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    ‘It’s powerful’: how John Fetterman’s hoodie won the popular vote in Pennsylvania

    ‘It’s powerful’: how John Fetterman’s hoodie won the popular vote in PennsylvaniaEven as detractors portrayed him as a ‘bum’, senator-elect’s clothing summed up beliefs, says sociologist By his own admission, Pennsylvania’s new senator-elect, John Fetterman, does not look like “a typical politician”.Just over 6ft 8in with a goatee, tattoos on his forearms and a strong tendency toward workwear (for his official portrait, he chose to sit in a creased, grey Dickies camp shirt in front of the US flag), Fetterman has been described as the state’s first “workwear senator” as well as “a dude in shorts”.Yet in spite of this – or perhaps because of it – he broke the Republican grip on Pennsylvania’s white working-class vote while wearing a black Carhartt hoodie, a garment “that isn’t fancy, is well made, and crucially will last – all qualities that a politician like Fetterman probably wants to convey in what he’s wearing”, says Erynn Masi de Casanova, professor of Sociology at the University of Cincinnati and author of Buttoned Up: Clothing, Conformity, and White-Collar Masculinity. “Put simply, this hoodie is an easy way to read what he seems to stand for”.Fetterman’s unreconstructed wardrobe – which also includes a lime green neck gaiter, indigo Levi’s 501s, oversize board shorts and, in a strange quirk, a pair of Maison Margiela side-zip boots that cost several hundred dollars – has become something of a talking point since the former mayor entered US politics.Hailed as a style icon by GQ in 2020 while still lieutenant governor, he responded on Twitter that he had “negative fashion sense”. Pressed for further comment, he wrote a blog on Medium in which he stated: “I do not look like a typical politician, nor do I look like a typical person” – alluding to his height – before explaining why he has tattoos: on his left arm is 15104, Braddock’s zip code, the mining town where he was previously mayor, and on the right are the dates of five murders committed in the town since his election.But it’s the hoodie that has dominated the narrative. Casanova says: “It’s strange that we continue to imbue an item that almost everyone has in their closet with so much meaning.” Still, context is everything. Rishi Sunak was mocked by most of the British media for wearing a grey Everlane hoodie (roughly the same price as Carhartt, though more gym-friendly) at his desk, while in 2019, the Québec Solidaire politician Catherine Dorion was so derided for wearing an orange hoodie in the legislative chamber that she had to leave the room. But since none of the above wore theirs to cast their vote, campaign or even to meet President Biden, in wearing one, Fetterman has “brought a certain visibility to himself”, says Casanova.The fact it’s from Carhartt only adds to its visibility. Originally based in Detroit, Carhartt began making workwear, often triple-stitched for durability, for workers in labour-intensive industries during the great depression. Today, the label’s core customers are split between hipsters and these blue-collar workers. Fetterman may have got a master’s degree at Harvard, but he comes from a mining town; in wearing a Carhartt hoodie, however authentic this choice may be – “and I think it really is what he wears rather than a costume”, says Casanova – he’s recognisable to many of the people who vote for him, and is capitalising on that. In the run-up to the midterms, his Republican opponent, Dr Mehmet Oz, described Fetterman as a “basement bum”. When Fetterman retaliated by mocking Oz’s “Gucci loafers” for being out of touch, the post went viral.Hoodies like Fetterman’s are 10-a-penny across the western world, yet the media climate still dictates that it is unusual for a politician to wear one. “Pennsylvania is its own unique thing with a very strong history of labour, which is more important than the costume,” says the US political commentator Luke O’Neil. Fetterman is not unaware that he is conferring the dignity of blue collar workwear on to the act of politics, yet as O’Neil says, he’s also “just some guy wearing what feels comfortable”.Hoodies are the final bastion in the gradual casualisation of political attire, which began when JFK eschewed a hat for his 1961 inaugural address and was last deployed when Barack Obama rolled up his sleeves to sit with diners on the campaign trail. In his Medium post, Fetterman alluded to the fact that he lacked “the political metaphorical sleeves to roll up – all I ever wear are short-sleeve work shirts because hard work is the only way to build our communities back up”.What happens to his wardrobe if Fetterman progresses remains to be seen. In the House of Representatives, men must wear a coat and tie at all times while Congress is in session. Fetterman owns a suit – most publicly worn when he was sworn in as lieutenant governor in 2019 – but insists that he mostly wears it at Halloween.What politicians wear has the power to invent and even sustain their identity, and Fetterman’s hoodie is a case in point. “If that means it’s pathologised for some nefarious reason by his critics then it’s all the more powerful”, says Casanova. “It’s clearly working for him, though, so he’ll probably be laughing all the way to the Senate.”TopicsUS politicsfeaturesReuse this content More

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    When Sustainable Development Goalkeepers Fail To Make A Stop

