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    Sledgehammer-wielding Musk critics smash up Tesla in London art project

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    Protective helmets were donned and sledgehammers wielded as Elon Musk critics vented their frustration at the Tesla boss and billionaire by smashing up a disused Tesla bound for the scrap heap.The public art project was organised by the social media campaign group Everyone Hates Elon. A 2014 Tesla Model S was provided by an anonymous donor “to create a debate about wealth inequality”, a spokesperson for the group said.The participants gathered at Hardess studios in south London on Thursday to take it in turns to swing at the car with sledgehammers and baseball bats. The destroyed electric vehicle, which retails for about £14,000, will be auctioned in the next few weeks, with all proceeds going to food bank charities.“We’re giving Londoners a chance to stand up to far-right hatred and billionaires and express how they feel about the current state of the world,” said the group. “Therapy is expensive, but this is free.”Talia Denisenko, a 32-year-old writer, wore a Ukrainian flag as she took a hammer to the car’s bonnet as Britney Spears’s Hit Me Baby One More Time blared from a speaker. “My family is Ukrainian and Elon Musk wants to keep us occupied,” she said. “Things feel very disempowering at the moment. This is a little bit of therapy.”Alice Rogers, a 24-year-old University of Cambridge researcher from Illinois, said: “Musk is acting in ways which violates our constitution. I’m very concerned by what I’m seeing – he’s gutting agencies and cutting USAID. This felt really cathartic. I’m not normally a smasher, but that felt really good.”View image in fullscreenEveryone Hates Elon, which garnered attention this year for distributing stickers with the slogan “Don’t buy a Swasticar”, said it had made clear that the stunt, called London vs Musk, should not be replicated outside the event.“This is a private event with a used Tesla that was destined for the scrapyard – it’s a supervised, controlled art piece and there are proper safety measures in place,” said a spokesperson. “We urge people not to damage other Teslas or any other cars.”The battery of the scrap car had been removed and recycled.“I’m just aghast at what I see going on in America at the moment,” said Lee Woods, a 45-year-old university lecturer who had travelled two hours from Hampshire for the event. “I think Musk is using his obscene wealth to promote the far right.”Musk, the world’s richest person, leads the Trump administration’s “department of government efficiency” (Doge), which the president tasked with drastically reducing US government jobs and cutting national debt.View image in fullscreenTesla’s shares dropped 13% in the first three months of 2025 – an indication of buyer backlash as a result of Musk’s rightwing politics. Protests calling for a boycott of the electric vehicle company have been taking place on both sides of the Atlantic in recent months, including a global day of action where hundreds of Tesla branches were targeted by protesters from the US group Tesla Takedown.“My opinion [on Musk] has changed hugely,” said Giles Pearson, 32, who dealt the first blow on Thursday. “Since buying Twitter he’s become seriously rightwing and alienated a lot of people by doing so. I would never normally do something like this … but I’ve always wanted to smash a car.”Tesla was approached for comment. More

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      Federal workers fear Musk’s ‘efficiency’ agency is using AI to spy on them: ‘They are omnipresent’

