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      Trump appointees must prove ‘fidelity and loyalty’, says campaign official

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      A senior official on Donald Trump’s campaign has said any appointees in a second Trump administration would need to prove “fidelity and loyalty”.The official also sought to distance the former president from Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation plan calling for a far-right federal government in the event of a Trump victory at the voting polls in November.Howard Lutnick, the chief executive officer of Wall Street firm Cantor Fitzgerald and co-chairperson of the former president’s transition team, told the Financial Times that appointees to any second Trump administration are “all going to be on the same side, and they’re all going to understand the policies, and we’re going to give people the role based on their capacity – and their fidelity and loyalty to the policy, as well as to” Trump.The comments come as the Trump team are trying to dispel concerns that a second Trump government would be as chaotic as the first, marked in part by infighting and a staff turnover calculated at 92% as of the day Joe Biden took office as president in 2021.“Those people were not pure to his vision,” Lutnick told the outlet.It is unlikely Lutnick’s comments will calm concerns among those who believe government officials should place American democracy above Trump or any other president.Lutnick joined Trump’s transition team in August along with Linda McMahon, the head of the Small Business Association under the former president and wife of the ex-World Wrestling Entertainment boss Vince McMahon in August.He maintained that Project 2025 was “radioactive”, though its authors openly support Trump and his running mate, JD Vance.“Project 2025 is an absolute zero for the Trump-Vance transition,” the billionaire said. “You can use another term – radioactive.”Democrats have made the controversial document part of their campaign, describing it as a blueprint for a fast-tracked program to increase presidential power and “strip away our freedoms – by forcing states to report on women’s miscarriages and abortions, cutting Social Security and Medicare, and eliminating the Department of Education”.While Trump has distanced himself from Project 2025, Democrats’ campaigns for congressional seats have launched billboards in more than two dozen districts harnessing the document to the Republican agenda.“All of the data we have shows that Project 2025 just has huge interest and traction, more so than virtually every other issue,” Represenative Jared Huffman of California, the leader of a task force on countering the project’s agenda, told Axios.The Trump campaign has tried to distance itself from the document and its authors. But lines to the heart of the campaign are clear enough, among them Vance’s foreword to Dawn’s Early Light, a book by the president of the Heritage Foundation, Kevin Roberts.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionLutnick told the FT that his job selecting candidates to become Trump appointees was that of “a painter of a mosaic” – and they would need to prepare for a “fast and furious” term if the former president was re-elected.Lutnick said he had given more than $10m to Trump’s 2024 effort and another $500,000 for the transition. He also said he had raised about $75m for the campaign in total.Furthermore, Lutnick appeared on Trump’s The Celebrity Apprentice in 2008 and had previously donated to Democrats.His firm, Cantor FitzGerald, lost 658 employees in the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center in 2001, including his brother. Lutnick said his experience hiring new employees was akin to his work for the Trump transition team.“You go to world-class people that you rate highly, and you ask them to help you,” he said. More

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      ‘Every day is a new conspiracy’: behind Trump’s ironclad grip on rightwing media

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      In the last few months, Donald Trump has done interviews with rightwing Twitch streamer Adin Ross and a host of podcasters, including Dr Phil, comedian Theo Von, computer scientist Lex Fridman, and YouTuber Logan Paul – part of what the Atlantic has dubbed Trump’s “red-pill podcast tour”.He’s posted incessantly on his own social media platform, Truth Social. He did a live space on Twitter/X with the platform’s owner, Elon Musk. He talked with Fox’s Laura Ingraham and called into Fox & Friends and spoke to other Fox hosts and personalities.His media strategy aligns with the current state of the rightwing media landscape: Fox is still a dominant source, but for the most Maga-adherent, it’s not Trumpy enough, despite some of its hosts embracing election denialism around the 2020 US election. Instead, there’s increasing fragmentation thanks to influencers and lesser-known outlets built around Trumpism.This is the first election since Tucker Carlson, once Fox’s loudest voice in a primetime spot, was reportedly fired by the network, and his solo ventures so far haven’t taken on the prominence he had on TV. It’s also the first election since longtime Republican heavyweight Rush Limbaugh died. These big changes have left holes in rightwing media, which were filled by an increasing cadre of influencers, content creators and smaller outlets.Adrianna Munoz, a 58-year-old from Queens, New York, who attended a Trump rally earlier this year in the Bronx, told the Guardian that she mostly gets news from YouTube, X and conservative commentators she follows, such as Tim Pool and Benny Johnson.“I used to watch TV news every morning – network news and the local news channel in New York,” she said. “Now I don’t. They sold out. They don’t tell you the truth. I don’t want to hear that rubbish.”Trump’s grip on rightwing media is ironclad, said Julie Millican, the vice-president of Media Matters, a progressive center that tracks conservative media. In the past, the Republican party and its candidates would follow what rightwing media did and align its policies that way – but now, the media follows Trump, she said.“If you don’t capitulate to what Trump and his enablers and his supporters are looking for, then they’ll shut you out,” Millican said. Since his efforts to overturn the 2020 election, his influence has only increased, and “now he has a stronger control over the entire media ecosystem than he did previously”, she added.As rightwing outlets rise, the stories they cover differ more from what’s on mainstream news, furthering the bubbles a divided United States lives within. While in years past, you’d find different takes on the day’s news in left- and right-leaning outlets, you’ll now find stories that exist solely on rightwing media, Millican said.