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    Passengers start to feel bite of flight cuts amid US government shutdown

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    A US government order to make drastic cuts in commercial air traffic amid the government shutdown has taken effect, with major airports across the country experiencing a significant reduction in schedules and leaving travellers scrambling to adjust their plans.The Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) has said the move is necessary to maintain air traffic control safety during a federal government shutdown, now the longest recorded and with no sign of a resolution, in which air traffic controllers have gone without pay.While airlines have started to reduce domestic flights, global hubs such as JFK in New York and LAX in Los Angeles will be affected, meaning delays and sudden changes that could have a cascading effect on international air traffic. The FAA said the reductions would start at 4% and ramp up to 10% by 14 November. The reductions are set to be in effect between 6am and 10pm and impact all commercial airlines.“We are seeing signs of stress in the system, so we are proactively reducing the number of flights to make sure the American people continue to fly safely,” said Bryan Bedford, the FAA administrator.As of Friday morning, more than 800 US-linked flights had been cancelled, according to the flight tracking website FlightAware. The data showed about four in five cancelations globally were related to the US.Transportation secretary Sean Duffy warned on Friday that cancellations could rise to 15% or 20%. “If the shutdown doesn’t end relatively soon, the consequence is that more controllers don’t come to work,” he told Fox News, as US airspace became a potent proverbial weapon in the political standoff.Since the beginning of the shutdown, which began last month after a breakdown between Republicans and Democrats over spending plans, air traffic controllers have been working without pay, which has already caused delays.A potential agreement between the parties to reopen the government appeared to crumble again on Friday after Democrats in the Senate, emboldened by Tuesday’s favorable election results for them, rejected an emerging proposal that would have linked a stopgap funding bill known as a continuing resolution to three full-year appropriations bills.The US transportation secretary, Sean Duffy, has announced 40 “high-traffic” airports across the country that would need to reduce flights. A 4% reduction in operations at those airports has taken effect but this will increase to 10% over the next week.Duffy has accused Democrats of being responsible for any “mass chaos” that ensues, even though the shutdown is the result of both Republicans and Democrats refusing to agree to a deal.The director of the National Economic Council​, Kevin Hassett, told Fox Business on Friday that he did not discount a broader impact on US economic activity from the air space restrictions.“Business travel is a really big, important part of air travel – and if business travel isn’t happening then those are deals that aren’t being cut and hotel rooms that aren’t being filled,” he said.“Travel and leisure is a place that’s really being heavily hit right now and if it continues to get hit, if the air travel thing goes south for another week or two, then you could say that they would have at least a near-term downturn,” Hassett added.View image in fullscreenThe cuts could represent as many as 1,800 flights and upwards of 268,000 seats combined, according to an estimate by the aviation analytics firm Cirium.With deep antagonism between the two political parties, Donald Trump’s government has beaten the previous record for the longest shutdown, which was set during his first term in 2018-19.United, Southwest and Delta airlines began cancelling flights on Thursday evening.Affected airports cover more than two dozen states including the busiest across the US – such as Atlanta, Charlotte, Denver, Dallas/Fort Worth, Orlando, Los Angeles, Miami and San Francisco. Flight schedules will be reduced in some of the US’s biggest cities, including New York, Houston and Chicago.Scott Kirby, the United Airlines CEO, said in a statement that the airline “will continue to make rolling updates to our schedule as the government shutdown continues so we can give our customers several days’ advance notice and to minimise disruption”.Delta Air Lines said it would comply with the directive and “expects to operate the vast majority of our flights as scheduled”.The airspace disruption comes two weeks before the Thanksgiving holiday – typically the busiest travel period of the year – and raises the pressure on lawmakers to reach a deal to end the shutdown.Politically inspired flight chaos, with its potential to continue into or beyond the Thanksgiving holiday later this month, has exacerbated pre-existing structural issues in air travel scheduling, airspace constraints and safety considerations, including outdated air traffic control equipment and a long-term shortage of air traffic controllers.“The FAA is a slow-moving bureaucracy,” said Michael Taylor, a travel analyst at JD Power. “It has a daunting task keeping planes from colliding with each other, and they do a really good job with that, but it makes them ultra-conservative in terms of the technologies they could be using. It’s not like your living room where everything is digital. The FAA still relies on technology invented for the second world war.“Under-staffing is long-term problem and that’s not going to change with a political solution to the shutdown,” he adds. Coupled with underlying technological issues, politicians have learned that travel is an unique opportunity to apply pressure. “This is a leverage point that politicians can use to try to drive public opinion towards one party or the other. It’s a shame but that’s where we are today,” Taylor added.In a statement, American Airlines said most customers would be unaffected and long-haul international travel would remain as scheduled. Customers could change their flight or request a refund. “In the meantime, we continue to urge leaders in Washington to reach an immediate resolution to end the shutdown,” the airline said.The government shutdown has left shortages of up to 3,000 air traffic controllers, according to the administration, in addition to at least 11,000 more receiving zero wages despite being categorised as essential workers.“I’m not aware in my 35-year history in the aviation market where we’ve had a situation where we’re taking these kinds of measures,” Bedford has said. “We’re in new territory in terms of government shutdowns.” More

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      Leftist and centrist Democrats won on Tuesday. So what’s the party’s lesson? | Dustin Guastella