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      View image in fullscreenAt the Department of Veterans Affairs, a senior official warned employees in an email that virtual meetings were being secretly recorded. Anyone dissatisfied with Donald Trump’s decisions should be careful about voicing their opinions, the official cautioned.Over at the state department, IT staff said new monitoring software had been loaded onto computers. Some staffers had started using white noise machines in their offices, or even turned on an office breakroom sink, to muffle conversations in case there might be any hot mics within range.A supervisor at one water management organization that works closely with the Environmental Protection Agency sent a warning to staffers that their meetings and phone calls with the agency were being monitored by an artificial intelligence tool.Anecdotes like these are rife among federal employees now, amid fears that senior agency leaders or agents from Elon Musk’s so-called “department of government efficiency” may be snooping on conversations, using software to track computer activity and, possibly, using artificial intelligence to scan for disloyalty or mentions of diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) buzzwords. Many fear losing their jobs, as thousands already have.“It’s like being in a horror film where you know something out there [wants] to kill you but you never know when or how or who it is,” one employee from the US Department of Housing and Urban Development said.These details arose from conversations with more than two dozen federal employees who spoke with the Guardian and Crooked Media’s What a Day newsletter, and shared emails from agency officials and screengrabs.The employees described a culture of fear among those who remain in the federal workforce, after waves of layoffs left many of their peers unemployed or stuck in professional limbo amid confusing and unresolved legal cases.The US government has long been transparent with federal employees about its ability to monitor them with software. But now, top officials across the government are warning employees to exercise extreme caution, over fears about what this administration might do with the information, what technology might be used, who would receive the info and whether stray talk might form the basis for fresh job cuts.Trump administration representatives denied some of the assertions and concerns raised by sources for this article, but didn’t respond to all of them. The EPA denied recording meetings, but didn’t specifically address the use of artificial intelligence. Other agencies, including the Department of Veterans Affairs and education department, didn’t respond to requests for comment.A manager at the Association of Clean Water Administrators (ACWA), which brings together state officials to work with the EPA on water quality and management, recently distributed an email warning staffers that meetings with EPA staffers may be monitored by AI.The email reads: “We recently learned that all EPA phones (landline/mobile), all Teams/Zoom virtual meetings, and calendar entries are being transcribed/monitored.”The information is then fed into “an AI tool” to be analyzed and scrutinized, the email’s author continues, adding “we saw” an AI notetaker listed as a participant in one of the meetings. “I do not know if DOGE is doing the analysis or … the agency itself,” the author writes. Participants aren’t being notified that the call is being transcribed, the email states.The EPA denied that it is recording meetings. It also didn’t specifically address the question of an AI tool.“This is fake news,” an EPA spokesperson said in a statement. “EPA is not monitoring or transcribing phone calls, meetings, or calendar entries.”But Trump political appointees have told EPA managers that Musk’s team is implementing AI to monitor workers and look for disparaging comments about Trump or Musk, according to a Reuters report.During a meeting on Wednesday morning, EPA managers told employees that Doge is “using AI to scan through agency communications to find any anti-Musk, anti-Doge, or anti-Trump statements”, an employee told the Guardian and What a Day. Employees should be “very careful” about what they say in private messages and virtual meetings, the managers added.“I honestly just think the Doge spying is kind of pathetic,” the employee said. “If they’re that confident about what they’re doing, they wouldn’t be so paranoid.”According to another email shared with the Guardian and What a Day, a Department of Veterans Affairs official also warned employees that virtual meetings were being secretly recorded.The VA didn’t respond to a request for comment.Top veterans affairs researchers across the country were recently put on administrative leave, according to an email obtained by What a Day. One of them was put on administrative leave for the “inappropriate distribution of VA material”, according to the internal email. But it’s not clear whether the individual was accused of speaking to the press or committing some other infraction.A representative for Doge did not respond to a request for comment.At the now-shuttered US Agency for International Development (USAID), employees said they discovered that their private communications were being monitored by leadership who arrived after Trump’s inauguration, prompting staff to abandon official channels altogether.“They went into our chats, like our private group chats,” said a former USAID employee who lost their position during the mass firing wave in February. “It was [the acting administrator] Jason Gray, not Doge directly. But he was put in place when they fired everybody” because he knew the systems well.The intrusions became so blatant that Gray – who was also the agency’s chief information officer – suddenly appeared in one group chat with more than 40 contractors.“We knew they were watching,” the former USAID employee, who was in the chat, said. “Everybody went on either Signal or WhatsApp because nobody was trusting [leadership] at that point.”Gray’s turbulent tenure culminated in USAID’s website being taken offline.In February, IT staff at the state department warned some employees that monitoring software was being uploaded onto computers, according to an employee, who provided images showing a record of their individual keystrokes being tracked in the software.Others worry that Doge could begin combing through conversations for anti-Trump sentiments or diversity, equity and inclusion “buzzwords”, which could then be used as grounds to fire employees.Supervisors began sharing unofficial guidance to “act as though we are always on a hot mic”, the state department employee said.“We’re turning on sinks and shit to have conversations,” they added. “It’s really funny to think about the Dogebags sitting there, watching and learning in real time, that the ‘deep state’ is really a bunch of goobers just doing our boring jobs for middling pay.”Government employees should expect that they’re being watched, top officials in the Department of Veterans Affairs said at an employee town hall in New England. “There shouldn’t be any expectation of privacy,” an official told employees, according to a list of questions and answers at the town hall provided to What a Day.At the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration in February, managers warned some employees to be extra careful about what they say on calls, according to an employee. “I personally think they are watching us,” they said.Some workers at the education department are fearful of speaking out, describing the atmosphere as “total paranoia”. Doge has infiltrated the education department, where half of the staff has already been fired as Trump seeks to dismantle the entire agency.“They are just so omnipresent and the work environment is so toxic and hostile, it feels like anything is possible,” a former senior education department official said about the potential for surveillance.This story is published in collaboration with Crooked Media More

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      in US Politics

      Two visions within Trump world are battling for primacy. Which will win? | Ben Davis