“It’s like every day is a new conspiracy or a new attack, and it’s just hard to even keep up on it anymore,” she said. “Half the time, when you listen to somebody who consumes nothing but rightwing media, you have no idea what they’re talking about.”TV news and rightwing websitesTraffic to news websites, including rightwing sites, is down compared with 2020. Howard Polskin, who tracks conservative media on his site The Righting, said a few factors play into the decrease. Facebook and other Meta social media de-emphasize news content now, sending less traffic to news outlets. And 2020 had several major news events colliding: a pandemic that kept people online more, nationwide protests over racial justice and a hotly contested election.Polskin tracks monthly visits to rightwing sites and produces traffic reports. The top 10 for August 2024: Fox, Outkick (a sports and commentary site owned by Fox), Newsmax, Epoch Times, National Review, Washington Times, Daily Wire, TheBlaze, Washington Examiner and Daily Caller. Gateway Pundit is not far behind, and InfoWars, the once-maligned site headed by bankrupted conspiracy theorist Alex Jones, is in the top 20.View image in fullscreenNo single star has taken the place that Carlson or Limbaugh once held. Some conservatives told the Guardian they stopped watching Fox as often after Carlson left or because the network isn’t Maga enough. Fox agreed to pay $787m to settle a lawsuit from Dominion Voting Systems over defamation claims for spreading lies about the voting machine company’s role the 2020 election. Carlson abruptly left the network shortly after the settlement, and he has claimed his firing came as a result of the settlement. Fox denies that his removal had anything to do with the Dominion case.Frank Lipsett, a 63-year-old from the south Bronx who works as a residential housing superintendent, said he watches Fox because it’s “the most honest and most informative outlet, though I’m not saying they are perfect”.Like many on the right, he has stopped reading mainstream newspapers because “they are not telling the truth.” He said he sometimes reads the New York Post, a rightwing tabloid paper owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp, the same owner as Fox.Another paper, Epoch Times, a far-right and anti-China outlet associated with the Falun Gong religion, continues to rank highly among conservative news outlets despite a justice department lawsuit that alleges it operates as a money laundering and cryptocurrency scam. Its stories are often shared by rightwing politicians or influencers. “Their cultural impact and political impact seems much smaller than the distribution,” Polskin said.Carlene, a 58-year-old from the Upper East Side who attended the Trump rally in the Bronx, said she gets news from the Epoch Times, Daily Wire and X and sometimes tunes into CNN and MSNBC to get the other side.“I watch less Fox News now after they got rid of Tucker Carlson,” she said. “It made me think Fox was just like everyone else.”For the less online Republican, talk radio shows, especially those that run the airwaves in rural areas, play a strong role in setting the conservative message. As newspapers in rural areas have shuttered, creating a crisis in local news, these radio shows are “reaching voters that aren’t tapped into the same media spaces that we often see in these large metropolises on either coast”, Tripodi said.To fill Fox’s void on TV, some conservatives have turned to Newsmax or One American News Network, which are farther to the right than Fox.“One American News Network and Newsmax did a very good job at establishing themselves as a place that would verify whatever Trump was saying,” Tripodi said.David Fiedler, a 67-year-old retiree from Rock county, Wisconsin, told the Guardian at the Republican National Committee’s Protect the Vote tour in September that he and his wife don’t watch Fox or local news, but they stream podcasts by the Daily Wire or watch Rumble, the rightwing video platform.“Our biggest news thing we watch is Newsmax,” he said.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionPodcasts and influencersBeyond television and news sites, a rightwing news consumer will find a growing landscape of podcasts, YouTube channels, Substack newsletters, documentary film-makers and social media influencers all trying to build a following.“For every laid-off journalist, another Substack is born,” Polskin said. “And that just … fractionalizes the news audience even more.”The top of the podcast charts on Spotify and Apple shows a host of conservatives: Shawn Ryan, Candace Owens, Carlson, Megyn Kelly.Ben Shapiro, the conservative commentator, has his own podcast, and his network, the Daily Wire, hosts some of the biggest rightwing pundits. “In terms of just influence and power in the media landscape, to me, he would be someone that’s at the top of that space,” Millican said. Polskin called Shapiro the “800lb gorilla of rightwing podcasts”.Charlie Kirk, the founder of Turning Point USA, is also a major player. His organization is focused on turning college-age people conservative, and he’s been on a tour around the country to college campuses in recent months, in addition to his podcast and social media presence.“He’s almost become like an establishment media figure in his own right, except you would never actually see him on Fox News – his audience tends to be pretty old,” Millican said.While he doesn’t grab a huge share of the podcast market and he’s currently in prison for defying a congressional subpoena related to the January 6 investigation, Steve Bannon has an outsize influence on the right with his War Room show. He gets big-name rightwing politicians as guests and still has Trump’s ear, but he’s never cracked the top 20 in Polskin’s ratings.“Because of him, Project 2025 got on our radar last year because he was one of the early backers in hosting people who were involved with writing it, promoting the key tenants in it,” Millican said. “Small audience, but still influential audience.”Then there are also conspiracy-based websites and social media accounts from unnamed creators, such as End Wokeness, that spread rightwing attack lines that can filter up to the mainstream.David Jansen, who attended a Trump town hall event in La Crosse, Wisconsin, in August, said he watches FrankSpeech, a platform founded by pillow salesperson and election conspiracy theorist Mike Lindell, which streams conservative content, often centered on election denialism.Social mediaAlongside the rise in rightwing influencers and outlets, social media platforms have loosened their content moderation and made changes to how they manage political content. Republican elected officials and outside legal groups have attacked platforms, government employees who interact with them and misinformation researchers, claiming a broad censorship plan is at work to limit conservative voices online.Some organizing on the right happens on closed-off apps such as Telegram, where public figures from the conservative mainstream and the far-right fringes have channels to share news and commentary.The underbelly of Telegram skews darker than other social media: the New York Times called it a “global sewer of criminal activity, disinformation, child sexual abuse material, terrorism and racist incitement”. Neo-Nazis have used the platform to coordinate their activities and have been scrambling after the app’s founder, Pavel Durov, was arrested in France for facilitating criminal activity on the app, Frontline reported.But rightwing organizing isn’t happening solely in far-flung corners of the internet. There is increased rumor-making and amplification on Musk’s X, including by Musk himself, who has shared a wide variety of election-related falsehoods. Trump returned to the platform last year after he was kicked off after the insurrection, but he still posts mostly on Truth Social, where he often rants in all-caps, shares clips from his rallies or reposts content from rightwing media who boost his campaign.Munoz, one of the Bronx Trump rally attendees, uses Telegram and Truth Social. Munoz loves Musk and his changes to X because “you can talk freely now”, he said. “I left Facebook and Instagram because they don’t let you talk.”Ed Pilkington and Alice Herman contributed reporting to this story More

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      Harris talks abortion rights on Call Her Daddy podcast while bashing Trump’s ‘protector’ of women claim – live