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      On Tuesday, Democrats won right, left and center.In purple Virginia, Abigail Spanberger, the staunchly anti-socialist former CIA official won handily over her Republican counterpart. Meanwhile, Mikie Sherrill, a poster child for centrist Democrats, won big in light-blue New Jersey. And in ultra-progressive New York, the democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani, predictably, took the mayoralty. With such varied success, what could be the common lesson?First, all of these candidates took the economy seriously. Mamdani has long been praised, even by moderates, for making his campaign all about affordability. But this was no less true for Sherrill and Spanberger, who moved in a decidedly populist direction with their campaigns. At times, centrist Sherrill even sounded like Bernie Sanders. That’s good.Second, all of these candidates successfully distanced themselves from unwise (and unpopular) progressive positions on crime and the fringier elements of the social justice brigade. As a result, they broadened their appeal. Also good. And suggestive that a commonsense populism can serve as the path back to power for Democrats.To be sure, enduring structural problems remain; for one thing, all of these candidates are rich. That’s not good. Sherrill was hammered on the campaign trail about the millions she made while in Congress. But Mamdani, too, is the son of elites; his mother is a world-famous millionaire moviemaker with homes on three continents. These aren’t great credentials for Democrats trying to demonstrate their everyman qualities to working-class voters who have turned their backs on the party.Still, Mamdani was the big star of the night. And for good reason. Not only was Mamdani the only outsider candidate, facing down long odds and big money; he alone offered the inspirational vision that Democrats so desperately need. He has a compelling theory of society, one that helps voters make sense of the madness that is our new Gilded Age, and a political program that flows naturally from that theory. As a result he offers a more persuasive political vision than the establishment’s poll-tested “popularism” – which amounts to asking voters what they already like and then insisting that Democrats conform to the survey results. Voters want to elect leaders, and leaders have to have a vision of the way society ought to look. Mamdani does. The Democrats, by and large, do not.The cruel political irony is, of course, that candidates such as Mamdani, who have the far-reaching vision to propose a new economic model, who have the bravery to challenge the political establishment and who have the charisma to inject some life into the political scene, tend to win in the kinds of places where they have the least leverage – uber-progressive, rich, global cities. This, in turn, threatens to limit their appeal, and their power, to the level of government least capable of winning the world they want.Municipal government – even in a city that is home to Wall Street – is simply not fit to fuel real economic change. It’s not that Mamdani has promised policies far beyond the scope of feasibility. His program was limited. And given that New York City is very rich, from a budget perspective, his policies are affordable. But class politics aren’t like accounting: it’s not whether the government can afford it, it’s whether the rich will allow it.Billionaires have long been threatening that a Mamdani election would send the rich packing. An exodus of well-to-do New Yorkers, who feel they are already overtaxed, would starve the budget and force a conservative turn at city hall. The flight of the rich isn’t particularly likely, but it is a danger. This is why so much of social policy must be decided at the national, and not the local, level. Just look at the exodus of California residents to low-tax red states such as Texas and Florida, which has been a boon for those states and headache for California. With the continued allure of remote work, it’s not something Mamdani can afford to ignore. Which is why he went out of his way to assure the elite that he won’t be soaking the rich so much as splashing them.This structural challenge is compounded by the nature of liberal urban politics and the perceptions of voters in a nationalized political environment. Of course, Mamdani made great efforts to broaden the left’s base. He steered his campaign away from wrongheaded activist slogans about defunding the police or abolishing prisons. He very intentionally projected a sense of respectability and responsibility – he was almost exclusively pictured in a suit and tie. And as a result he was able to win voters well beyond the narrow confines of New York’s “commie corridor” and reach deep into working-class outer-borough neighborhoods.Yet, as Woody Allen said in Annie Hall: “The rest of the country looks upon New York like we’re leftwing, communist, Jewish, homosexual pornographers.” And despite his clear moderation on a whole host of liberal cultural crusades, Mamdani does advocate a soft touch on drugs, crime and sex work. Again, this is fine … for New York. But for their political program to succeed, populists like him need federal power and for that they need national appeal. Mamdani’s supporters need to confront a real danger. As the mayor-elect is catapulted to the unofficial position of leader of the American left, progressive populism risks being even more tightly associated with the views and values of Park Slope’s young professionals.National Democrats have a lot to learn from Mamdani. If they want to retake Congress, they need to learn what it is to have conviction and a vision that goes beyond tinkering with the tax code. At the same time, if populists are to have a hope of implementing their program, they must break out of the political confines of deep-blue cities.

      Dustin Guastella is the director of operations for Teamsters Local 623 in Philadelphia, and a research associate at the Center for Working-Class Politics More

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      Democrats should celebrate this week’s victories, but beware: Trump is already plotting his revenge | Jonathan Freedland

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      After the joy, the trepidation. Or at least the preparation. Democrats, along with many others around the world, cheered this week’s wins in a clutch of off-year elections that saw Donald Trump’s Republicans defeated from sea to shining sea. But now they need to brace themselves for the reaction. Because Donald Trump does not like losing. And he will do everything he can to ensure it does not happen again – by means fair and, more often, foul. Indeed, that effort is already under way.For now, the Democrats are still clinking glasses, enjoying a success that tastes all the sweeter for coming exactly a year after they lost everything – the House, the Senate and the White House – to a returning and triumphant Trump. The most dramatic win was Zohran Mamdani’s history-making victory in America’s most populous city, New York, but there was success too at the other end of the continent, as voters in California backed Democrats on an apparently technical measure that could prove hugely significant. In between, Democrats won the governorships of New Jersey and Virginia by healthy, double-digit margins.All this has displeased Trump, but it is the election of Mamdani in Trump’s home city that brought the swiftest response. The forces of Maga have wasted no time in making the man Trump calls a “100% communist lunatic” the face of the Democratic party. The New York Post went early, with a front page showing the new mayor clutching a hammer and sickle, next to the headline “The Red Apple”, with the R reversed to looks suspiciously Soviet. Fox Business also broke out the Bolshevik graphics for a segment on the global threat posed by socialism, featuring international testimony on the failures that ensue when profit is not paramount – including reports on Britain’s own “broken” National Health Service.The Republican goal is clear enough: to ensure that next year’s nationwide midterm elections – where control of the House of Representatives is on the line – can be fought against a Democratic party recast as Mamdani Marxists. Right now, Democrats are confident they can see off that danger, uniting behind a common message of “affordability”, even as they tailor it to different audiences in different places – much as they did this week, with the victors in Virginia and New Jersey pressing the same cost of living themes as Mamdani but in moderate, suburban colours. That approach could work next year, when the battle for the House amounts to 435 separate elections. Come the presidential election of 2028, however, when Democrats will have to forge a single, national message behind a single, national candidate who can appeal to both cities and suburbs, it will be harder.View image in fullscreenStill, that is the kind of challenge politicians are used to tackling. A darker menace looms, and not only in Trump’s heavy hints that he could cut off federal funding to New York. Recall that the president has already broken all precedent by sending US troops into Washington DC and Los Angeles and by attempting to do so in Chicago and Portland, Oregon, supposedly to crack down on rampant crime but, in fact, to assert control over politically disobedient centres of power. No wonder many New York observers suspect it is only a matter of time before Trump dispatches the National Guard to Brooklyn and the Bronx, now that Gotham is in the hands of a sworn foe. Trump always wanted to conquer New York City; now he might just do it.Such a move would be of a piece with the series of actions Trump seems set to take – or is already taking – to ensure the elections of November 2026 are not allowed to go the way they did this week. Put simply, next year’s contests matter too much for him to let that happen. As of now, Trump has total control of all three branches of the US government: the White House, obviously, but also the supreme court and both houses of Congress, thanks to pliant judges in the former and Republican majorities in the latter. The Senate is unlikely to shift, but given the currently tiny Republican majority in the lower chamber, and the usual midterm swing against an incumbent party, every conventional sign would point to a Democratic takeover of the House in 12 months. If that happens, the rubber stamp will be replaced by a genuine check on the president’s power, one that – especially worrying for him – would have the authority to investigate and hold to account both Trump and those who serve him.He is determined to avert that outcome. That’s why he leaned on Republicans in Texas, demanding they redraw congressional boundaries to eke out five more safe Republican seats. It was to offset that earlier Texas move that California Democrats asked voters this week for the power to do some redistricting of their own, to give their party up to an extra five Democratic seats in the House. Californians said yes, even those who fear this tit-for-tat gerrymandering represents a race to the bottom that can only weaken US democracy.But Trump is not done. He has pushed Republicans in North Carolina, Ohio, Missouri and Indiana to follow Texas’s lead, hoping to squeeze out enough extra seats so that his party keeps the House even if voters desert them next November. Others are bracing for a supreme court decision that could weaken a key provision of the Voting Rights Act, one that currently permits state legislatures to consider race when deciding congressional boundaries. That measure has allowed for the crafting of districts that ensure that voters from minorities see their favoured candidates elected. If the court outlaws that practice, Republican-controlled state legislatures could move to eliminate those districts altogether, depriving Democrats of around a dozen seats in the south.Those are only the most visible threats. In an essay in The Atlantic, David A Graham charts the myriad ways in which Trump and his allies are already working to subvert the midterm elections. Some of it is old-fashioned voter suppression – making the casting of a ballot harder by, say, reducing the availability of early and postal voting or demanding specific forms of ID – while some of it is intimidation.In the elections just gone, the Trump-controlled department of justice sent “monitors” to watch over polling places in Democratic-leaning areas. When Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents are snatching even US citizens off the streets, you can see how the presence of Trump-loyal “monitors” might have a chilling effect, persuading some voters that they’d be safer staying home. The presence of troops in battle fatigues on the streets, which a year from now will come to seem normal in several US cities, will have the same effect – only more so.All of this comes as Trump has gutted the agency charged with keeping elections secure, slashed funding for the protection of voting from cyber-attack and looked on as many diligent election officials, including traditional Republicans, have been driven out of office and replaced by Maga activists.Even if the 2026 elections go ahead unhindered, the danger does not end there. Graham warns that Trump could declare a state of emergency, seizing voting machines before a tally is made official. A defeated Republican House speaker could refuse to seat victorious Democrats (as, in fact, Speaker Mike Johnson is already doing). And, through it all, there would be loud voices on Fox News, on social media and perhaps even on some of the mainstream networks that have recently bent the knee to Trump, defending if not applauding his every move.This week’s results suggest that, if it’s a fair fight, Democrats can win a year from now, finally putting a brake on Trump’s march towards autocracy. But that’s a big if – and with each passing day, it’s only getting bigger.

