right by definition,” Sheinkopf points out.If Adams loses the Democrat nomination, he could run as a Republican, much as three-term mayor Mike Bloomberg did in 2002. New York has only had four Republican mayors in a century, each one elected after a crisis.The crisis this time, says Sheinkopf, “is that New York is out of control. Corruption, crime and the sense that things have broken down.” But he doubts Adams is the one to fix it. “He created it, so it’s a hard sell”.One scenario, hinted at by City Hall insiders, is that under a deal to drop the Adams corruption charges, the mayor could then switch party in a bid to stop Trump’s arch enemy, Cuomo.Trump and Cuomo have fought bitterly over the years, including in 2019, when Trump called his brother Chris, a former CNN host, Fredo after the hapless brother in The Godfather. “If I wasn’t governor of New York, I would have decked him. Period,” Cuomo said. More

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      Democrats in Congress see potential shutdown as leverage to counter Trump

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      With the US federal government expected to shut down in one month unless Congress approves a funding bill, Democratic lawmakers are wrestling with just how far they are willing to go to push back against Donald Trump’s radical rightwing agenda that has thrown American politics into turmoil.Specifically, Democrats appear divided on the question of whether they would be willing to endure a shutdown to demonstrate their outrage over the president’s attempted overhaul of the federal government.The stakes are high; unless Congress passes a bill to extend funding beyond 14 March, hundreds of thousands of federal employees may be forced to go without pay at a time when they already feel under attack by Elon Musk’s so-called “department of government efficiency”. And given Trump’s eagerness to flex his presidential authority, the fallout could be particularly severe, depending on how the office of management and budget (OMB) handled a shutdown.To be sure, Republicans are taking the lead on reaching a funding deal, as they control the White House and both chambers of Congress, but party leaders will absolutely need Democrats’ assistance to pass a bill. While Republicans hold a 53-to-47 advantage in the Senate, any funding bill will need the support of at least 60 senators to overcome the filibuster.In the House, Republicans hold a razor-thin majority of 218 to 215, and hard-right lawmakers’ demands for steeper spending cuts will likely force the speaker, Republican Mike Johnson, to also rely on Democratic support to pass a funding bill.“There’s no reasonable funding bill that could make its way through the Senate that wouldn’t cause uproar in the Republican party on the House side,” said Ezra Levin, co-founder and co-executive director of the progressive group Indivisible. “That is the fault of the Republicans in the House, not anybody else. But because of that, it is something that is giving Democrats in the House leverage.”In recent weeks, a bipartisan group of congressional appropriators from both chambers have met to hash out the details of a potential funding agreement, but Hakeem Jeffries, the House Democratic leader, suggested on Thursday that Johnson had instructed his conference members to “walk away” from the talks.“At this moment, there is no discussion because the speaker of the House has apparently ordered House Republican appropriators to walk away from the negotiating table,” Jeffries told reporters. “They are marching America toward a reckless Republican shutdown.”Johnson shot back that Democrats appeared “not interested in keeping the government funded”, adding: “So we will get the job done. We’re not going to shut the government down. We’ll figure out a path through this.”The dynamics of the funding fight have empowered some Democrats to suggest that the negotiations could become a powerful piece of political leverage as they scramble to disrupt Trump’s efforts to freeze federal funding, unilaterally shutter the foreign-aid agency USAid and carry out mass firings across the government.“I cannot support efforts that will continue this lawlessness that we’re seeing when it comes to this administration’s actions,” Andy Kim, a Democratic senator of New Jersey, said on NBC’s Meet the Press last weekend. “And for us to be able to support government funding in that way, only for them to turn it around, to dismantle the government – that is not something that should be allowed.”Progressive organizers have called on Democratic lawmakers to hold the line in the negotiations to ensure Congress passes a clean funding bill that Trump will be required to faithfully implement.On Monday, prominent congressional Democrats rallied with progressive groups outside the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau in Washington, and 15 of them pledged to withhold their support from a funding deal until Trump’s “constitutional crisis” comes to an end.“We’re not just looking for statements. We’re not looking for protest votes. We’re also asking them to identify where they have power, where they have leverage and use that power,” Levin said. “And because of the nature of this funding fight, this is a clear opportunity.”Other Democrats have appeared much more cautious when it comes to the possibility of a shutdown, even as they insist that Republicans should shoulder the blame for any funding lapse.The senator Cory Booker, a Democrat of New Jersey, argued that Democrats must now embrace their role as “a party of protecting residents, protecting veterans, protecting first responders, protecting American safety from [Trump’s] illegal actions”.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotion“The Republican party has shown year after year that they’re the party of shutdowns. They’re the party of government chaos,” Booker said on CNN’s State of the Union last weekend. “So we’re not looking to shut down the government. We’re looking actually to protect people.”The political fallout of past shutdowns may give Democrats pause as well.The last shutdown occurred during Trump’s first term and began in December 2018, eventually stretching on for 35 days and becoming the longest shutdown in US history. It started after Trump demanded that Congress approve billions of dollars in funding to construct a wall along the US-Mexico border, and it ended with Trump signing a bipartisan bill that included no money for the wall. At the time, an NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll showed 50% of Americans blamed Trump for the shutdown, while 37% said congressional Democrats were responsible.“Historically, I think it has been the case that shutdowns are costly, and they’re disruptive. When they conclude, you look back and wonder, what did we get for all of that? The answer is usually nothing,” said Gordon Gray, executive director of Pinpoint Policy Institute and a former Republican staffer for the Senate budget committee. “For people who have to interact with the government during a shutdown [and] for the workforce, there’s real downsides. Politically, there just seems to be more downside than upside.”This shutdown, if it occurs, could be unlike any other.Trump has shown an extraordinary willingness to test the bounds of executive power, and while past presidents have taken steps to alleviate the pain caused by shutdowns, he may choose not to do so. Considering his apparent fixation on eliminating government “waste”, some fear Trump and the new OMB director, Russell Vought, might use the shutdown as an opportunity to sideline federal agencies and departments that the president deems unimportant.“There’s a tremendous degree of discretion that OMB can exert in its interpretation of this,” Gray said. “Clearly this administration is willing to contemplate its discretion more expansively than we’ve seen. It would not surprise me if we saw novel developments under Trump.”Levin agreed that it is entirely possible Trump and some of his congressional allies may want to “shut down the government so that they can more easily steamroll” federal agencies. He expects some House Republicans to propose funding provisions that will be absolute non-starters with Democrats, such as eliminating the health insurance program Medicaid, to potentially derail negotiations.“I absolutely think it’s possible that the Republicans’ plan is to drive us into shutdown. I think that it is giving them the benefit of the doubt to say that they are interested in making any kind of deal,” Levin said. “Democrats have some amount of leverage here, but if we head into shutdown, there should be no illusion of who benefits and whose grand plan this is.” More