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      Alex Cooper and Kamala Harris discussed JD Vance’s age-old sexist ‘childless cat ladies’ trope, but Harris was asked what she would do as president to help generations who feel that the economy hinders them from having children.“Housing is too expensive and we need to increase the housing supply,” Harris said. “Part of my plan is to work with home builders in the private sector to create tax incentives to build by the end of my first term, 3,000,000 more housing units.”“Part of my plan is to give 100 million more people who basically are middle class working people, tax cuts, including for young parents, a $6000 tax cut for the first year of their child’s life, which helps them buy a crib or a car seat or clothing and just get through that first year,’” she added.During an episode of the podcast Call Her Daddy, Kamala Harris condemned Arkansas governor Sarah Huckabee Sanders after Sanders said that the presidential candidate “doesn’t have anything keeping her humble” because she doesn’t have children.“I don’t think she understands that there are a whole lot of women out here who, one, are not aspiring to be humble,” Harris said during the podcast.The vice-president discussed her relationship with her stepchildren, Cole and Ella Emhoff, who are the biological children from her husband’s, Doug Emhoff, first marriage.“We have our family by blood and then we have our family by love. And I have both,” Harris said.Kamala Harris was asked by Alex Cooper if she could think about any law that “gives the government the power to make a decision about a man’s body”.Harris laughed and said: “We are a work in progress.”“Part of the strength of our country and our evolution as a country has been through the fight for the expansion of rights. Not the restriction of rights,” she added.Alex Cooper asked Kamala Harris to clarify a claim former president Donald Trump made during last month’s presidential debate, where he falsely claimed that Democrats support abortions “after birth” and “executing” babies.“That is not happening anywhere in the United States,” Harris said. “It is not happening and it’s a lie.”She also labeled as “insulting” his claim that women in their ninth month of pregnancy are electing to have an abortion.Kamala Harris and Alex Cooper continued to discuss abortion rights and reproductive healthcare during a Call Her Daddy episode aired on Sunday.“You don’t have to abandon your faith or deeply held beliefs to agree the government shouldn’t be telling her what to do,” Harris said in the podcast.Harris added: “What’s so outrageous about it is a bunch of these guys up in these state capitals are writing these decisions because they somehow have decided that they’re in a better position to tell you what’s in your best interest than you are to know what’s in your own best interest.”Kamala Harris condemned former president Donald Trump for calling himself the “protector” of women at a rally in Pennsylvania.“This is the same guy who said that women should be punished for having abortions,” Harris said on Alex Cooper’s podcast Call Her Daddy.Harris went on to talk about the state of abortion access currently in the country.“The majority of women who receive abortion care are mothers,” Harris said. “Every state in the South except for Virginia has an abortion ban.”Kamala Harris responded to questions from Call Her Daddy’s Alex Cooper, elaborating on why she decided to become a prosecutor, the guidelines for reporting sexual assault, and the need to talk about the issue more.In her interview with Kamala Harris, Alex Cooper asked the vice-president about the lessons she learned from her mother regarding mental health, the ways she has taken accountability during her vice-presidency, and what she thinks her mother would say if she became the next president of the United States.Later on, Cooper referenced some of the harsh descriptions former president Donald Trump has used against Harris during the race, including questioning her mental health. She asked Harris how this affected her.Harris said:
      I think it’s really important not to let other people define you, and usually those people who will attempt to do it don’t know you.
      Donald Trump finished his remarks in Juneau, Wisconsin, which ran for about two hours.During her interview with Kamala Harris, Call Her Daddy host Alex Cooper quickly touched on a soft spot for the Harris campaign, which is the vice-president’s lack of interviews with the media. She asked Harris why she decided to come on the podcast.“I think you and your listeners have really got this thing, right, which is one of the best ways to communicate with people is to be real, you know, and to talk about the things that people really care about,” Harris said.“What I love about what you do is that your voice in your show is really about your listeners,” she added. “And I think especially now, this is a moment in the country and in life where people really want to know they’re seen and heard and that they’re part of a community, that they’re not out there alone.”The host of the comedy and advice podcast Call Her Daddy, Alex Cooper, said at the start of her episode with Kamala Harris that she invited former president Donald Trump to come on the show.“If he also wants to have a meaningful, in-depth conversation about women’s rights in this country, then he is welcome on Call Her Daddy anytime,” Cooper said. More

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      Harris embarks on media blitz and tries to edge out Trump in key swing states

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      Kamala Harris has embarked on a week-long media blitz, hurtling from TV studios and late-night shows to podcast interviews as she seeks to gain an edge over Donald Trump in the US election’s key battleground states that remain nail-bitingly close.The vice-president’s decision to face a raft of largely friendly media outlets came as the campaigns entered the final 30 days. More than 1.4 million Americans have already cast their ballots in early voting across 30 states.The Democratic nominee’s whirlwind media tour has been carefully crafted for maximum reach and minimum risk. Harris has talked to the CBS News show 60 Minutes, along with the popular podcast Call Her Daddy.On Tuesday she hits the media capital, New York, for appearances on ABC News’s daytime behemoth The View and the Howard Stern Show, followed by a recording with late-night host Stephen Colbert.The first of a flurry of comments from Harris was put out by 60 Minutes on Sunday before a full broadcast on Monday. Harris will appear alone, after Trump declined to be interviewed by the election special which has been a staple of US election coverage for more than half a century.In a short clip released by 60 Minutes, Harris was asked whether the Biden-Harris administration had any sway over the actions of Benjamin Netanyahu, the hardline prime minister of Israel who appears not to listen to Washington. Asked whether the US had a “real close ally” in Netanyahu, she replied: “With all due respect, the better question is: do we have an important alliance between the American people and the Israeli people? And the answer to that question is yes.”Since Harris’s meteoric propulsion as Democratic presidential nominee after Joe Biden stepped aside, her relative avoidance of press or TV interviews has become a point of contention on the campaign trail. Republican leaders and pundits on Fox News routinely accuse her of being media-shy.This week’s blitz is designed to counter that impression, while reaching large audiences focused on demographic groups which will be central to Harris’s chances of winning in November. Call Her Daddy is Spotify’s most-listened to podcast among