      Jonathan Freedland is a Guardian columnist and host of the Politics Weekly America podcast

      Guardian newsroom: Year One of Trumpism: Is Britain Emulating the US? On Wednesday 21 January 2026, join Jonathan Freedland, Tania Branigan and Nick Lowles as they reflect on the first year of Donald Trump’s second presidency – and to ask if Britain could be set on the same path. Book tickets here or at guardian.live More

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      Mamdani’s mayoral race was marred by unhinged Islamophobia. It’s not going away soon | Arwa Mahdawi

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      Pack your bags and flee, infidels: New York City has fallen to a cabal of socialist jihadists. With Zohran Mamdani to become the city’s first Muslim mayor, many are celebrating the democratic socialist’s historic win. Billionaires, Islamophobes and Republicans, however, are in the throes of hysteria. But what’s new? The New York mayoral race has been marred by bigotry so unhinged it’s almost impossible to parody.Far-right activist and unofficial Trump adviser Laura Loomer posted on X, for example, that “there will be another 9/11 in NYC” under Mamdani. New York City councilmember Vickie Paladino called the 34-year-old a “known jihadist terrorist”. Actor Debra Messing, meanwhile, has been having a Mamdani-induced meltdown on Instagram, posting story after story about how the puppy-eyed politician is a threat to civilization. She recently posted: “In Judaism and Christianity, we are commanded to speak the truth. In Islam, they are commanded to lie if it means spreading Islam … Now, take a look at Mamdani … He’s revealing their goal: mass conversion.”Mamdani’s goal, as he has made almost comically clear, is actually affordable mass transit and housing. One of the reasons his campaign was so successful is that it stayed laser-focused on affordability. However, Mamdani has addressed the attacks against him on a number of occasions, noting how common it is for Muslims to be branded as terrorists. And, it’s not just Muslims, I should note. Islamophobes don’t tend to differentiate between a Muslim of Indian descent who was born in Uganda, like Mamdani, and a Palestinian atheist like me. They don’t care if you’re a Christian Arab or even a Sikh. We’re all the same to them: brown barbarians.The incoming mayor has also called out how just how normalized Islamophobia is on both sides of the aisle. A couple of weeks ago Mamdani released a six-minute video addressed to Muslim New Yorkers in which he talked about how Andrew Cuomo “laughed and agreed when a radio show host said that I would cheer another 9/11”. He talked about how outgoing mayor Eric Adams said Mamdani and his followers wanted to “burn churches”. And he stated: “To be Muslim in New York is to expect indignity. But indignity does not make us distinct – there are many New Yorkers who face it. It is the tolerance of that indignity that does. In an era of ever-diminishing bipartisanship, Islamophobia has emerged as one of the few areas of agreement.”Amen to that. Islamophobia is so normalized that’s it’s not even seen as bigotry by many but, as conservative commentator and former Fox News host Megyn Kelly recently put it, “a sensible position”. It’s so normalized that trafficking in Islamophobia is not career-ending, but often career-elevating. Making breathtakingly racist comments about Muslims certainly didn’t stop Randy Fine from winning a special election earlier this year to represent Florida’s sixth district in Congress. Fine, by the way, is now leading a push to investigate Mamdani’s path to US citizenship in an attempt to denaturalize and deport him.And Islamophobia hasn’t hurt the career of Shaun Maguire, a partner at the influential venture capital firm Sequoia Capital. In July, Maguire, who has a well-documented history of making inflammatory statements, posted on X that Mamdani “comes from a culture that lies about everything. It’s literally a virtue to lie if it advances his Islamist agenda. The West will learn this lesson the hard way.” Sequoia didn’t take action against him, citing a policy of “institutional neutrality”. In the end, the only person to lose their job was Sequoia’s female COO. Sumaiya Balbale, a practising Muslim quit after Maguire’s comments; the Financial Times reported that she felt her position was untenable.In the US, Muslims make up only about 1% of the adult population. Media coverage, therefore, disproportionately affects people’s views of Muslims and support for anti-Muslim policies. And there is a huge body of research demonstrating the extent to which the mainstream media in the US has dehumanized Muslims. One 2018 study by Middlebury researchers, for example, found that Muslims were the most negatively portrayed minority in America, “principally due to reporting on foreign conflict zones”.The reason that someone like Cuomo was so comfortable insinuating that Mamdani was a terrorist sympathizer throughout the election is because the media has embedded the idea that all Muslims are terrorists. A 2019 analysis media coverage found that between 2008 and 2015 terror attacks carried out by Muslims received more than 350% more coverage in the US media than terror attacks committed by non-Muslims. That’s even though attacks by non-Muslims (largely white supremacists) were more prevalent during that timeframe.The mainstream media’s peddling of Islamophobia doesn’t just help politicians run racist campaigns; it helps them pass racist policies. There’s a direct link between the dehumanization of Muslims in the mainstream media and Trump’s Muslim ban. A direct link between decades of the media portraying Muslims as terrorists and US complicity in the genocide in Gaza. While it’s easy to call out the Laura Loomers of the world and their crass Islamophobia, it’s respectable Islamophobia that’s more insidious. The framing of newspaper headlines; the choice of which stories to cover; the way in which prestigious Wall Street Journal and New York Times columnists will casually compare Arabs to bugs and insects.The New York mayoral election may be over now, but the racism and Islamophobia underpinning it aren’t going anywhere anytime soon. However, Mamdani’s victory does provide a glimmer of hope. The first step in solving a problem is addressing it. And Mamdani has been steadfast in calling out Islamophobia and forcing people to confront it. During his victory speech, Mamdani mentioned the Islamophobic attacks against him once again, and rejected the cynical attempts by his detractors to pit Jews against Muslims.“[W]e will build a city hall that stands steadfast alongside Jewish New Yorkers and does not waver in the fight against the scourge of antisemitism,” Mamdani said. “Where the more than 1 million Muslims know that they belong – not just in the five boroughs of this city, but in the halls of power. No more will New York be a city where you can traffic in Islamophobia and win an election.”Inshallah. More