    The Fair Observer website uses digital cookies so it can collect statistics on how many visitors come to the site, what content is viewed and for how long, and the general location of the computer network of the visitor. These statistics are collected and processed using the Google Analytics service. Fair Observer uses these aggregate statistics from website visits to help improve the content of the website and to provide regular reports to our current and future donors and funding organizations. The type of digital cookie information collected during your visit and any derived data cannot be used or combined with other information to personally identify you. Fair Observer does not use personal data collected from its website for advertising purposes or to market to you.As a convenience to you, Fair Observer provides buttons that link to popular social media sites, called social sharing buttons, to help you share Fair Observer content and your comments and opinions about it on these social media sites. These social sharing buttons are provided by and are part of these social media sites. They may collect and use personal data as described in their respective policies. Fair Observer does not receive personal data from your use of these social sharing buttons. It is not necessary that you use these buttons to read Fair Observer content or to share on social media. More

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    Trump’s march back to power has faltered. Now comes the real challenge for the global left | Martin Kettle

    Trump’s march back to power has faltered. Now comes the real challenge for the global leftMartin KettleThe US midterms have provided modest relief – but dilemmas facing US allies from Ukraine to the UK remain “It could have been a lot worse” will never be the most inspiring verdict on any election result, especially in a political and media environment that insists on absolutist conclusions and disparages nuance. In the case of the US midterms, however, it is the wisest one.American democracy is flawed and under threat. But an overlooked virtue of well-rooted democratic political systems, not just the US version, is that they rarely produce catastrophes, even if sometimes they can come close. The midterms were just such a non-catastrophe.Don’t get this wrong. For the Republicans to win control of the House, particularly in the aftermath of what happened in the US Capitol on 6 January last year, is a genuinely serious development. If Republicans eventually win back control of the Senate as well, it will be even more serious.Either way, it will have direct consequences for Joe Biden’s legislative agenda. It will be felt in Ukraine, as weapons procurement programmes intended for Kyiv become stalled. And it will strengthen the numbers of legislators on Capitol Hill who believe, or who say in public they believe, that Biden stole the 2020 election from Donald Trump.Election deniers in the Republican party won a lot of races this week. Their success in winning party nominations and then getting elected to Washington is an indication that much of the party remains the willing hostage of Trump and his Maga movement. But the midterms suggest that this will not be good news for Republican chances in 2024, especially if Trump is the presidential nominee.The nightmare fatalism that seemed to have overwhelmed many moderate and liberal observers about Trump’s return in the final days of the campaign was palpable. Yet it proved significantly misplaced. There wasn’t a landslide. And there isn’t – yet, at least – a tide carrying Trump back towards the White House either.If anything, these elections suggest election denial and the score-settling Trump agenda have become a drag on the party’s wider electoral chances. That’s now part of the reality of the next two years too. If, as expected, Trump declares next week that he is running in 2024, they will become an even bigger part.Ordinarily this might help his likely chief rival, Ron DeSantis. But Trump has the power to actively wound his party too. He is threatening to go to war with DeSantis if he runs. The internal conflict between them will also affect the larger electoral dynamic, possibly helping Biden or whoever runs next time.The deeper dive into how and why things have turned out this way can only come once all of the midterm contests are concluded – which will not be until December. Nevertheless, the Democratic vote has held up rather better than many expected, perhaps because of the supreme court’s abortion agenda, perhaps because Biden’s economic interventions have helped, and surely also because the Trump threat was a mobilising factor.As a result, prominent election deniers such as Doug Mastriano, the Republican candidate for state governor in the important swing state of Pennsylvania, were very badly beaten. Candidate quality was also an issue, notably in Georgia, another swing state these days. But voter reluctance over Trump could again be a crucial factor in 2024.Given that midterm elections are always a referendum on the incumbent president, and that Biden’s percentage approval ratings remain in the low 40s, these were always going to be tough contests. Given also that these are unfamiliarly tough economic times for middle America, with inflation (currently around 8% in the US, a 40-year high) seen as the most important issue by most voters, it would have been genuinely striking for the Democrats to buck the historic trend and hold on or even make gains. Unsurprisingly, that didn’t happen.This should be a warning to the Democrats, as well as a temporary relief. If the Democrats were able to limit their losses this time because disapproval of Trump outweighed dissatisfaction with Biden, it may follow that Biden was simply lucky in the way many voters framed the choice at the polls. A fresh candidate such as DeSantis would pose a different and conceivably more effective challenge.All of this underlines why those who watch the US from this side of the Atlantic should be careful too. It is always a mistake to oversimplify in politics. The midterms do not show that the country is hurtling towards a second Trump presidency. But they do not show that it is turning its back on Trump either.This uncertainty is a continuing problem for the whole world. It is certainly one for America’s western allies, since there is no way of predicting how the next two years will play out. In the long run no issue matters more in this context than the climate crisis. In the shorter run, the number one issue at stake is Ukraine.These two years may decide the outcome of the Ukraine war. So it matters to all European nations that the Biden administration will remain Kyiv’s principal ally, supplying the weapons and knowhow to keep Ukraine armed. Nevertheless, the approaching 2024 contest will cast a shadow. Democrats will not want an election with an unfinished war. Republicans could pledge to turn off the spending tap for Ukraine.The dilemmas facing Britain over all this are intense and immediate. For post-Brexit Britain, the US looms large as key ally and partner. Boris Johnson’s integrated review in 2021 of post-Brexit foreign and security policy imagined the US as the guarantor and enhancer of Britain’s roving role in the world. That was fanciful even before Ukraine and before talk of a Trump return grew louder. Now it is even more uncertain.Rishi Sunak, an instinctive Atlanticist, is learning foreign policy on the job. He cannot make airy assumptions about the US. He should make a priority of toning down the post-Brexit rhetoric about Britain’s role. He needs to recognise that a second Trump administration would be a minefield for Britain, and that he must prioritise a more practical approach to Europe.The same also applies to Labour’s response. As the 2024 US election approaches, so will Britain’s own. The inescapable foreign policy challenges facing Keir Starmer will in some ways be easier to navigate than they will for Sunak, since Starmer is more naturally in favour of good relations with Europe. But he will not want the British general election to be fought on that issue, so he may back away from it.The temptation, for Britain and other European nations, after the 2022 midterms is to allow modest relief at the outcome to stop us thinking strategically and in more self-reliant ways about how to respond to the new and profoundly uncertain United States that is evolving across the Atlantic. In an era dominated by the urgency of the climate crisis and the Ukraine war, that would be a foolish choice.
    Martin Kettle is a Guardian columnist
    TopicsUS midterm elections 2022OpinionUS politicsJoe BidenDonald TrumpForeign policyDemocratsRepublicanscommentReuse this content More