women, while The View is the number one ranked daytime talk show with 2.5 million average viewers, again heavily weighted towards women.Meanwhile Colbert’s show on CBS is the highest rated late-night talk show attracting large numbers of younger viewers aged 18 to 49 – another critical demographic on Harris’s target list.Harris’s running mate, the Democratic governor of Minnesota Tim Walz, is also making his own media scramble which began on Sunday, with him entering less comfortable territory on Fox News Sunday. He was questioned about the pro-abortion law that he signed in his state, and also asked to clarify the occasions on which he has misrepresented his record.That included a comment that he had carried weapons in war when he had not, and his classifying the treatment that he and his wife received to have a child as IVF when it was in fact a different type of fertility treatment.At last week’s vice-presidential debate Walz recognised his missteps, calling himself a “knucklehead”.Walz told Fox News Sunday: “To be honest with you, I don’t think American people care whether I used IUI or IVF, what they understand is that Donald Trump would resist these things. I speak passionately … I will own up when I misspeak and when I make a mistake.”As the contest enters its final month, the Guardian’s latest tracker of opinion polls shows Harris up on Trump by three percentage points nationally. In the more telling test of the seven battleground states that will decide the outcome, though Harris is ahead in five of them, the margin remains essentially too close to call.Both candidates and their running mates are speeding up their frantic dash around the seven states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. Harris and Walz will be in Arizona this weeks, where early voting begins on Wednesday.On Thursday, the Democratic ticket will gain extra ballast when former president and campaigning superstar Barack Obama kicks off a round of stump appearances in the all-important swing state, Pennsylvania. He will begin in Pittsburgh, and will then travel across the country on Harris’s behalf, campaign aides have said.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionTrump was scheduled to hold a rally in Juneau, Wisconsin, on Sunday afternoon, a day after he made a pointed return to the fairgrounds in Butler, Pennsylvania, where he came close to being assassinated on 13 July. Trump and his younger son Eric used the occasion to spread the baseless claim that the Democrats had been behind the attempt on his life.“They tried to kill him, it’s because the Democratic party can’t do anything right,” Eric Trump said. Billionaire Elon Musk also appeared on stage.On Sunday, Mike Johnson, the Republican speaker of the US House, was asked by ABC News’s This Week whether such comments were responsible amid mounting fears of political violence in the build up to the 5 November election. Johnson sidestepped the question, saying he had not heard the full speeches.The speaker also notably refused to answer whether Trump had lost the 2020 election, in the wake of Trump’s ongoing lies that he was the actual victor. “This is the game that is always played by the media with leading Republicans, it’s a gotcha game, and I’m not going to engage in it,” Johnson said.The former president’s wife, Melania Trump, sat down for an interview with the Fox News host Maria Bartiromo. She was asked given how close her husband had come to being shot in Butler whether she trusted the top officials of the FBI, CIA and other federal agencies who “appeared to be against President Trump and yourself from day one”.Melania Trump replied: “It’s hard to say who you really trust. You want to, but it’s always a question mark.”Melania Trump, who is promoting her book, Melania, also spoke about her pro-abortion stance which she revealed in the volume. She said her husband had always known her convictions.“He knew my position and my beliefs since the day we met, and I believe in individual freedom. I want to decide what I want to do with my body. I don’t want government in my personal business,” she said. More

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      City of villains: Republicans stoke fears of Democratic-run cities

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      Atlanta is, from time to time, the center of the political universe.It is also home to all things evil and villainous, a festering cesspool of lurid crime, a “shooting gallery” in the words of Donald Trump, spoken in the vile confines of a brand new college basketball arena amid the unspeakable horrors of a rapidly gentrifying neighborhood with a microbrewery.Conservatives stoking fear of big cities would be a joke, if not for the damage it does.In May, the FBI arrested Mark Adams Prieto, a 58-year-old gun show dealer from Prescott, Arizona, on firearms trafficking charges. Prieto had been on the way to Atlanta at the time, according to court documents, because he planned to kill as many Black people as he could at a Bad Bunny concert while planting Confederate flags and shouting white power slogans, to provoke a race war ahead of the 2024 election.“The reason I say Atlanta,” Prieto allegedly told an informant working with the FBI, “Why, why is Georgia such a fucked-up state now? When I was a kid that was one of the most conservative states in the country. Why is it not now? Because as the crime got worse in LA, St Louis and all these other cities, all the n****** moved out of those [places] and moved to Atlanta.”Prieto is a product of decades of Republican fearmongering, not just about Atlanta, but about big cities across the country. This is the message that Tucker Carlson and other conservative pundits have been pushing for years about San Francisco, New York and Detroit – it’s exactly the same way conservatives amped up their rhetorical combat on Chicago in the wake of Barack Obama’s ascension to the White House 16 years ago.It’s not because of crime. Cities in every country have long had more crime than their suburban counterparts, simply because it’s easier to commit a crime in a city, and it has largely trended downward. It’s because Democrats – often Black Democrats – control most big city governments, and they help national politicians win. Joe Biden won 85% of San Francisco’s votes in 2020. He also won 83% of Chicago, 77% of Los Angeles and 76% of New York City.View image in fullscreenAs a result, conservative state governments are cauterizing upstart municipalities, burning any pretense of respect for small-D democracy at the local level in the process. They fear those blue dots will bleed enough Black political power into red states to turn them purple and cost them the White House, not just in 2024, but permanently.Race is at the center of the fear.