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      Europeans recognize Zohran Mamdani’s supposedly radical policies as ‘normal’

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      After New York City’s race for mayor catapulted Zohran Mamdani from state assembly member into one of the world’s most prominent progressive voices, intense debate swirled over the ideas at the heart of his campaign.His critics and opponents painted pledges such as free bus service, universal childcare and rent freezes as unworkable, unrealistic and exorbitantly expensive.But some have hit back, highlighting the quirk of geography that underpins some of this view. “He promised things that Europeans take for granted, but Americans are told are impossible,” said the Dutch environmentalist and former government adviser Alexander Verbeek in the wake of Tuesday’s election.Verbeek backed this with a comment he had overheard in an Oslo cafe, in which Mamdani was described as an American politician who “finally” sounded normal.“Normal. That’s the word,” Verbeek wrote in his newsletter, The Planet. “Here, taking care of one another through public programs isn’t radical socialism. It’s Tuesday.”That view hit on the wide differences in how Mamdani’s promises are seen by many across the Atlantic. “Europeans recognize his vision about free public transit and universal childcare. We expect our governments to make these kinds of services accessible to all of us,” said Verbeek. “We pay higher taxes and get civilized societies in return. The debate here isn’t whether to have these programs, but how to improve them.”More than a decade ago, Tallinn, the Estonian capital, became the largest city in the world to introduce fare-free public transport. Financed by the city’s resident tax, the scheme faced heavy opposition before its rollout, with some describing it as a political stunt that the city couldn’t afford.Nearly a year later, researchers found that public transport use had increased by 14% and that the mobility of low-income residents had improved. Similar schemes have since sprung up across the continent, in France’s Montpellier and Dunkirk, for example, and expanded across countries in the case of Luxembourg and Malta.When Mamdani promised to launch one city-owned grocery story in each of New York’s five boroughs, with a view to expanding if the pilot was successful, it reminded Aslı Aydıntaşbaş, a foreign policy fellow at the Brookings Institution, of the city-run grocery store she had visited in Istanbul in 2014.Back then, she had been surprised to see the heaving shelves, laden with products that ranged from bread to lentils to basic household appliances, much of it provided by small, little-known manufacturers. Access to these stores was limited to low-income households, with families receiving a preloaded monthly loyalty card to use at these shops, she said. “These city-run grocery stores in Istanbul were successful and replicated by other cities.”More than a decade on, the experience convinced her of the viability of Mamdani’s promise. “I was struck by the fact that New York elite and Republicans wanted to paint these proposals as sort of coming from the moon,” she said. “Things like non-profit stores or free buses, these are not outrageous ideas, nor are they socialist. They’ve been tried in different parts of the world.”For New Yorkers, precedents for city-run grocery stores can also be found closer to home. Chicago is mulling similar plans, while Atlanta and St Paul, Kansas have launched their own takes on municipal-run grocery stores.Mamdani’s campaign also promised to make childcare free for all children in the city, ages six weeks to five years. Days before the election, the state of New Mexico provided the city with a precedent-setting example, becoming the first US state to offer free childcare to all of its residents, in an effort to boost its economy and raise education and child welfare levels.Across the Atlantic, Portugal’s government began introducing free childcare in 2022, starting with children ages one and under with promises to gradually expand the program to children up to the age of three. While the program is open to all, places are limited and can be tough to access, with priority given to low-income and single-parent families.In Berlin, childcare has been free for children from their first birthday until they start school since 2018, though centres are allowed to levy additional charges for provisions such as lunches and extracurricular activities. Across the Nordic countries, free childcare is not universal, but is heavily subsidised by the state for most families.Mamdani’s platform also included a promise to provide new parents with a free baby basket that includes items such as diapers, baby wipes, nursing pads, swaddles and books. In Finland, the baby box has been a universal benefit since 1949 and has since been emulated by nearly 100 programs in 60 countries around the world.The sharp contrast in how Mamdani’s policies were seen within the US and abroad probably has much to do with the scant existence of a welfare state in the US, writer Mary Holland noted this week. “To anyone living in a western European state, the self-professed democratic socialist’s ideas probably sound entirely reasonable,” she wrote in Monocle. “But to many Americans, they’re wildly ambitious – radical, even.”Perhaps the most widely panned of Mamdani’s ideas is his vow to freeze rent for nearly 1 million rent-stabilised tenants in the city. The former US treasury secretary Larry Summers was among those who slammed the idea, writing on social media that rent control was the “second-best way to destroy a city, after bombing”.In 2020, Berlin passed a law that resulted in a five-year rent freeze, at June 2019 levels, for 90% of the flats in the city. While the law offered relief to about 1.5 million households who had seen rents rise by an estimated third in the six years prior, it was ruled as unconstitutional in 2021 after Germany’s highest court sided with landlords and property investment lobbyists who had argued it was inappropriate and illegal for the state to meddle with the private market.A 2022 paper, however, marked out an interesting impact of the short-lived measure, in that it found that while rent control was in place, residents were seemingly more receptive to new housing developments in their area. The finding suggests that if Mamdani is able to carry out the rent freezes as promised, it could help to pave the way for his promise to also triple the city’s production of affordable homes.Perhaps the strongest precedent, however, for rent freezes comes from New York’s own recent history. In the past 10 years, during Bill de Blasio’s tenure as mayor, members of the city’s rent guidelines board voted to freeze the rent four times, one former member of the New York City rent guidelines board, Leah Goodridge, noted recently in the Guardian. “This is why criticisms of Mamdani’s rent freeze ring hollow for me – it’s painted as out of touch, yet there’s already a precedent, backed by government reports and data.” More