      by

      The start of the second Trump administration has been chaotic, to put it mildly. It is difficult for Americans to understand what exactly the administration is trying to do and how it will affect them. It has been simultaneously a colossal remaking of the US state and the entire global order, but also seemingly haphazard, with significant policy decisions such as spending cuts and tariff rates clearly made with little thought or preparation. Analysts and commentators of all stripes have speculated on the motives and strategy behind the Trump administration’s huge overhaul of society. But what is the Trump administration’s plan for the US?The primary moves the administration has made are major cuts to federal government capacity through the “department of government efficiency” (Doge) and now an unprecedented tariff regime that has sent financial markets into a free fall. Some view these changes as part of a grand overarching strategy to rebuild some version of an imagined past America: globally hegemonic and able to exercise power nakedly over other countries, economically self-sufficient with a large manufacturing base, and a reassertion of the previous social norms and order around gender, race, and sexuality. But a deeper dive into the Trump administration’s explanation of their policies and vision reveals that rather than a single, coherent ideological project, the Trump administration is sclerotic and being used as a vehicle for more than one competing ideological project.While the first Trump administration had no real ideological project, with Donald Trump’s surprise win being based on a personalist coalition without the backing of an organized movement, and different factions within the administration battling for control over policy and favor from the president, the second Trump administration was backed and is staffed by two major ideological projects, representing different segments of capital: the oft-discussed “national conservatism” of the Claremont Institute, the Heritage Foundation and Project 2025, and tech capital, which has used Trump as a vehicle for its own priorities.These two overarching political projects and visions both see Trump as able to advance their goals, but these projects are competing with each other. Both have accepted that Republicans will lose the midterms in 2026, as the president’s party nearly always does, and are thus trying to radically reshape society in that time in ways that can’t easily be reversed. They have deeply different visions for the future, and whether one wins out or both of their incompatible sets of policies are carried out will have enormous implications for the lives of Americans and people around the globe.On tariffs, the administration has offered multiple, mutually exclusive visions: with some viewing tariffs as primarily a way to rebuild US manufacturing by incentivizing producers to build in the US; some viewing tariffs as primarily a way to raise revenue, cut the deficit, and in the long-term replace the income tax entirely; and some viewing tariffs primarily as a negotiating tool to force countries to make concessions to the US on a variety of issues.Trump personally has suggested that the US become an autarky, with no trade of any kind with the outside world. It’s unclear which of these will be the plan because they each have dramatically different implications for how the tariffs are structured in the long-term, how long they will last, and their effects on US workers.In the first two views, the tariffs are a part of the national conservative project of returning the US to a previous social order. They view the nation-state as the primary actor in a zero-sum anarchic global order of competing nation-states seeking to dominate each other. Tariffs are then a way of reasserting US national power relative to other states. This fits in with Trump’s rhetoric about the US, taking the country back and reasserting American nationhood, and is the primary way analysts and commentators have viewed the administration.The tech capital that oversees Doge, however, has a different project entirely. Elon Musk, who has personally overseen the large-scale slashing of the federal government, rejects tariffs entirely. The Doge project and the tariff project are at odds. The Doge project is cloaked in the rhetoric of retro America First nationalism that would seem on its face (and is understood as by its supporters) to be precisely the opposite of what it is in practice: the outmoding of the nation-state entirely.It’s notable that the first target for Doge’s cuts were not the New Deal programs conservatives have long wanted to cut, but instead the cold war-era nodes of American state power: scientific research, funding for education and the arts, foreign aid, and other programs that were created to allow the US to outcompete the Soviet Union and other countries. Musk does not care about American great power competition, such as with China, as Trump does. Indeed, Musk has close ties with the Chinese state.For Musk and his cohorts, the US must progress past the nation state model – where the state exist to project power against other nation states and part of this bargain is keeping a certain social compact of living standard with citizens – to the vendor state model where international firms are paramount and states exist instead to compete for their favor. The Doge project of Silicon Valley technolibertarianism aims to sublimate the state to capital entirely and to outsource state capacity to transnational tech firms. This is, rather than an end of globalization as the national conservatives want, the final conclusion of globalization, where international capital exists above and beyond the bounds of the nation-state.This is the reason large swathes of tech capital reversed course on Trump during the Biden administration and became his biggest financial backers. For them, Trump exists as a vehicle for their overall project.Both of these projects are disastrous for the American people on their own, but both being partially implemented in opposing ways is even worse and will lead to disaster for US workers and our society’s basic capacity to function.While the tariffs by themselves are devastating to US consumers and could lead to a major economic crisis, the Doge cuts strip state capacity that would be needed to implement the most positive vision of tariffs returning manufacturing jobs. While tariffs drive up prices on things like semiconductors or electric vehicles, the government is simultaneously slashing the programs designed to encourage these goods to be manufactured domestically. And while the Doge cuts have slashed the state and led to the direct capture of swathes of the state by tech capital, their overall project of global tech hegemony cannot progress in a world where international trade has broken down completely.Trump and the national conservative’s dream of a return to a pre-financialization manufacturing-based economy, where the US has security through economic self-reliance, and the tech right’s commitment to creating shareholder value at all costs, and whose entire model is based entirely on the result of financialization, are incompatible and on a collision course. Different sections of capital – tech on the one hand, and the revanchist small capital class who form national conservatism’s base on the other – have different and competing interests and control of different sections of administration policy. The consequences of this intranecine competition are enormous, but either way, the next four years look dire for the American working class. The damage may take generations to fix.

      Ben Davis works in political data in Washington DC. He worked on the data team for the Bernie Sanders 2020 campaign More

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      ‘Trump and Musk are setting the example’: how companies are becoming emboldened to be more anti-union