“Any mayor, county judge that was dumb-ass enough to come meet with me, I told them with great clarity, my goal is for this to be the worst session in the history of the legislature for cities and counties.”That’s former Texas House speaker Dennis Bonnen, in a conversation recorded with another legislator leaked to the Texas Tribune in 2019.In response to Austin legislation requiring water breaks for construction workers in the punishing Texas heat, the Republican-controlled legislature in 2023 passed what progressives call the “Death Star” bill. The law in effect ends the practice of home rule in Texas governments – a legal principle enshrined in the Texas constitution and that of many states – giving cities broad autonomy to create local laws, as long as those laws do not conflict with state or federal law.View image in fullscreenHouse Bill 2127 takes that power away from cities in a swath of policy areas, from managing climate change to labor law. The law is in legal limbo today. But the damage is already being done to municipal leaders, who are frozen in place waiting for the case to be resolved.This story is playing out across the country, with red state governments seeing big blue cities as launching places for progressive ideas.In the wake of the deadly police beating of Tyre Nichols in Memphis, the city government created a police review board. Tennessee’s conservative legislature promptly passed a law banning such boards. Nashville’s response to the Covenant school shooting led to protesters in and outside the state capitol. The legislature responded with an attempt to cut Nashville’s elected metro council in half and threatened takeovers of the city’s sports and airport authority boards.Florida has blocked its cities from passing LGBTQ+ nondiscrimination ordinances, from regulating pit bulls, from making socially conscious investments, and from passing local zoning laws around “missing middle” housing and building construction. Florida’s famous “don’t say gay” bill mandates local school boards to provide politically vetted instructional materials.View image in fullscreenOn top of all of this, the Florida governor, Ron DeSantis, signed Senate Bill 170 into law last July with almost no national media commentary. The law, with some exceptions for budgeting, automatically enjoins Florida cities from enforcing a municipal ordinance if that ordinance is being challenged in court, and awards court costs to challengers if they win.In Jackson, Mississippi, lawmakers ostensibly concerned about crime attempted to create an entirely new court system, supplanting elected judges in Hinds county with appointees of the Republican chief judge.“No one could tell us why do we need this bill?” said Judge Winston Kidd. “The only thing I could go back to was the fact that all four circuit judges are African American, and in no other jurisdiction in this state had they tried something of that nature.”And, of course, there’s Atlanta.A few years ago, legislators began looking at ways to curb the power of locally elected district attorneys after the prosecutor in Athens-Clarke county decided to stop charging people for petty drug offenses. The failure of a different local prosecutor – Brunswick county’s Jackie Johnson – to charge the men who murdered Ahmaud Arbery threw the question into sharp relief.But lawmakers are now pivoting this legislation toward the Fulton county district attorney, Fani Willis, who is prosecuting Trump and 18 others for interfering with the 2020 election.View image in fullscreen“If the inmates are running the asylum here, then we maybe ought to be stepping in here, and that’s the role of this committee, to recommend if we need uniform state laws and ethical boundaries,” said Bill Cowsert, a Georgia state senator and chairman of the committee, at a meeting in August.“Madam DA in Fulton county says she ain’t got to do what Fulton county tells her to do, with whistleblowers, with treatment of employees or anything because she is a constitutional officer and she can set her own durn policies.”The prospect of a Black Democrat empowered to hold white conservatives accountable to the law, without being accountable to white conservatives in return, is the political dragon to be slain. Willis has refused demands to testify before the state senate committee, describing it as an interference in her prosecution.Houston is the fourth-largest city in the United States and the nation’s most diverse. In Karl Rove’s heyday, it voted for Republicans.Now Harris county, where Houston sits, leans Democratic. About 44% of Harris county residents are Latino. About 19% are Black, and about 7% are Asian. Less than 30% of Harris county is non-Hispanic and white. “There’s values coming out of blue cities and places like Houston, where we love the fact that we’re so diverse,” said Nicole Pedersen, the county’s Democratic party elections director. “We love our restaurants and different cultures. I think there’s a fear of that.”Biden won Harris county, where Houston is located, by about 218,000 votes in 2020, while losing Texas 52-46 by about 630,000 votes. Pedersen estimates that Harris county needs to turn out about 1.1 million Democratic voters to flip the state.Is Harris county getting there? Hard to tell. Beto O’Rourke’s Senate run in 2018 started a clock ticking. O’Rourke lost that race by fewer than three points, the closest US Senate contest in Texas in a generation. But as they say in Texas, just because a chicken’s got wings don’t mean it can fly.Nonetheless, Texas Republicans recognize the existential threat to one-party rule presented by Harris county. Two years ago, Republicans passed legislation to allow the state to take over elections in Harris county – and only Harris county – in the event of problems with an election.View image in fullscreen“The problems that were listed are the kinds of things that happen in every single election,” Pedersen said. “Our county is as big as half the states. We have these massive elections … of course, things are going to go wrong, equipment is going to break, there’s going to be things that just happen.”“The law is written in such a way that they can take advantage of that and come in kind of whenever they want.”A state takeover of the election’s office doesn’t necessarily mean that someone new will suppress Democratic votes. But it’s telling that the Republican effort to convert voters of color in Harris county, one of the most diverse counties in the United States, does not appear to be a priority.It’s not personal to Republicans necessarily, Doyle said. It’s just math. “They’d like to erase Harris county voters from the map, and then they’ll win forever,” Doyle said.Republicans have been able to make gains among Latino voters, particularly those along the southern border, with appeals to patriotism, faith and safety.But the largely unspoken corollary is that Republicans – despite all effort to the contrary – cannot expect to win over voters of color in big cities in sufficient numbers to blunt the demographic impact of their increase in the electorate.After all, it’s hard to win over people who live in cities when Republicans’ primary political argument is that conservative voters have to be protected from people who live in cities.Why would Trump trash a city like Milwaukee – or Atlanta, for that matter – in a swing state in an election year? Because those cities cost him those states in 2020.On the podium on a fateful 6 January 2021, speaking to a group of supporters who would eventually become a riot storming the Capitol, Trump intoned a litany of grievances with no regard for evidence and repeating debunked claims from these cities. Trump said Fulton county in Georgia was “corrupt” and had stuffed machines with fake votes. Detroit had “139%” turnout – a lie – after canvassers were “re-scanning batches of ballots over and over again” – another lie.The grievance lives on.When Trump was speaking in Atlanta’s Summerhill neighborhood in August, he described Atlanta as “like a killing field”, referencing a recent high-profile murder downtown. When Congressman John Lewis refused to attend Trump’s inauguration in 2017, Trump suggested by tweet that the city was “crime infested” and that Lewis “should spend more time on fixing and helping his district, which is in horrible shape and falling apart”.Trump refused to observe Lewis’s death with dignity as a revered civil rights icon. He instead attacked Lewis’s legacy, telling a reporter he “couldn’t say one way or another” whether Lewis was worthy of praise, complaining again about being snubbed at the inauguration and musing about how the Civil Rights Act had “worked out” for Black voters.Atlantans have not forgotten these insults. Fulton and DeKalb counties – Atlanta’s core – delivered a net gain of about 140,000 votes for Biden in 2020. Overall turnout in Georgia increased by about 20% four years ago; in these counties, Democratic turnout increased by about 32%. Lewis’s name was on their lips as they stood in line to vote.The Trump campaign had been trying to coax Black voters into their camp, with events like the launch of his Black voter coalition group at a historically Black church in Detroit in June. Even then, in an audience packed with almost exclusively white supporters, he once again railed against cities and crime.