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      How Mamdani built an ‘unstoppable force’ that won over New York

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      A week before Zohran Mamdani astounded the world by his out-of-nowhere, odds-defying, convention-shattering victory in the New York City mayoral election, members of his vast army of youthful volunteers were amply aware of what was at stake.A group of 16 had assembled in the Bohemian Hispanic neighborhood of Bushwick in Brooklyn for one last push to heave the Democratic candidate over the line.Juuli, the field lead of the group who was coordinating that night’s canvassing on behalf of the Mamdani campaign, was running through the key messages to be delivered to voters on the doorstep. Emphasise the candidate’s policy platform promising to make New York a more affordable city, she said.View image in fullscreenAnd there was one other thing she wanted the volunteers to stress that they wouldn’t find in the official campaign script. “Remember to mention that he’s the Democratic nominee for mayor of New York City, not just some social media guy.”On Tuesday, that social media guy pulled off one of the great upsets in American politics in the era of Donald Trump. He defeated the Democratic behemoth and former New York governor Andrew Cuomo running as an independent, and the Republican Curtis Sliwa, to become leader of the country’s largest city and its first Muslim mayor.An unashamed democratic socialist had won control of the capital of capitalism.He did so having catalysed the largest voter turnout in the city in more than half a century. And that in turn was in no small part achieved on the back of his foot soldiers, who gathered nightly in Bushwick and in every pocket of New York to spread the word.By election night, that volunteer army had grown to more than 100,000, making it the greatest field operation by any political campaign in New York history. Mamdani paid homage to it in his victory speech, lauding it as an “unstoppable force” that with every door knocked on and every hard-earned conversation had “eroded the cynicism that has come to define our politics”.This is the stuff of political legend. Coming at a time when the Democratic party is in the doldrums, mired nationally in low public ratings and a crisis of confidence following Trump’s defeat of Kamala Harris last November, Mamdani’s victory will be pored over by strategists as a possible blueprint for a way out of the quagmire.In nine short months, Mamdani went from a virtually unknown assemblyman in the New York state legislature, ranking alongside “Someone Else” at the bottom of opinion polls, to mayor-elect. At the beating heart of his campaign was the field operation, with its enormous reserves of largely unpaid New Yorkers tirelessly conveying his message of progressive change.View image in fullscreenHow did they do it? What was their secret sauce? And the question that every Democratic candidate will now be asking: can it be repeated across the plains and mountain ranges of America in the battle to resist Trump?“Zohran Mamdani is modeling a different kind of politics,” Bernie Sanders, the US senator from Vermont who was the inspiration for Mamdani’s democratic socialist politics, told the Guardian. “As mayor, Zohran will be a champion for the working people of New York. That idea might frighten the establishment and the billionaire class, but it is precisely why more than 100,000 volunteers turned out to enthusiastically support his campaign.”Very early on, Mamdani’s top team of advisers began to notice that something extraordinary was happening on the ground. That was long before newspaper articles began to appear about the obscure would-be mayor with an army of young supporters.View image in fullscreenÁlvaro López remembers being struck back in December, when the campaign held its first big canvassing event, by the intensity of positive feedback on the doorstep. López is electoral coordinator of the New York chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), the political organization to which Mamdani belongs that has acted as a kind of kitchen cabinet for his campaign.Several key positions have been filled by DSA members, including Mamdani’s revered field director, Tascha Van Auken, and communications manager, Andrew Epstein. Elle Bisgaard-Church, his 34-year-old campaign manager who was Mamdani’s chief of staff in the New York state assembly, also has a DSA background.López recalls attending the field launch on 19 December, about six months before the Democratic primary election. They had selected seven locations in which to test out their fledgling on-the-ground operation, with a tight focus on rent-stabilised working-class neighbourhoods where the DSA already had strong roots.The idea was to see whether Mamdani could gain traction by leaning on one of his core policy promises: freezing the rents in the city’s approximately 1m rent-stabilised apartments. If that test-run worked, they would then widen the target group to include other New Yorkers.View image in fullscreenLópez told the Guardian that from the get-go he had high hopes for Mamdani’s populist campaign. It was just six weeks after Trump’s presidential victory, and New York’s left-leaning population was desperate for any sign of hope.What López witnessed that day still took him by surprise. He was knocking on doors in an apartment block in Astoria when he engaged with a woman who was so excited by the promised rent freeze, even though she wasn’t herself living in a rent-stabilised unit, that she took out her purse and handed him several dollars in donation.He was taken aback. At that point the campaign hadn’t even set up a fundraising channel, yet when he talked to other field organizers they reported the same thing: they too had been donated $5, $10, $20 bills, entirely unsolicited.“We had struck gold,” López said. “Voters were identifying with the campaign and its promise to make the city more affordable, and they really wanted an alternative to Trump. We were catching that energy.”That was the start of what quickly grew into a vast fundraising and grassroots mobilization campaign. While Mamdani’s rivals, led by Cuomo, concentrated on attracting big donations from moneyed interests, Mamdani went down the small-donor route pioneered by Sanders in his 2016 presidential bid.In March, just three months after that first December field test, Mamdani suspended fundraising for the primary election after reaching the legal spending cap in record time. He had attracted more than $8m from 180,000 donors.View image in fullscreenIn September he did it again. He called off fundraising for this week’s general election, having hit the $8m ceiling faster than ever before.It wasn’t just fundraising records that were smashed. Campaign organisers set themselves a target of training 250 field leads to run the canvassing network, and within weeks had exceeded 500.The cascade effect replicated itself with volunteers, who descended on the campaign in droves. “There were 50 or 100 showing up, we had to recruit more field leads to cope with the crush,” López said.This was unusual, to say the least. Most Democratic campaigns leave the heavy lifting to be done by 30-second TV ads, with direct door-knocking contact with voters relegated until the final days of the election.Cuomo followed this conventional mould, running such a lackadaisical top-down operation that he had to pay canvassers to do the field work that Mamdani’s eager supporters did for free.Top down is not how Mamdani went about this race. It’s not how he thinks.In an interview with the Guardian shortly before the June primary, Mamdani explained to me how he viewed his bottom-up insurgency. He talked about the need to change “a political impulse of lecturing to listening”.View image in fullscreenListening is exactly what Mamdani set out to do just days after Trump had won the presidential election. He set up shop in working-class streets in the outer boroughs like Fordham Road in the Bronx and Hillside Avenue in Queens where Trump, despite the districts’ large immigrant populations, had enjoyed a double-digit swing from the Democratic party.Mamdani carried out what was in effect his own one-person field operation, asking life-long Democrats why they had voted for Trump or failed to vote at all. “What I learned is that many did so because they remembered having more money in their pocket four years ago” and that they craved from the Democratic party “a relentless focus on an economic agenda”.And that is how he ran his mayoral campaign.The field operation was founded upon that initial voter engagement and the focus on affordability that flowed from it. Just weeks after Harris had lost the presidential race having lectured voters about the threat to democracy posed by Trump, Mamdani decided to go the opposite direction – on the back of what he had heard during his listening tour of the city, he would canvass people not on generalities but around the specific struggles of their daily lives.The rent freeze, free and fast buses, cheap city-run groceries and free childcare were placed at the top of his platform.The field operation was devised consciously as an attempt to win Trump-voting defectors back into the Democratic fold. Exit polls from election night suggest that it worked.Mamdani won the Bronx, a borough that is majority Hispanic and which had swung notably towards Trump, by 11 points.That’s on top of his soaraway success with young voters, with an astonishing 78% of 18- to 29-year-olds backing him.Part of the strategy to woo back Trump defectors was an emphasis on showing respect for everyone on the doorstep. Canvassers were encouraged to engage with people, without judgment.