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      Donald Trump’s aggressive wave of anti-union actions is already spurring some US employers to take a more hostile stance toward unions, as labor leaders voice fears that the president’s moves will embolden more and more companies to fight harder against unions and slow their recent progress.Indeed, some worker advocates worry that unions will be walloped during Trump’s second term the way they were under Ronald Reagan after he crushed the 1981 air traffic controllers’ strike and inspired many corporations to fight harder against unions. As Trump and Elon Musk carry out their anti-union agenda in Washington DC, Utah passed a law that prohibits collective bargaining by public sector workers, and a Michigan company refused to move forward with a union election.“If history is any indicator on this – and I think it is – when you see a president’s administration basically declaring war on unions, that’s going to certainly embolden private sector employers,” said Joseph McCartin, a labor historian at Georgetown University and author of the definitive book about the disastrous 1981 strike by the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (Patco).Labor experts point to several Trump administration actions that show a huge hostility toward unions, including Trump’s order to end collective bargaining by 50,000 airport screeners and then a far-reaching order to rip up union contracts and prohibit bargaining for over a million federal employees at more than a dozen agencies, including the state department, the treasury and health and human services. Trump and Musk have also fired tens of thousands of federal workers while disregarding protections in their union contracts. Moreover, Trump fired Gwynne Wilcox, who was the National Labor Relations Board’s (NLRB) acting chair. Wilcox insists her dismissal was illegal, but on 28 March a federal appeals court declined to reinstate her, at least for now.“What we’re seeing is Patco on steroids,” Sara Nelson, the president of the Association of Flight Attendants, said in an interview. “This is the president saying even the idea of having a union contract and having something in black and white to protect workers and having collective bargaining – he’s saying none of this should exist.”Trump’s anti-union and anti-worker actions have been piling up. He rescinded the $17.75-an-hour minimum wage that federal contractors must pay their workers. He issued an order to kill the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, which seeks to settle potentially disastrous labor disputes. He nominated a management-side lawyer, Crystal Carey, to be the NLRB’s general counsel; her law firm represents anti-union employers, including Amazon, SpaceX and Tesla. Even the Teamsters’ president, Sean O’Brien, who has sought good relations with Trump, condemned that appointment, saying: “Carey has spent her entire professional career backing Big Business to the detriment of working people … [S]he wants to decimate labor unions.” (O’Brien did praise Trump’s choice of labor secretary, Lori Chavez-DeRemer.)Beyond that, Trump has repeatedly insulted the nation’s 2 million federal workers, saying: “Many of them don’t work at all. Many of them never showed up to work.”Eric Blanc, a labor studies professor at Rutgers University, said these actions have “demonstrated that Trump’s rhetoric about being pro-worker and pro-union was just that: pure rhetoric. This is an administration that is pushing the limits on how far you can go to destroy the labor movement and people’s labor standards.”Blanc said Trump’s replacing of the pro-union Joe Biden as president, has “certainly emboldened the big corporations that were already stonewalling their unions: Starbucks, Amazon, REI, where we saw the most emblematic union successes of the past few years”.In February, Utah’s governor signed a law that prohibits unions representing teachers, firefighters, police officers and other government employees from bargaining for better pay and working conditions. In a move directly inspired by Trump’s actions, a Michigan amusement and water park refused to move forward with a union election, believing that the NLRB was paralyzed after Wilcox was fired, leaving it without a quorum.“Companies could definitely get more anti-union because Trump and Musk are setting the example,” said Thomas Kochan, a longtime professor of industrial relations at MIT. “They’re firing workers who are unionized. They’re ignoring their labor contracts.”Kochan said he fears the consequences for unions if the supreme court upholds the firing of federal workers despite their contract protections or upholds Trump’s dismissal of Wilcox, leaving the NLRB without a quorum. “Then I think we will see companies come out of the woodwork to be more anti-union because there’s so little risk,” Kochan said. “We’ll see companies like SpaceX and Tesla just ignore the law because there will be no consequences. That’s the big risk now.”In his high-profile role, taking a figurative chainsaw to federal agencies and firing tens of thousands of workers, the fiercely anti-union Musk could inspire corporate executives to follow in his anti-union footsteps. SpaceX is even seeking to have the NLRB declared unconstitutional. “Musk is sort of the praetorian guard of the anti-union movement,” McCartin said. “He’s the tip of the spear.”But Blanc said corporate executives might hesitate about following Musk. “He is extremely unpopular, and his policies are not popular,” Blanc said. “Corporate America is not blind to that, and they’ll think twice about unleashing a backlash like the one Musk has unleashed.”Labor experts said it could take a few years before many companies become visibly more hostile toward unions. That was the case after the Patco strike. It was not until two or three years after that strike that several prominent employers –International Paper, Greyhound and Phelps Dodge – showed a harder attitude toward unions. They broke their unions’ strikes by hiring large numbers of replacement workers – an unusual move at the time.That tougher behavior under former president Ronald Reagan sped the decline of private sector unions. Today, just 6% of private sector workers are in unions, while 32% of public sector workers are. Anti-union ideologues are increasingly targeting public sector unions, which often support Democrats.“Because almost half of the labor movement is now in the public sector, the assault that we’re seeing now is really focused on the public sector,” McCartin said. “That really threatens to break the spine of the labor movement.”The flight attendants’ Nelson said it’s imperative for the labor movement to stand up and stand together to resist Trump’s and Musk’s anti-union actions: “It’s on all of us to use the power we have to stop this before everything is broken and every safety net is stolen by the oligarchs,” including Musk. Nelson said the labor movement has very few options at this point except to mobilize for a general strike.

      This article was amended on 7 April 2025 to clarify the timing of an order to rip up union contracts and an appeals court declining to reinstate Gwynne Wilcox. More

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      Bernie Sanders: law firms that cut deals with Trump administration ‘sell out their soul’

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      Law firms that cut deals with Donald Trump’s administration after the president issued executive orders targeting attorneys who challenge his priorities are demonstrating “absolute cowardice”, the independent US senator Bernie Sanders has said.“They’re zillion-dollar law firms, and money, money, money” is all that motivates them, the popular Vermont lawmaker who caucuses with Democrats said in a feature interview on the latest CBS News Sunday Morning. “So they’re going to sell out their souls to be able to make money here in Washington.”Sanders’ remarks provided a notable condemnation of law firms who had represented political rivals of Trump then chose the path of least resistance after he aimed orders that threatened to cripple them. The orders sought to revoke security clearances, ban attorneys from accessing federal buildings, and – if they do business with the government – to force the targeted firm’s clients to disclose existing relationships with them.Some of the US’s most prominent legal practices subsequently capitulated. Willkie, Farr and Gallagher; Milbank LLP; and Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom all reached deals with the White House meant to avoid Trump’s orders.In exchange, the firms would perform pro bono work for causes that are dear to them and Trump while also declining to engage in race-based hiring.Some firms, on the other hand, have sought to stand up to Trump. Perkins Coie got a court injunction blocking much of an executive order from Trump that targeted the firm. Hundreds of law firms and former judges have signed on to court briefs supporting Perkins Coie in its opposition to Trump.Meanwhile, after suing over Trump orders directed at them, Jenner & Block as well as WilmerHale were able to secure court mandates impeding most of his measures against them.Alums of the law firms which have yielded to Trump have voiced some of the strongest criticism for choosing that course of action.On Sunday, CBS asked Sanders what the cost was to the US when some of its most well-heeled institutions folded in that manner amid a standoff with Trump.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotion“It is indescribable,” Sanders said.Sanders on Sunday also contended that many of Trump’s maneuvers nearly three months into his second presidency had rendered the US into a “pseudo-democracy”. He singled out how Trump tasked Elon Musk, the world’s richest person, with slashing the size as well as funding of various federal government agencies and services.The multibillionaire owner of Tesla, SpaceX and X landed the role after spending more than $270m supporting Trump’s successful run for the White House in November.“Look, you get one vote, and Elon Musk can spend $270m to help elect Trump,” Sanders told CBS. “Does that sound like a democracy to you?” More

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      Being a librarian was already hard. Then came the Trump administration