“Look, the crime is most rampant right here and in African American communities,” Trump said at 180 Church in Detroit. “More people see me and they say, ‘Sir, we want protection. We want police to protect us. We don’t want to get robbed and mugged and beat up or killed.’”Between the rise of Kamala Harris after Biden’s withdrawal and the pratfall of comments about “Black jobs”, in front of a group of Black journalists, Trump has begun abandoning the pretense of cross-racial outreach in favor of railing against “sanctuary cities”. Over the last few weeks, he has made a tour of sundown towns – communities that would terrorize Black people caught within the city limits after sundown – on the campaign trail.View image in fullscreenTrump, trying to counter-program against the Democratic national convention, made a campaign stop in August to Howell, Michigan, a city 40 miles (64km) west of Detroit with historical ties to the Ku Klux Klan. Even there, he unloaded on cities.“Cities. I will say this. The top 25: almost all are run by Democrats. And they have very similar policies. It’s just insane. But you can’t walk across the street to get a loaf of bread,” he said. “You get shot. You get mugged, you get raped, you get whatever it may be. And you’ve seen it and I’ve seen it and it’s time for a change. We have to bring back our cities. We have these cities that are great cities where people are afraid to live in them. They’re fleeing the cities of our country.”But it might be Trump’s commentary about Milwaukee in July that truly makes the point. In a closed-door meeting with conservative leaders ahead of the Republican national convention there, he called it a “horrible city”.His comment left people wondering what could be so horrible about Milwaukee, a city filled with people who by and large are known for avoiding offense. Crime? Traffic? Bad schools? High costs? Homelessness? Liberals?Mostly, it’s about a place with people who cost him an election. “I only like people who like me,” he has said.Mayor Cavalier Johnson shot back, Milwaukee-style.“Donald Trump was talking about things that he thinks are horrible. All of us lived through his presidency. So, right back at you, buddy.” More

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      ‘Undisciplined, unhinged and deranged’: will Trump’s strange behavior hurt him at the polls?

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      A “beautiful” beach body and a “mentally disabled” opponent. “One rough hour” of police retaliation to stop criminals. “A million Rambos” in Afghanistan. Haitian immigrants “eating the dogs” and “eating the cats”. Death by electrocution versus death by shark. Insane asylums and, of course, “the late, great Hannibal Lecter”.These are just a few of the recent remarks made by one of two major candidates for president of the United States. Donald Trump, the Republican nominee, has spent years saying the unsayable to entertain, goad and grab attention. But his pronouncements over the past few weeks have plumbed new depths of absurdity and incoherence.Trump, 78, increasingly slurs or stumbles over his words, raising fears over cognitive decline. He is slipping in polls against Kamala Harris and knows that defeat could lead to criminal trials and even prison. After a decade of dominating American politics, critics say, Trump could be in the throes of a final meltdown.His verbal output now is “absolute batshittery”, according to Tara Setmayer, a former Republican communications director on Capitol Hill. “These are not the musings of a well-adjusted adult. He demonstrates daily how unfit he is to have the most powerful position in the world.”Trump was mostly given a pass by the mainstream media, Setmayer added, because of the intense focus on Joe Biden’s age and mental acuity when he was still running. “Now the focus is solely on him because he is the oldest candidate in this race. His kookery is even more highlighted now than before because he is alone on an island with his deterioration.”Trump has always thrown dead cats on tables, as the metaphor goes, offering his fans the thrill of transgression and watching with glee as liberals howl with outrage. His run for president in 2016 was characterised by racially divisive rhetoric and a constant stream of controversies that dominated news cycles and forced rival Hillary Clinton into reactive mode.A Guardian analysis of a campaign rally Trump held in Greensboro, North Carolina, in October 2016 found references to “Crooked Hillary” and the assertion: “For what she’s done, they should lock her up.” Even then, Trump was obsessed with crowd sizes, media lies “poisoning” the minds of the electorate and the fantasy that “this whole election is being rigged”.But the Trump of eight years ago also brought a more disciplined and focused message. He railed against bad trade deals and reeled off a list of policy priorities: the biggest tax cut since Ronald Reagan, eliminating regulations, defending religious liberty, supporting law enforcement, repealing and replacing Obamacare, saving the second amendment, and appointing “great justices” to the supreme court.Perhaps most strikingly, Trump asked independents and Democrats to join a fight against the “corrupt establishment” that would give government back to the people. He decried national divisions, promised that “we’re going to be a unified nation, a nation of love” and wrapped up in a relatively tight 40 minutes.Today Trump’s rallies tend to sprawl for an hour and a half or two hours which, as Harris noted in their debate, means some people leave before the end. He has sought to defend his rhetorical meanderings as “the weave”, claiming the threads all come back together to make sense.But at a recent stop in Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin, “Trump shifted from topic to topic so quickly that it was hard to keep track of what he meant at times,” the Associated Press reported. There were digressions about the climate crisis, Harris’s father, how his beach body was better than Biden’s, and a fly that was buzzing near him. “I wonder where the fly came from,” he said. “Two years ago, I wouldn’t have had a fly up here.”The Trump of 2024 also strikes a darker tone as he struggles to define Harris with a nickname or brand. In Prairie du Chien he tested a new insult: “Joe Biden became mentally impaired. Kamala was born that way. She was born that way. And if you think about it, only a mentally disabled person could have allowed this to happen to our country. Anybody would know this.”At another rally in Erie, Pennsylvania, Trump painted a lurid picture of crime spiralling out of control, which he said could be ended “immediately” with one “real rough, nasty day”, or “one rough hour”. Some critics compared the idea to the dystopian horror film The Purge.View image in fullscreenAt a press conference in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, “Trump at times interrupted his own asides with even further asides,” according to the New York Times. He mixed up Iran with