“We’ve emphasised that it’s important not to chastise, not to speak down to people who turned to Trump or who just don’t vote,” López said.You could see that ethos in Bushwick.Cynthia, 37, knocked on the door of a woman who was wearing a Puerto Rico T-shirt and who, when asked, said she never voted.Cynthia shared with the woman that she too had never voted in her life. This time, though, she said, she was casting a ballot for Mamdani because he would make the buses free.View image in fullscreen“And who’s going to pay for that?” the woman said, sounding irked. She revealed that she herself was a bus driver working for the city, and that she feared that if Mamdani made the buses free and it all went wrong she would lose her job.The doorstep conversation lasted more than five minutes, as Cynthia tried to assuage the woman’s fears. It didn’t work – the woman appeared determined not to vote. But at least the interaction had been cordial, the woman’s opinions recognised.Cynthia’s open approach about her own lack of voting history was part of what made the Mamdani field game so powerful. Volunteers were encouraged to air their own personal experiences and views on the doorstep, even if they had never canvassed before and had no experience in formal politics.“We don’t want our volunteers to give elevator pitches,” Juuli, the field lead, said. “If you are passionate about something, and that’s why you are canvassing, then say it out loud.”In most established political campaigns, paid staff make the decisions while volunteers do the donkey work. The Mamdani campaign turned that on its head.Volunteers were encouraged to contribute ideas. Many were rapidly promoted into responsible positions as field leads and then field directors with real influence over campaign strategy.“Mamdani’s campaign gave the keys to his supporters in unique ways that reflected the new political environment,” said Rick Fromberg, who is well versed in the challenges of running a mayoral campaign in New York City. He was the campaign manager of Bill De Blasio’s successful re-election bid in 2017.“Campaigns in general are extraordinarily risk averse,” Fromberg said. “But Mamdani’s campaign was risk forward. They allowed a broad cross-section of his supporters to take ownership of the campaign – and that decision paid off.”View image in fullscreenWhen political historians look back on the 2025 mayoral race it is possible they will fall into the trap that Juuli, the Bushwick field lead, articulated – by casting Mamdani as “just some social media guy”. That, after all, is how he was widely portrayed in the media during the mayoral race.Social media has undoubtedly been an important part of Mamdani’s approach. In his Guardian interview, the candidate told me that he regarded social media as a way of achieving what he calls the “politics of no translation”.“That means you speak directly to people about the crises they are facing, with no intermediaries. They can pull out their phones and see a video right from you. If I tell you I’m going to freeze your rent, you know exactly what I’m calling for.”Mamdani credits Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the New York congresswoman and fellow democratic socialist, with opening his eyes to the potential of such direct communication. It was her launch video in 2018, “The Courage to Change”, that showed him the way.Over the course of the mayoral race Mamdani has proven himself to be a master of the form, releasing a stream of videos that are funny, combative, creative, self-deprecating and authentic-feeling – not to mention invariably viral. Yet what much of the media coverage overlooked is how closely Mamdani connected his social media to the affordability message that his army of canvassers disseminated across the city.View image in fullscreenThe video of a fully suited Mamdani taking the Polar Bear plunge in Coney Island will long be remembered as a surreal piece of political theatre, but its purpose was to drive home his promise to freeze stabilised rents. His spoof of his Democratic primary rivals, Cuomo and Eric Adams, as two old dudes bickering in a New York diner was slapstick fun, but its punch was to present them as archetypes of a party establishment that had had its day.The same duality applies to the eye-catching events staged by the campaign that were both entertaining and relentlessly targeted. In August they held a scavenger hunt that drew about 5,000 New Yorkers from all corners of the city.Last month about 1,500 turned up for a soccer tournament in Coney Island where mixed-gender teams played friendly matches borough against borough. Both events broke the mould of serious politics, while at the same time serving a serious political purpose – they underlined Mamdani’s commitment to, and love of, New York City, and drew people to his cause who had never before participated in the political process.There’s another striking contrast here between Mamdani’s campaign and the failed presidential bid of Harris. Both candidates stressed “joy” in their pitch to voters.But while Mamdani was painstakingly careful always to tie his “joy” to his vision for New York, Harris was imprecise, leaving many people to wonder what she was feeling so joyful about.“The Harris campaign tried to make joy the centrepiece of their platform but it fell flat because where was the substance?” said Denia Pérez, who spent much of this year canvassing for Mamdani. “In our campaign there was lots of joy, but it was always tethered to a substantive promise of change that will make people’s lives easier.”Back with the Bushwick canvassers, you could see that duality – fun plus targeted politics – strongly on display. The volunteers were given “Zetro” cards mimicking Metro cards for the subway: each time they canvassed they got a stamp, and when the card was full they were rewarded with a free Mamdani poster or T-shirt.View image in fullscreenWhen the night’s canvassing was done, the volunteers were invited for a debrief to a Bushwick bar, Misfit Moon, serving botanical kava and katrom. The mood was upbeat and ebullient, but Mamdani’s policies dominated the conversation.Mac Nicholas, 26, dressed in a “Hot Girls for Zohran” T-shirt, reflected on her first time canvassing. She says it had felt good to support a candidate trying to make the city affordable for everyone.“I believe he’s genuine and has compassion, and we need that in City Hall,” she said.Cynthia, the one who had never voted before let alone canvassed, said what had driven her to Mamdani’s cause was that she was fed up with Democratic smugness. “How many times did I hear people say, ‘There’s no way Trump is going to win.’ I’m out here to remind people we no longer have the luxury of being complacent.”View image in fullscreenMamdani’s mould-breaking field operation didn’t come out of the ether. He’s been working towards Tuesday night for many years. Like that other Democratic politician with a magician’s knack for mobilising voters, Barack Obama, Mamdani came to electoral politics via community organizing.He got his first taste of the thrill of engaging voters in 2015 when he volunteered for a city council campaign in Queens. “Climbing a six-story walkup, getting to that top floor, and having a senior open their door – you see a glimpse into what it is that they live with every single day,” he recalled to the New Yorker.That same year he canvassed for a pastor, the Rev Khader El-Yateem, in the Brooklyn neighborhood of Bay Ridge, where 9/11 first responders live cheek by jowl with Yemenis and Palestinians.It was that election, in which El-Yateem attracted almost a third of the vote, that taught him the importance of expanding the Democratic base to include Muslims like himself and other New York demographic groups traditionally ignored by the party. It also implanted the idea that one day he might run for office himself.In 2018, Ross Barkan had a chance to experience Mamdani’s nascent field organising skills up close. That year, Barkan had taken a break from his day job as a New York-based writer to run for a Brooklyn seat in the state senate.Mamdani was his first hire. Barkan employed him as canvassing director, then campaign manager.Looking back, Barkan can see the green shoots of Mamdani’s explosive rise already sprouting as they plotted the senate race together.“It’s clear watching him today that he was thinking about this kind of unabashed progressive campaign for many years,” Barkan told the Guardian. “He was always a brilliant leader of volunteers and canvassers. He trained them, he showed them how to connect with voters. For him, field was paramount.”Mamdani took the organizer’s sensibility with him in 2020 when he entered the New York state assembly representing Astoria in Queens. Within a year of taking up the seat he joined a cab driver, Richard Chow, in staging a 15-day hunger strike outside City Hall seeking relief for taxi drivers’ crushing debts.They won, as Mamdani recalled on Tuesday in his victory speech. “My brother, we are in City Hall now,” he said.All these past lessons were brought to bear on the mayoral race, with resounding results. His Bay Ridge experience of expanding the base came into play, with the field operation releasing campaign materials in Urdu, Bangla and Spanish.A huge canvassing push to engage Muslim and south Asian voters across the city, propelled by Mamdani’s condemnation of Israel’s war in Gaza as a genocide, also paid dividends.View image in fullscreenMohamed Gula of the Muslim civic engagement group Emgage, which backed Mamdani, estimates that turnout among the 380,000 Muslim New Yorkers who are registered to vote is likely to have doubled on Tuesday. That’s up from the 22% who participated in the mayoral election four years ago.“So many Muslims have been inspired by Zohran’s campaign. It speaks to a new wave of Muslims who are proud of America being their home,” Gula said.With Mamdani’s thumping victory, thoughts are now quickly turning to the hard road that lies ahead – both for New York’s mayor-elect and for his wider party. As statistics of Mamdani’s win filter through, illuminating the neighborhoods and demographic groups that propelled him into Gracie Mansion, deeper lessons will emerge about how to resist Trump and his Maga insurrection.Mamdani’s top team told the Guardian that they were already thinking hard about what to do with the vast volunteer army and the energy that it commands. How should it be harnessed and put to use in the battle ahead?Obama generated similar kinetic forces in his 2008 “Yes we can!” campaign, but then allowed them largely to dissipate once he was inside the White House. Mamdani is determined not to make the same mistake.So watch this space. We will surely be hearing more from Mamdani’s army that bore his message on their shoulders and delivered it to New Yorkers, one door at a time. More