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      For many librarians, the stakes of the job are high – they’re facing burnout, book bans, legislation pushed by rightwing groups, and providing essential resources in an effort to fill gaps in the US’s social safety net.Now, as Donald Trump’s administration rolls out their agenda, many librarians are describing his policies as “catastrophic” to accessing information and the libraries themselves – institutions considered fundamental to democracy.Rebecca Hass, the programming and outreach manager at the Anne Arundel county public library in Maryland, has seen the effects of Trump’s second term ripple in.“The impact [is] on many different community partners and customers that are represented in some of the executive orders,” said Hass. “We get everyone at the library. When people lose their jobs, they come to the library. When they’re not sure what’s going on, they come to the library.”Hass said the library received some pushback about LGBTQ+ programming, including protesters showing up to its trans Pride event. But the library is undeterred in efforts to meet community needs and supply resources, creating new resource pages on immigration and LGBTQ+ communities, and updating others. They have expanded partnerships, including with social workers in the library. Usage of the community pantry has increased.Much of this is work the library has always done, Hass said, adding: “But now it’s taken on urgency and additional responsibilities.”Emily Drabinski, an associate professor at the Queens College Graduate School of Library and Information Studies at the City University of New York, said that what is happening to librarians now mirrors what is happening to other workers.“You don’t get paid enough to meet your basic needs. Your autonomy at work is consistently under threat. People who think that they know better how to do your job are trying to get the power to push you out of your position,” she said.Some librarians described the impact of institutions capitulating to censorship on their work. A librarian in the deep south, who asked to remain anonymous in order to protect their safety, described tensions rising on their library board, and how the library is taking pre-emptive measures to make it challenging to find titles considered “controversial”.“I see all that being as a measure of: ‘If we fly under the radar, we’ll be safe,’” they said. “But it’s sad because who gets left behind – for staff members of color, [or] who are visibly queer, who are disabled, we don’t get to turn off that part of ourselves.”Meanwhile, Imani, an academic librarian in Texas who declined to give their full name for privacy concerns, is an active public library user, said “DEI removal” happened in her workplace in 2023. Now, they’re seeing increased scrutiny on how funds are spent, especially in regard to large databases.“It’s really important that people know that this isn’t new at all,” she said, adding that she knew a school librarian who retired several years ago due to fears of criminalization. “At this point, many librarians have done every single thing they can to save things.”Also, Imani noted, librarians are doing their work with “very little money, very little support [and] higher, higher demand”.Elon Musk’s unofficial “department of government efficiency” recently gutted the Institute of Museum and Library Services, which the American Library Association noted greatly affects the important services they offer, including high-speed internet access, summer reading programs, veterans’ telehealth spaces and more, with the most intense losses in rural communities.While the majority of public library funding comes from city and county taxes, according to EveryLibrary, the IMLS provides grants that support these critical services in every state.Marisa Kabas, the independent journalist who writes the The Handbasket, obtained a copy of a letter sent by IMLS’s acting director, Keith Sonderling, announcing that state library grantee funding would be terminated immediately. (Sonderling previously declared his intention to “restore focus on patriotism” to the IMLS, which many groups noted as an attack on freedom of expression.)The IMLS submitted a budget request of $280m for 2025.“That’s nothing in terms of the federal budget, yet it’s going to affect every single library in the country,” said Jessamyn West, who works in a rural, public library in Vermont in addition to working with the Flickr Foundation. “It’s going to make them scramble, it’s going to make them worry, and it’s going to make them have to make really difficult choices for the services that they give to their patrons.”In many cases, the money is already spent because of contracts libraries had with governments, West added.“We’re all pretty furious,” West said.Librarians are speaking out about what communities could lose, including internet access and workforce development in Kentucky, the Talking Book and Braille Center in New Jersey, digital hotspots in North Carolina, and much more outlined in reporting from Book Riot. As librarians grappled with losses that would directly affect their work, the IMLS Instagram account issued posts appearing to mock grantees.“It’s catastrophic,” Drabinski said, adding that IMLS funds significant library infrastructure, including ebook platforms and interlibrary loan systems. “Without those funds, many of those systems will grind to a halt. All of our work is about to become harder at the same time that the need for our resources and services will explode.”Drabinski continued: “What we want is for people to be able to read, and for people to have enough. The problems that we face as American workers are similar to yours, and we share a fight.” More

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      Under Trump and Musk, billionaires wield unprecedented influence over US national security