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      The #Resistance is no more. But a quieter fightback to Trump 2.0 is growing | Jon Allsop

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      In January 2017, the day after Donald Trump was first inaugurated as US president, hundreds of thousands of protesters descended on Washington for a “Women’s March” that was actually a broader-based vessel for popular rage. Not that the atmosphere was uniformly angry: I covered the march for a US radio network and found pockets of joy among the crowd. “It’s really exciting,” a teenager from New York told me. “It’s democracy in action.”The march, and parallel events around the country, was emblematic of what came to be known as the #Resistance, a loud liberal movement in opposition to Trump that took the form not only of mass protests, but court fights, adversarial media coverage (and increased consumption thereof) and grassroots organising. The movement made cult figures (not to mention merchandise) of figures seen as standing up for institutions, from the Trump-probing special counsel Robert Mueller to the supreme court justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.Now though, as Trump’s second term is under way, a consensus has formed that the #Resistance is dead. Almost as soon as Trump won in November, media leaders swore off the term, and liberal news consumers appeared to tune out. Titans of tech and culture who criticised Trump last time around either openly backed him or grovelled at his feet; even staunch Democrats suggested that they would find areas of common ground with his new administration. Protests around the inauguration were much smaller. Ross Barkan argued recently in the New York Times Magazine that the era of “hyperpolitics” – or politics as an all-consuming social battleground – is now over.Why? The principal answer might simply be fatigue. Trump is an exhausting figure, and American politics has now revolved around him for nearly a decade. And hopes that the burst of first-term energy against him would exile him from public life proved forlorn.The opposition to Trump also appears rudderless. The institutional Democratic party might technically have a new leader – Ken Martin, a little-known apparatchik – but for now, it lacks towering political talents. Many supporters doubtless feel disillusioned after watching Joe Biden cast the last election in existential terms, then fail to do everything in his power to ensure that the Democrats won it, before welcoming Trump back with warm words and a cuppa.And, if the Democrats are palpably diminished, there is a sense that Trump stands astride the political landscape as a colossus. In 2016, he won the electoral college but lost the popular vote by nearly 3 million, making room for the conclusion that his win was a fluke or somehow illegitimate. This time, the country knew the threat he posed, and he won decisively anyway. Trump and his allies have seized on that fact to claim a huge mandate.As the influential New York Times columnist Ezra Klein has noted, Trump’s victory has percolated down into US culture. Big tech firms and other industries may have submitted to Trump’s will this time out of fear that he would otherwise use the power of the state against them. But it seems equally likely that they are using the clarity of his victory as a permission slip to distance themselves from pesky liberal imperatives (diversity! Workers’ rights!) that they never liked, while seizing on areas of interest alignment and ideological affinity. For all his populist rhetoric, Trump has always been a slasher of tax and red tape at heart.The vibes, as the saying goes, have shifted since 2017. Trump has proved to be a lasting reflection of deep currents in American public opinion, not an accident. Peppy Obama-era liberalism is discredited. The #Resistance really does appear to be dead.Get rid of the hashtag and capital letter, however, and a small “r” resistance to Trump is still visible, as the Washington Post’s Perry Bacon Jr and New York magazine’s Rebecca Traister have argued. In-person protests are kicking back into gear – albeit still on a smaller scale – as are Democratic blocking moves in Congress. There’s evidence that liberals are tuning back into the news.None of this matches the mass energy and ubiquitous liberal iconography of 2017. But the less flashy work that undergirded the #Resistance – civil society groups suing to block Trump’s policies; local-level organising – is very much in evidence again this time. The Women’s March was a headline-grabbing show of force, but the courts were the most important brake on Trump in the early days of his first term. That’s already been the case again.And Trump is more vulnerable than he might appear to be, for two main reasons. First, if it was an overreaction to think that his 2017 win was an aberration, it’s also an overreaction to see him as an electoral Goliath now; he won the popular vote last year only narrowly and with a plurality, not a majority. Second, he might be enjoying a honeymoon, but his radical and chaotic early moves in office are already likely eating up his political and cultural capital.In part, this is by design. Trump and his allies want to overwhelm their opponents, as has been well documented. But I think they also want to provoke them. Trumpism as a political project is about conquest, yes, but it’s also about conflict – it needs resistance in order to thrive. It is a politics that will keep on pushing until opponents can’t not fight back.The past few weeks might have heralded the death of a specific brand or aesthetic of oppositional politics. But the underpinning idea is alive. It might not feel exciting any more, but democracy is still in action.

      Jon Allsop is a freelance journalist. He writes CJR’s newsletter The Media Today More