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      Zohran Mamdani is filling disillusioned Americans with hope and inspiration | Osita Nwanevu

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      The thing that should surprise us most about Zohran Mamdani’s election win is that it wasn’t a surprise. Well before the result was called on Tuesday night, weeks of reliable surveys had already suggested his victory in New York City’s mayoral race, by a nine-point margin over former New York governor Andrew Cuomo, would be a foregone conclusion ⁠– an extraordinary finish for a man unknown to the vast majority of New Yorkers when he launched his run just over a year ago. The campaign that followed was one of the greatest in American history.True as it may be that both Cuomo and incumbent mayor Eric Adams were deeply flawed candidates marred by scandal, it was by no means inevitable that Mamdani would be the leading candidate against them. ⁠As recently as February, Mamdani was polling at 1% in the Democratic primary, well behind a slew of challengers with more name recognition, more experience and deeper roots in city politics. They were defeated by an ever-growing army of volunteers ⁠– 90,000 by the summer ⁠– led substantially by organizers from the Democratic Socialists of America. Early in the campaign, it was a given to many commentators that an openly leftist campaign for the mayorship of the world’s financial capital would face impossible headwinds. In Tuesday night’s victory speech, Mamdani opened with a quote from Eugene Debs. Per exit polling from CNN, nearly one in four New Yorkers who went to the polls described themselves as socialists.As contested as the definition of socialism remains, Mamdani offered up a version of it New York’s voters clearly liked. Free buses, free childcare, higher taxes on the wealthy and corporations ⁠– the critical test now of course, as we are being reminded hourly by those who hope he fails ⁠– will be whether he can actually deliver on these things and more.Fortunately, Mamdani’s campaign has also given us some reason to suspect, beyond his bright and blazing charisma, that he might have the makings of a hard-nosed administrator. Threading the needle on policing, meetings with the business community, taking in new ideas on housing, all while retaining the support and enthusiasm of a progressive base ⁠– all of this was a preview of the balancing act Mamdani will have to do if he wants to succeed where recent progressive mayors and a long line of frustrated New York City reformers haven’t.View image in fullscreenWhatever he manages to accomplish as mayor, much of potentially national significance can be learned from his candidacy alone. Mamdani is the first New York mayoral candidate in over half a century to have earned more than a million votes. It is true that he did so in a diverse and heavily Democratic city that looks nothing like the US at large. But the very same can be said about cities such as Philadelphia, Milwaukee, and Detroit ⁠– among the swing-state urban areas where maximizing Democratic turnout and vote share is critical to winning both state races and the electoral college. Last year, Donald Trump made gains in all three on his way to very narrowly winning Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan ⁠and the presidency ⁠– thanks in large part to increases in support from working-class minorities and young men.Both are constituencies where Mamdani rapidly and remarkably built strength over the course of the year ⁠– beating Cuomo by nearly 40 points with men under 30 and by double digits in some minority neighborhoods Cuomo had initially won during the primary. One of the first pieces of media his campaign released was a video of Mamdani doing man-on-the-street videos asking young people, people of color, and immigrants why they either did or didn’t votefor Trump.The answers given ⁠– affordability, Gaza, distrust in the system – were obviously the ones the campaign wanted viewers to hear. But the video’s approach, treating voters to be won with an openness and friendly curiosity rather than hostility or pontifications from on high, was instructive. It demonstrated ⁠– performed, perhaps ⁠– a willingness to listen and learn lacking among moderate pundits and Democrats already making pronouncements that what Mamdani has been able to accomplish tells us nothing whatsoever about what Democrats elsewhere might.That attitude is reflective of the confidence and self-satisfaction that blinded New York’s politicos to the viability of Mamdani’s campaign to begin with ⁠– a disposition leading Democrats and their operatives refuse to be shaken from even now, a full decade into Trump’s ongoing exposure of the cracks in the Democratic electoral coalition. It’s often suggested that the main force ailing party leadership is gerontocracy ⁠– that Democrats such as Chuck Schumer, who refused to endorse Mamdani as the Democratic nominee, are simply too old and personally embittered to recognize talents like Mamdani, pass the torch on to them and embrace new ideas. But this isn’t even half the story. Mamdani was the only serious candidate in this race.View image in fullscreenHis most significant rivals, Cuomo and Adams, have both faced criminal investigations over their conduct in office, and Cuomo resigned in disgrace in 2021. Despite this, out of sheer timidity and careerism, Democratic leaders around the city and around the country, many of them not especially elderly, embraced the two anyway. So too did a bipartisan front of elites. “The coalition opposing Zohran Mamdani,” Jacobin’s Luke Savage writes, “has spanned the New York Post to the editorial boards of the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal. It now also includes the Trump White House and Elon Musk, to say nothing of Bill Ackman, Michael Bloomberg, real estate tycoon Ronald Lauder, and the wider constellation of plutocrats who’ve pumped more than $40m in outside money into the campaign in addition to the more than $12m spent by the Cuomo campaign directly.”Those expenditures didn’t work. And neither did identity politics ⁠– reliably the last refuge of centrists who, of course, also condemn identitarianism from progressives and the right when it suits them. Adams tried to crown Mamdani “king of the gentrifiers” a few weeks ago; less amusingly, the nonstop effort to label Mamdani a threat to Jewish New Yorkers for his stances on Gaza failed so totally that it might encourage other Democratic candidates to be more critical of Israel.Against all odds and despite increasingly desperate and despicable slights against his faith in the last weeks of the campaign, Mamdani will be mayor ⁠– which unfortunately means the attacks against him and the city he will run will only get worse in the months and years ahead. The president has openly contemplated sending troops into New York City; already, he is using the policy levers available to him to upend the city’s governance however he can. In all probability, a grand showdown is coming. We have ample reason already to look to Mamdani for inspiration. From here on out, millions of Americans, in New York and beyond, will be looking to him for leadership.