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      Just days before Donald Trump’s inauguration in January, Blue Origin, the space company owned by billionaire Jeff Bezos, launched its New Glenn rocket, named for John Glenn, the Mercury astronaut who was the first American to orbit the Earth. Around 2am on 16 January, the 30-story rocket powered by seven engines blasted off into the Florida night from Cape Canaveral’s historic launch complex 36, which first served as a Nasa launch site in 1962.The flight’s end was marred by a failure to bring the booster rocket back for further use, but the successful launch and orbit still marked a watershed moment for Blue Origin in its bid to compete with SpaceX, the company owned by Elon Musk, for dominance over American spy satellite operations. During the Trump administration, it is likely that both companies will play significant roles in placing spy satellites into Earth orbit, which could mean that the United States intelligence community will be beholden to both Bezos and Musk to handle the single most complex and expensive endeavor in modern espionage.In fact, Musk and Bezos are in a position during the Trump administration to personally exert significant influence over the direction of the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency and the rest of the US national security apparatus. The two pro-Trump billionaires have already been awarded massive contracts with the US intelligence community, including some that predate Trump’s first term in office.The emergence of Musk, Bezos and a handful of other pro-Trump billionaires as key players in US intelligence marks a radical change in US spy operations, which have traditionally been controlled by career government officials working closely with a few longstanding defense and intelligence contractors, giant corporations such as Lockheed Martin, RTX and Northrop Grumman that are adept at lobbying both Democrats and Republicans in Washington. But with Musk, Bezos and other pro-Trump Silicon Valley figures gaining an edge through their personal ties to Trump, civil servants in the intelligence community may be reluctant to deny them ever-larger contracts, especially since Trump has already fired several inspectors general who investigated Musk’s businesses in other areas of the government.Anticipating big rewards, Musk is reportedly joining forces with other pro-Trump billionaires to try to carve up the defense and intelligence business. SpaceX is working with Palantir, a hi-tech data analytics intelligence contractor co-founded by Peter Thiel, one of the most prominent rightwing figures in Silicon Valley; Anduril, a new defense contractor founded by 32-year-old pro-Trump tech bro Palmer Luckey; and several other Silicon Valley firms to form a consortium geared towards loosening the grip of the defense industry’s traditional players.Tech leaders eager to get into intelligence contracting have long complained that the business has become so consolidated around a few big players that it is nearly impossible for outsiders to compete, leading to a lack of innovation. “Consolidation bred conformity,” argued Shyam Sankar, the chief technology officer of Palantir, in a widely read public memo, The Defense Reformation.Swapping one oligarchy for anotherIt is hard to separate Silicon Valley’s calls for breaking up the oligarchy now controlling the defense and intelligence business from the eagerness of pro-Trump tech bros to grab as much power and cash as possible while creating a new oligarchy of their own.“The idea of overturning the contracting process did intrigue me, but now, under Trump, I think it is just about greed,” observed Greg Treverton, a former director of the National Intelligence Council, the intelligence community’s top analytical arm. “Now, with Trump, it is mostly about money and connections.”In the eyes of their critics, tech entrepreneurs offer a simplistic, black-and-white picture of the defense and intelligence business in which Silicon Valley conveniently has all the answers.“Beware the instant expert,” said Peter Singer, a defense analyst at the New America Foundation. “It’s like they are saying ‘I watched a YouTube video and now I know everything.’ They have this narrative that only Silicon Valley can drive innovation.”Elon Musk, satellite spymasterAs he eagerly slashes and burns through the ranks of federal employees with his Doge apparatus, Musk has emerged as the most powerful and polarizing figure in the Trump administration. But what is less well known is that Musk has also gained an influential role in the US intelligence community despite never having served inside the spy world.Musk’s SpaceX has already become one of the main rocket contractors launching American spy satellites and is seeking to overcome the edge held by United Launch Alliance, a joint venture between Boeing and Lockheed Martin, the traditional giant in the niche. In addition, Starlink, Musk’s commercial satellite communication network, is playing a critical role in US foreign policy, providing internet service in remote regions of the world including in Ukraine, where it operates a communications network for the Ukrainian army. Starlink’s role in the Ukraine war has placed Musk squarely in the middle of the dispute between Trump and the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Meanwhile, questions about whether Musk is assuming a dual role as both a player in Trump’s national security policymaking and a major contractor grew after he received a private briefing at the Pentagon on 21 March and visited the CIA headquarters 10 days later.SpaceX has a head start over Blue Origin in the spy satellite business, and Musk has a big lead over Bezos in Trump world. But Blue Origin and Bezos are working hard to catch up in both.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionBezos seeks to add to classified cloud contractDuring his first term, Trump repeatedly attacked Bezos over negative stories that were published in the Washington Post, which Bezos owns, and as revenge threatened Amazon’s business dealings with the US Postal Service. Since the 2024 election, though, Bezos has turned himself into a Trump booster, lavishing praise and large donations on the president while also working to transform the Washington Post’s opinion page, which he says should focus on “personal liberties and free markets”.Bezos’s move into an alliance with Trump has put him in a position to expand his reach into the spy satellite business while also protecting the large stake he already holds in other aspects of intelligence. The billionaire, the second-richest person in the world after Musk, has been involved in the spy world for more than a decade through Amazon Web Services, a cloud computing subsidiary of Amazon, which Bezos founded and where he remains executive chair. Amazon Web Services has managed the CIA’s classified cloud since it won a $600m contract with the spy agency in 2013, and dramatically expanded its intelligence role when it was awarded a $10bn contract to manage the NSA’s classified cloud in 2022 through a program code-named “Wild and Stormy”.Palmer Luckey and Silicon Valley’s clique of young defense contractorsPlenty of other Silicon Valley billionaires are also seeking to crowd into Washington alongside Musk and Bezos. Palantir’s Thiel is a mentor of the vice-president, JD Vance, and his firm has a longstanding relationship with the intelligence community that is likely to expand under Trump. The CIA’s investment firm, In-Q-Tel, was one of the early backers of Palantir after its 2003 founding, and the company has had a major role in the development of data integration and data analytics systems for the intelligence community. Palantir is now seeking a broader role in developing AI for both the Pentagon and the intelligence community.Luckey, who made his name as a virtual reality entrepreneur by founding Oculus, has become a prominent new face at the intersection of Trump world and national security. Luckey’s Anduril now has a contract with the US army to develop battlefield virtual reality headsets, which would allow data to be sent directly to soldiers while also allowing them to control unmanned drones and other weapons. In addition, Anduril won a $642m contract with the Marine Corps to develop countermeasures against small drones in March. Luckey first supported Trump in 2016, when that was an unpopular position in Silicon Valley, but now that Trump is back, he has said that he’s on an “I told you so tour”, trumpeting his America-first political views.Luckey said in a recent interview: “I don’t think the United States needs to be the world police. It needs to be the world’s gun store.”Google once committed to not building artificial intelligence for weapons or surveillance in a watershed moment of divorcing tech from the defense and intelligence industry. Earlier this year, though, the company scrapped that pledge. The campaign by the tech bros to win bigger roles for themselves in defense and intelligence represents a return to Silicon Valley’s roots. Hi-tech originally grew in northern California because of its early connections to the military and defense industrial base in the region, observed Margaret O’Mara, a tech industry historian at the University of Washington.“Silicon Valley has always been in the business of war,” O’Mara said. More