North Korea and struggled to pronounce the name of the United Arab Emirates. He spoke glowingly of fighters in Afghanistan: “They could take a knife, they were like Rambos, just like putting a million Rambos – good old Sylvester Stallone was my friend. But it’s like putting a million Rambos.”The campaign has also been punctuated by bizarre riffs about the 30-year-old fictional character Hannibal Lecter and whether it would be better to be electrocuted or eaten by a shark. Trump used a debate watched by tens of million of people to push the dangerous lie that Haitian immigrants were eating pets in Springfield, Ohio.This week Trump was the subject of a withering takedown on Comedy Central’s satirical news programme The Daily Show. Host Jon Stewart played a clip of an interview asking Trump for the specific mechanics of how prices would come down.His reply: “First of all, she can’t do an interview. She could never do this interview because you ask questions like, give me a specific answer.” Then he rambled off track into how much Russia had taken from presidents George W Bush, Barack Obama and Joe Biden. “With Trump, Russia took nothing,” Trump said.Stewart had produced a chart to mark his responses on “policy specifics”. He quickly replaced it with a chart that said “Huh?” “I guess I had the wrong chart,” Stewart said.He then played another clip showing Trump zigzagging all over the place in response to a question about his childcare plan before announcing: “Childcare is childcare.” A third clip showed Trump being asked about claims that he wants to ban IVF. Again his answer swerved wildly before settling on “We have no taxes on a thing called tips”. Stewart reached for a new chart that said: “What the actual f#@k are you talking about?”skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionDemocrats see Trump as a politician in decline. Elaine Kamarck, a former official in the Bill Clinton administration, said: “He has definitely lost a step, as they say. He is less coherent than he was certainly four years ago.“He used to insult people in a way that got to one of their problems, like ‘Little Marco’ [Rubio], but now he’s just throwing random insults. Whatever you say about Kamala Harris, she’s not mentally disabled. That’s crazy. A lot of people have noticed he would occasionally be off the wall but now it seems to be more so.”Kamarck, a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution thinktank in Washington, recalls that in 2016 Trump could read from a teleprompter like he believed it – but now he sounds like he does not want to be here. “He reminds you of a sixth-grade boy having read something out loud at the front of the class who’s generally pissed off that he’s there and not on the soccer field.”And yet the former president’s rallies still draw big crowds, with many supporters apparently amused and entertained by Trump’s verbal antics. Kamarck added: “One of my friends who’s a movie critic – not in politics – watches Trump’s rallies and says, look, the guy is literally an entertainer and he says these things to get laughs and applause from the crowd.“Yet those of us who are in this business take him seriously. Part of it is that his base loves him, loves the entertainment of him. They’re not for Kamala Harris – they don’t think she’s mentally disabled – but they like him ‘calling it out like it is’. They don’t take him quite seriously and they like his plain-spokenness and they see that as a sign of authenticity.”The knockabout humour comes with a sinister aspect, however. Trump continues to demonise immigrants, pushing falsehoods about them spreading diseases and stealing jobs from US citizens, and trafficks in racist stereotypes. He has spent the best part of a decade tapping into white anxiety and grievance. Now, reminded by a court filing this week of the legal peril he faces if he loses the election, he is preparing to make his last stand.Allan Lichtman, a history professor at American University in Washington, said: “He’s definitely more undisciplined, unhinged and deranged. He’s always had these tendencies but, as he’s gotten older, they’ve become much greater. The Hannibal Lecter stuff or the shark versus electrocution stuff is just insane, just crazy and should be discussed on that basis.“But it’s a big mistake just to talk about Trump being unhinged or insane. You’ve got to talk about also how dangerous and retrograde what he’s saying is. We also ought to stress the extreme racism and misogyny.”Lichtman, known for an election predictions model which this year favours Harris, added: “Trump saying that Kamala Harris is mentally impaired, mentally disabled, and had these deficiencies even from birth, reprises one of the worst and oldest stereotypes that has been used to demean and put down Black people throughout American history. And that is that Black people are inherently deficient in their mental capacities and not able to do the same job as white people. I was astonished to see a candidate for president of the United States reprise that horrific old slur and stereotype on Black people.”As of a week ago, the latest national polling averages showed Harris at 48.2% compared with 44.4% for Trump, giving the Democrat a 3.8-point advantage. But she describes herself as the underdog and the race in swing states remains too close to call. And this week Trump’s running mate, Senator JD Vance of Ohio, gave a polished debate performance that critics called “sanewashing” – an effort to make Trump seem moderate and palatable, even though the substance was no less abrasive.Setmayer, the former Republican spokesperson who is now a co-founder of the Seneca Project, a Super Pac aiming to mobilise moderate women on Harris’s behalf, said: “Many of us underestimated how deep the scars of grievance and misogyny and racial animosity are in this country and Donald Trump gives voice, aid and comfort to the lowest common denominator, the worst in us. This is an ugly reality that we are facing in America.“We’re being tested and our democracy is on the line because what Donald Trump is saying is not just crazy batshittery. It’s dangerous. It’s authoritarian. It’s anti-democratic. It’s the ideology of hostility toward others. In Trump’s mind we’re not all equal and American voters need to make a decision about the type of country they want to live in and what kind of future they want to leave for their children.” More

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      ‘Coal jobs were out, opiates were in’: how shame and pride explain Trump’s rural popularity

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      Arlie Russell Hochschild has spent decades studying the relationships between work, identity and emotion. The sociologist has a knack for coining terms that gain social currency – including “emotional labor”, in 1983, to describe the need for certain professionals, like flight attendants and bill collectors, to manage their emotions, and “the second shift”, in 1989, to describe women’s household labor.Her new book, Stolen Pride: Loss, Shame, and the Rise of the Right, explores what Hochschild calls the “pride paradox”: because conservative Americans value personal responsibility, they feel proud when they do well, and blame themselves when they don’t. Yet, her thinking continues, conservative regions often have worse economies and fewer opportunities than so-called blue states, so people feel ashamed of circumstances that aren’t really their fault.Stolen Pride hits shelves just weeks before a monumental presidential election that will hinge in part on competing visions of identity. The book is an attempt to understand how that pride paradox finds political expression, drawing on several years