      Osita Nwanevu is a Guardian US columnist More

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      Zohran Mamdani’s biggest threat is not Donald Trump, it’s the Democratic old guard | Emma Brockes

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      The morning after Zohran Mamdani’s startling mayoral victory in New York, the most arresting visual image was not of the mayor-elect celebrating in an applause-filled room, but the breakdown of voting patterns across the city. Street by street, practically building by building, you could index New Yorkers’ support for Mamdani or Andrew Cuomo to the probable amount of rent they were paying. A middle-income precinct on the Upper West Side, for example, showed up as a small island of Mamdani voters in a sea of Cuomo-voting wealthier neighbourhoods. Solid lower-income support for Mamdani in modest midtown gave way to the incredible banking wealth of Tribeca and its majority support of Cuomo.Allowing for large anomalies – Staten Island, a middle- to lower-income part of the city, voted heavily for Cuomo, as did lower-income Hassidic neighbourhoods in Brooklyn and Queens – the message of the huge turnout for Mamdani in the US’s most expensive city seemed to be one of affordability; even of a referendum on capitalism as we know it. And so the most pressing question became: was it a crank result from an unrepresentative city, or the beginning of a new political wave?The night’s countrywide election patterns indicated a swing away from Donald Trump to the Democrats, which, of course, doesn’t mean that Mamdani’s Democratic socialism is anything the US at large will be willing to buy. Still, the move to the left was sharp enough to return Democrats to some traditionally very Republican areas, including two Democrats voted on to a public service commission in Georgia; the first Democratic female governor voted into office in New Jersey; and a new Democratic governor elected in Virginia. In New York City itself, the swing away from Trump, a mere 12 months after his support surged during the 2024 presidential election, was significant. His endorsement of Cuomo, running as an independent, made no apparent difference whatsoever.It should be said that Cuomo was a terrible candidate, trailing sexual misconduct allegations – all of which he denies – and a record as New York’s governor that foundered horribly during the pandemic. It should also be pointed out that Mamdani didn’t simply beat Cuomo; he galvanised New Yorkers into the highest mayoral election turnout since the 1960s, indicating an electorate voting for him rather than against his opponent.How, then, does the 34-year-old look as a potential leader beyond the very particular ecosystem of New York City, where, at times, it is possible to believe that a tub of margarine promising lower rents, higher minimum wage and fairer taxes might win out over a traditional political adversary? On this question, aspects of Mamdani’s identity – exploited by Cuomo and Trump to racist effect – might actually run in his favour. Mamdani’s age and eloquence obviously flatter him in relation to Trump, but it’s his background that stands out as a decisive advantage.In his victory speech on Tuesday night, Mamdani promised working-class New Yorkers: “We will fight for you, because we are you.” This is a great piece of rhetoric, but let’s be honest: Mamdani has the social and cultural capital of someone who grew up in an affluent family in a wealthy part of Manhattan, with one parent who went to Harvard and became a successful film-maker and the other who is a professor at Columbia. And while the mayor-elect went to an academically selective state high school in the city, he attended a private liberal arts college in Maine that now charges $91,000 a year in tuition and living costs.I don’t mention any of this to be snide. Mamdani sells a political message further to the left than any successful American politician has dared to in recent memory, but he doesn’t sound like an outsider. In fact, he sounds as smooth and polished and – can we say it – arrogant as any mainstream political contender.He has neither Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s scrappy, up-from-her-bootstraps energy, nor can he be played for laughs on Saturday Night Live like Bernie Sanders – who, during the 2016 election cycle, Larry David mercilessly if affectionately skewered as a hopeless crank. Even Trump’s characterisation of Mamdani as a communist – the kind of absurd, inflationary claim the president is accustomed to throwing out and having his supporters swallow whole – withers under the slightest scrutiny.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionMeanwhile, none of his campaign promises justify use of the word “radical” in the scaremongering sense. Mamdani’s push for a $30 minimum wage sounds like standard political aspiration. He has promised to make buses in New York free – as they were during Covid without the city falling to communism. (On which subject: when the Staten Island ferry went from fare-charging to free in 1997, New York’s commuters didn’t receive it as a communist gesture.) And his promise to increase taxes on those earning more than $1m a year is substantially more generous to affluent earners than anything Rachel Reeves – also not a communist! – is threatening in the forthcoming budget.The election results this week suggest Mamdani as an effective, inspiring force against the corruptions of Trump. But while you can imagine him, years in the future, going toe to toe with JD Vance in a televised presidential debate, his real enemies may be closer to home. To advance beyond New York politics, it’s not just the Republicans he’ll have to beat, but the Chuck Schumer- and Nancy Pelosi-era gatekeepers of the Democratic old guard – who I suspect may find him even more threatening and obnoxious than Trump.

      Emma Brockes is a Guardian columnist More