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      Who will win bigly from Trump tariffs? | Brief letters

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      After Donald Trump raised a range of tariffs, the US stock market tanked (Report, 4 April). If Trump rescinded these, within weeks the stock market would bounce back. Wouldn’t it be interesting to know in advance when that was going to happen? Somebody could make a great deal of money.John KinderRomsey, Hampshire In the past, we referred to the ABC of the cost of living crisis: Austerity, Brexit, Covid. Now, it seems, we have to add D for Donald and E for Elon. I don’t want to think about what F might stand for.Ruth EversleyPaulton, Somerset Re your article (‘She treats everyone with a deep growl’: can you train an angry cat to be more sociable?, 30 March), sometimes it just requires patience: in his 20th year my adopted feral cat Twix finally gave up being antisocial and climbed on to my lap for a cuddle, and there he remains at every opportunity, living his best life.Rosemary JacksonLondon Re your report (Birmingham declares major incident over bin strike as piles of waste grow, 31 March), we can now acknowledge that, like medical staff, binmen are essential frontline workers, without whom public health collapses? The solution to the impasse? Attlee got it right. Stuff their mouths with gold.Jenny MittonSutton Coldfield, West Midlands I hadn’t noticed seat heights on Mastermind (Letters, 1 April) but I comment every week to my wife about the amount of manspreading, to the extent that when we board a bus or train, we often say quietly to each other: “A few potential Mastermind contestants here.”Ray JenkinCardiff More

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      ‘Streamline’ or ‘lifeline’? Wyoming veterans divided over Trump’s VA cuts