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    The Biden Administration Makes a Show Of Being Open

    The Fair Observer website uses digital cookies so it can collect statistics on how many visitors come to the site, what content is viewed and for how long, and the general location of the computer network of the visitor. These statistics are collected and processed using the Google Analytics service. Fair Observer uses these aggregate statistics from website visits to help improve the content of the website and to provide regular reports to our current and future donors and funding organizations. The type of digital cookie information collected during your visit and any derived data cannot be used or combined with other information to personally identify you. Fair Observer does not use personal data collected from its website for advertising purposes or to market to you.As a convenience to you, Fair Observer provides buttons that link to popular social media sites, called social sharing buttons, to help you share Fair Observer content and your comments and opinions about it on these social media sites. These social sharing buttons are provided by and are part of these social media sites. They may collect and use personal data as described in their respective policies. Fair Observer does not receive personal data from your use of these social sharing buttons. It is not necessary that you use these buttons to read Fair Observer content or to share on social media. More

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    Revolution Erupted in Iran Because of Mohammad Reza Shah

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    With Midterm Elections just days away, LGBTQ+ issues continue to provoke American conservatives

    The Fair Observer website uses digital cookies so it can collect statistics on how many visitors come to the site, what content is viewed and for how long, and the general location of the computer network of the visitor. These statistics are collected and processed using the Google Analytics service. Fair Observer uses these aggregate statistics from website visits to help improve the content of the website and to provide regular reports to our current and future donors and funding organizations. The type of digital cookie information collected during your visit and any derived data cannot be used or combined with other information to personally identify you. Fair Observer does not use personal data collected from its website for advertising purposes or to market to you.As a convenience to you, Fair Observer provides buttons that link to popular social media sites, called social sharing buttons, to help you share Fair Observer content and your comments and opinions about it on these social media sites. These social sharing buttons are provided by and are part of these social media sites. They may collect and use personal data as described in their respective policies. Fair Observer does not receive personal data from your use of these social sharing buttons. It is not necessary that you use these buttons to read Fair Observer content or to share on social media. More

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    A Young American Woman Loses Faith After Dobbs Ruling

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    Is the Façade of European Unity Already Full of Cracks?

    The Fair Observer website uses digital cookies so it can collect statistics on how many visitors come to the site, what content is viewed and for how long, and the general location of the computer network of the visitor. These statistics are collected and processed using the Google Analytics service. Fair Observer uses these aggregate statistics from website visits to help improve the content of the website and to provide regular reports to our current and future donors and funding organizations. The type of digital cookie information collected during your visit and any derived data cannot be used or combined with other information to personally identify you. Fair Observer does not use personal data collected from its website for advertising purposes or to market to you.As a convenience to you, Fair Observer provides buttons that link to popular social media sites, called social sharing buttons, to help you share Fair Observer content and your comments and opinions about it on these social media sites. These social sharing buttons are provided by and are part of these social media sites. They may collect and use personal data as described in their respective policies. Fair Observer does not receive personal data from your use of these social sharing buttons. It is not necessary that you use these buttons to read Fair Observer content or to share on social media. More