of field research in mountainous eastern Kentucky, a Donald Trump stronghold.Hochschild believes progressives need to learn to better hear “the powerful messages that are being communicated from a charismatic leader to a followership, and potentially intercept and understand them and speak to an alienated sector of the population”, she tells me on a recent evening, speaking by Zoom from a book-filled office in Berkeley, and peering at the screen through thin, red-framed eyeglasses.View image in fullscreenIn recent years, Hochschild’s work has investigated how cultural identity influences politics. Her 2016 book Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right studied conservative Tea Party supporters in Lake Charles, Louisiana, a region where the petrochemical industry is linked to serious environmental and health problems. Hochschild was interested in why the people she met were hostile to government regulation even when they might personally benefit from state intervention. The book, embraced by progressives anxious to understand Donald Trump’s appeal, became a bestseller.Hochschild began researching Stolen Pride in 2017. The book applies a similar ethnographic method to an equally conservative, but in other ways very different, region: Appalachia. It focuses on Kentucky’s fifth congressional district, which is the United States’ whitest and second poorest voting district, with high unemployment, poor health metrics and many people, especially men, who are subject to the so-called diseases of despair – drug addiction, alcoholism, suicide. While Hochschild’s interest in the American white working class is hardly new, her book offers some interesting new theories and angles of understanding.One of the book’s central events is a march that white supremacists held in Pikeville, Kentucky, in April 2017 – a test run for their more famous and deadly march in Charlottesville, Virginia, a few months later. These neo-Nazis, Klansmen and other extremists saw Pikeville as an ideal place to preach; in addition to being overwhelmingly white, eastern Kentucky had suffered a “perfect storm”, Hochschild says: “Coal jobs were out, opiates were in. It was a distressed area, and the white supremacists were coming to speak to that distress, to say, Hey, we’ve got answers for you,” in the form of violent fascism and white separatism.Hochschild discovered that Pikeville rejected the white supremacists’ pitch. “And I compared it to another kind of appeal, which was that of Donald Trump. One appeal didn’t work, and one did.” Her book, based on interviews with a number of local residents as well as white supremacists, wrestles with the complicated question of why.Hochschild argues that a “pride economy” coexists with the material economy and is almost as important. It also helps to explain Trump’s popularity in many rural and blue-collar areas.For more than a century, eastern Kentucky was one of the centers of the American coal industry. Though back-breaking and sometimes deadly for its workers, the sector employed thousands of people, lifted many out of poverty, and brought railways and other infrastructure into the region. Men took pride in their work, which required courage and knowhow, and the people of the region were proud that their coal fueled America.“[People could] proudly say, ‘We kept the lights on in this country; we won world war one, world war two by digging coal,’ and the coalminer was kind of like a decorated soldier – he faced danger. Many died young, of black lung. But it was like a trade passed down from generation to generation for men, and then suddenly it was cut off.”Many Appalachians blame Barack Obama’s environmental regulations for the loss of coal jobs, though that decline was decades in the making and had more to do with the rise of natural gas and automation that made the coal industry less reliant on human labor. The job losses contributed to people leaving, exacerbating a depopulation already endemic in rural America. Men who remained were humiliated, Hochschild notes, and forced to accept “‘girly jobs’ – waiting tables or scooping ice-cream, jobs that young teenagers took that couldn’t support a family”.Add to this OxyContin, which Purdue falsely marketed as a non-addictive painkiller for people recovering from work injuries. Some liberal states required three copies of every prescription, with one going to a government-controlled substances monitor; in conservative, regulation-averse states such as Kentucky, which required only two, OxyContin distribution was 50% higher.“So many people succumbed to drug addiction,” Hochschild says, “and that became [another] kind of shame, because once you did that, you lost your family, custody of your kids, you might be stealing from Grandma’s purse, or you’re on the dole, and great shame in this area was attached to accepting government services, although many people did.”Like many blue-collar, formerly Democratic areas of the US, eastern Kentucky has a history of leftwing populism. Pikeville is only 35 miles from Matewan, West Virginia, where striking miners memorably battled union-busting private detectives in 1920. The phrase “redneck” – today a term of derision, including in Kentucky, where some of Hochschild’s subjects stressed that they were “hillbillies” but not rednecks – was once a badge of honor that distinguished union miners, who wore red scarves, from scabs.The white supremacists’ belief that Pikeville would be sympathetic ground turned out to be wrong. “I spotted only three locals who marched with the white nationalists,” someone tells Hochschild in her book, “and one of them is mentally challenged.” Residents, conscious of stereotypes about Appalachia, resented the marchers’ assumption that just because their area was rural and economically deprived it would also be bigoted. The local government went to lengths to prevent violence and protect a local mosque, and residents treated the march with indifference or hostility.In contrast, Trump is more popular than ever in eastern Kentucky, which Hochschild thinks is because voters regard him as a “good bully” willing to be obnoxious on behalf of white working-class people, even if that means flouting norms of political correctness and civility.Trump shrewdly understands the power of shame and pride, Hochschild argues, and his antagonism of the liberal establishment follows a predictable pattern: Trump makes a provocative public pronouncement; the media shames Trump for what he said; Trump frames himself as a victim of censorious bullies; then he “roars back”, shifting blame back on to his persecutors and away from himself and, by extension, his supporters. Struggling Appalachians, who feel that big-city Americans look down on them, identify with Trump’s pugnacity.Shame is “almost like coal”, Hochschild says – “a resource to exploit by a charismatic leader”.Places like eastern Kentucky used to have strong labor unions that protected workers and connected blue-collar Americans to the Democratic party. The decline of unions, which now represent fewer than 7% of American private-sector workers, has been accompanied by the kind of alienation to which a strongman figure like Trump is adept at speaking.“If we look at whites without [bachelor’s degrees] who fit this pattern of loss and decline, they’re all turning Republican,” Hochschild says. “And we’re not speaking to them.” (By “we”, she seems to be referring to progressives, coastal elites, the establishment.) Despite what she calls a mutual loss of political empathy, Hochschild still believes there is “an opportunity for us to become bicultural” – and that, with an acrimonious and consequential election looming, doing so is more important than ever. More