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      Birgitt Paul has worked as a nurse at the Veterans Affairs (VA) in Cheyenne, Wyoming, for over a decade – five years on the floor, five and a half coordinating at-home care for veterans in the region.Like many people working at the agency, she has her gripes with the system: it could be more efficient, more streamlined, easier to navigate for the veterans in need of its care, and better for the 400,000 employees that keep its wheels spinning.But Donald Trump’s order for all federal employees to return to the office, coupled with an expected 80,000 cuts at the agency amid sledgehammer-style layoffs at the so-called “department of government efficiency” (Doge), makes Paul worry that this top-down style of reform will have dire consequences for US veterans.There are many people with strong ideas of how to make the VA more efficient and cut costs, she argued.“But that’s not what they’re doing right now.”Wyoming is a land of superlatives. It’s the US’s least populated state, with under 600,000 residents. It’s possibly the country’s most conservative, going to Trump by the widest margin for three elections in a row. And it has the highest share of veterans in the lower 48 states. More than 9% of the state’s adult civilian population were veterans in 2022, and it has two large VA centers: one in the north Wyoming town of Sheridan, and the other in Cheyenne, the state capital.The state’s strong support for the president does not mean a unanimous endorsement from its veterans for Trump’s proposed VA cuts. In more than a dozen interviews, veterans said they were eager for reforms at the VA and across the military, saying they wanted less bureaucracy, and wished that policy that affected veterans had more input from veterans themselves. Some veterans said they believed Doge’s cuts would bring drastic benefits at no loss to veterans. But many feared veterans would lose a lifeline in a state whose veteran suicide rate is double the national average. They feared VA services would be increasingly privatized, hamstringing care, and were worried about far-reaching economic impacts to the region.Bobby Gray, who served in the army for 11 years, seeks care at the Cheyenne VA, and fears the impact of layoffs on his healthcare. Sitting at a round wooden table in a Cheyenne bar, Gray sipped on a soda and minced no words about the importance of the VA in his life.“They’re my lifeline,” said Gray. “I wouldn’t be here without the VA. I’d have been gone a long time ago.”Dwight Null, who served for two years in the army, concurred the agency plays a singular role in the life of many US veterans, offering a level of cultural understanding not available in the private sector.“A high percentage [of VA employees] are veterans in one service or the other, or have family that were veterans, or have worked at the VA working with veterans long enough that they understand our culture,” said Null, who now helps veterans access resources and care. “If you’re sitting down with a therapist that doesn’t know what a combat veteran went through, there’s not much value in it.”View image in fullscreenTrevor Smith served in the air force for 18 years and gets his care through the VA as well. Sitting beside his wife in their north Cheyenne home, a cane resting against his leg, Smith talked about his second suicide attempt.“I got one of my guns out and charged around and put it to my head, and she fought me and called the police,” Smith said.Smith credits the VA’s care with keeping him alive. He worries about other traumatized veterans that have not had the same luck accessing care, and said that vets can be a “difficult” population to care for. If left to the private sector, Smith’s thoughts on behalf of vets and their caregivers are simple: “We’re fucked.”“I have been extremely fortunate. I have very good care, I have very good people. And even with that, you can still get to a point, even with the best care, where you have a gun to your head,” Smith said. “People that are barely holding their heads above water now. What’s gonna happen if they take some of that away?”Rosemarie Harding served 11 years in the army and 22 in the national guard and represents Laramie county on the Wyoming Veterans Commission, a government board whose mission is “to develop, enhance and promote programs, services, and benefits to Wyoming veterans”. Speaking in her own capacity, Harding wondered what alternatives would exist for veterans who would struggle to access care under layoffs.“If they don’t have the VA, where are they going to go? Medicaid, which the state of Wyoming did not expand and hasn’t expanded?” Harding said.When Doge looks for areas to cut, Paul, the nurse, worries that they will target at-home care, which she says is a vital VA service. She estimated that more than half of the female veterans she works with have sexual trauma, and the VA can accommodate this in a way the private sector cannot.“There are women who need help who won’t accept it from a [private] agency because they don’t know who’s coming into their house,” Paul said. “So I have a program where you can pick your caregivers that you trust.”‘There is a need for these cuts’Other veterans said that they were not worried about the cuts affecting their care. Arthur Braten served eight years in the navy and eight in the army. He works at the VA as an HVAC tech, and is a disabled veteran himself, receiving comprehensive benefits. He said he is not worried about job security or losing access to his care, and supports the cuts.“There is a need for these cuts. Biggest reason is, I believe that the VAs are top-heavy,” Braten said, leaning on the counter in an east Cheyenne bar. “I think all these cuts are going to streamline the VA and in the long run, it’s going to give us better-quality people and better care.”Braten used his workplace as an example, saying he saw overstaffing in high departments but vacancies in his own role. Braten voiced support for Doge and disdain for the “corruption they’ve found … Our tax money went to Afghanistan, it went to all these other countries for stupid, stupid things.”He said many people in his surroundings felt similarly: “I haven’t come across a person yet that has been against it.”A man in a yellow University of Wyoming sweatshirt took a break from ordering a drink to interrupt Braten’s interview.“I’m against it. Now you’ve come across me,” the man said.Dan, another disabled veteran (“I’m all beat up”), is firmly in Braten’s camp. Dan served for 24 years in the air force, and is not worried about his VA healthcare access in the face of layoffs , or about his current job at a separate federal agency. “I do believe that I’m going to get the care that I need,” he said.“America got itself in such a deficit that it takes extreme measures to fix the damage,” Dan said.Dan refers to himself as a “sacrificial lamb”. He was hired remotely, and the federally mandated return to office will split him from his family and push him to a Denver suburb 100 miles (160km) south. He will rent an apartment, receive an increase in pay, and believes his productivity will suffer – “there’s no efficiency in that regard.”But he stands behind the cuts. His views were shaped by what he considered large amounts of wasteful spending in the military, he said.View image in fullscreenLeadership would tell him: “If you do not spend this amount of money, you’re not going to get it next year,” Dan said, or “if you don’t spend our budget, if you don’t spend a million and a half dollars, and you only spend $500,000, then next year, we’re only gonna get $500,000. So you need to make up for the difference.”‘Everybody doesn’t know what to expect’Eric, a 24-year army veteran (“I’ve been blown up four times and shot twice”), and an employee at the Cheyenne VA, speaks bluntly and has no fondness for the federal bureaucracy or its spending habits. But the Doge cuts and impending VA layoffs, follow a structure he cannot get behind. He wants to see more input from veterans and less from inside the beltline, he said.“It never works top-down,” said Eric, who asked the Guardian to only use his first name due to his current VA employment. “I wish I could have 10 minutes alone with [VA] secretary [Doug] Collins. It might cost me my job, but I really don’t care. Let me put together a team out of the VA employees that are there and figure out what the hell is the problem at the VA and fix it.”Eric spoke acidly about seesawing emails from Doge creating an atmosphere of insecurity at the department, and said the cuts would have the opposite of the advertised effect, with the VA’s best doctors moving to the higher-paying private sector.“They love the veterans, but goddamn, they’ve got to look out for their families. They’ve got to look out for their mortgages. They’ve got to look out for what happens when all of this goes to hell and everybody’s looking for a job at the only other hospital in town,” Eric said. “And the ones that we want to leave, the ones that aren’t performing, the underperformers, they’re digging in like ticks.”Robert, another Cheyenne VA staffer and 20-year air force veteran, said the atmosphere after the initial “Fork in the road” email has been heavy.“Everybody doesn’t know what to expect. I feel like every day, you’re worried about checking your email because you don’t know what it’s gonna say,” said Robert, whom the Guardian is identifying by his first name.Robert’s wife is a federal employee who was hired remotely. While Robert has some confidence that he will survive the VA layoffs, his wife’s in-person office would be in Bethesda, Maryland, which Robert dryly labels “a bit of a commute”.“What we had thought was going to be the next 10 years has vastly changed,” Robert said.Harding, at the Wyoming Veterans Commission, worries about the economic impact on Cheyenne, a city of 65,000 that is deeply dependent on the military. Along with the VA, the city boasts FE Warren air force base, as well two national guard outposts.View image in fullscreen“Cutting all those positions is going to have an immediate economic impact on the city, I don’t think that those people can readily be absorbed by the local economy,” Harding said.Lee Filer, a Republican state representative, was born on FE Warren and served for eight years in the Wyoming air national guard. Filer has economic concerns about reducing the VA’s workforce and benefits, but practical ones as well – would military recruitment suffer further if young people enlisting were skeptical that the government would take care of them?“They sign a contract. They’re entitled to all these different benefits. And if we’re going to take care of them, if they get hurt or anything else, whatever happens, we’re here to take care of you as the American people in a society,” Filer said. “But all it takes is a strike of a pen and no Congress to push back and guess what? Now they can lose that.”Filer emphasized that he believes waste exists, and supports “streamlining” the federal government. But he wants to see a more methodical approach, and worries Congress doesn’t have the political willpower.“They don’t want to cross the president in any way, whether because of primary threats or fear of losing re-election,” Filer said. “But we need to get past that. If we look at our federal delegation, they all ran on supporting veterans.”When Paul, the VA nurse, hears politicians decry soaring VA costs, she thinks of widespread rallying behind the Pact Act, which passed in Congress with large bipartisan support, and was one of the largest increases to the VA budget in recent years.Paul said she has been vocal about her concerns over Doge and potential VA privatization, to the point that she’s been advised by higher-ups to not say so over government channels. She has “come to peace” with the prospect of retaliation for having “spoken truth”, she said, but she won’t accept being told, like probationary employees in earlier Doge layoffs, that she is being fired for poor performance. After the initial February firings, Paul and her colleagues printed out their performance evaluations, just in case.“The evaluation I have is outstanding,” Paul said. “So if you’re gonna try to fire me because I had poor performance, I will be suing you.” More