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      The new definition of antisemitism is transforming America – and serving a Christian nationalist plan

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      View image in fullscreenIn 1919, Jacob Israël de Haan, an Orthodox Jewish queer poet and lawyer, arrived in British Mandate Palestine from the Netherlands. Despite his initial sympathies with Zionism, within a few years de Haan would become an outspoken critic of the movement. Driven by what he called a “natural feeling for justice”, he advocated for “another Jewish community in Palestine” – one that sought cooperation with the Arab-Palestinian community. His steadfast opposition to mainstream Zionism made de Haan a controversial figure, drawing the ire of Zionist leadership. On 30 June 1924, de Haan was assassinated by a member of the Zionist organization Haganah.This political assassination represented not merely the elimination of one man, but a portentous statement about which perspectives would be tolerated in the emerging political landscape. A century later, we are witnessing a similar troubling pattern. As attacks against universities and intimidation of Palestinian activists become ever more rife, those who challenge Zionist orthodoxy – whether out of political conviction, religious belief or ethical principle – face exclusion, vilification and worse. This time, the main tool is a sweeping legal redefinition of antisemitism in American law and policy.Something unprecedented – and deeply unsettling – is unfolding: under the guise of a legal redefinition of antisemitism, the basic architecture of American public life is being radically transformed. What appears, at first glance, to be a technical change in terminology has become a powerful instrument for political control, solidifying executive power to enforce a narrow, state-sanctioned definition of Judaism. In the name of combating antisemitism, this effort threatens to reshape American public life – and with it, the pillars of American liberalism. But despite what some will have you believe, two things are clear: first, this campaign does not protect Jews – it endangers them; and second, this redefinition plays into a larger Christian nationalist project.The clash over the definition of antisemitismFollowing the horrendous Hamas attack of 7 October 2023, and the subsequent war and utter destruction of Gaza, two sharply contrasting positions have emerged. On the one hand, many Jewish organizations and advocates have seen the emerging pro-Palestinian protest movement as a manifestation of antisemitism, a classic example of the over-scrutinization of Israel, and the denial of Israel’s right to defend itself.On the other hand, many critics of Israel and of Zionism argue against this conflation and in favor of their right to support the Palestinian struggle. For them, labeling anti-Israel positions as antisemitic is a way to silence dissenting opinions and to prevent an honest discussion of Israel’s actions in Gaza.Even before this clash entered the mainstream in the last year and a half, American decision-makers and institutions had already taken a clear side, framing anti-Israel positions as antisemitic. A landmark moment in the emergence of this new understanding of antisemitism is no doubt the 2016 International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which has rapidly become a legal benchmark for defining antisemitism in the US and has a growing presence in both state and federal law.
      The redefinition of antisemitism isn’t simply a policy shift – it’s part of a deeper transformation of American democracy
      While the core definition makes no explicit mention of Israel, the examples of purported antisemitism that IHRA provides tell a different story. Among the illustrative cases, it notes that antisemitism “might include the targeting of the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity”. Other examples include “claiming that the existence of a state of Israel is a racist endeavor”, and “[d]rawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis”.Back in his first term, Donald Trump issued a 2019 executive order directing federal agencies to consider the IHRA definition when enforcing Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination in federally funded programs, cementing this problematic standard. It has been formally adopted in multiple federal and state statutes, in which it is used to equate criticism of Israel or Zionism with antisemitism. These laws have been applied in a range of legal and policy contexts – restricting free speech, shaping civil rights protections and even influencing the classification of hate crimes in state criminal codes.Trump’s January 2025 executive order on “Additional Measures to Combat Antisemitism” marks a dangerous escalation in this trend. The order directs multiple federal agencies to “prosecute, remove, or otherwise hold to account the perpetrators of unlawful anti-Semitic harassment and violence”.Just days after the order, the administration slashed $400m in federal research funding from Columbia University over what it claimed was a systemic tolerance of antisemitic activity and demanded changes to the school’s policies – a move widely seen as retaliation for pro-Palestinian campus activism, to which Columbia has consented in an extraordinary surrender of its academic freedom. Similar threats have followed against numerous additional universities. In a recent chilling development, the Department of Homeland Security arrested Mahmoud Khalil, a Palestinian permanent resident and student organizer whom the government is now seeking to deport, with more arrests promised. (Indeed, they have begun.) The redefinition of antisemitism isn’t simply a policy shift – it’s part of a deeper transformation of American democracy.We have never been secularNo doubt, proponents of the IHRA definition raise an important point. To understand why, we need to recognize something distinctive about Jewish identity: it has always been deeply political. Unlike modern Christianity, which developed alongside a strong liberal separation of church and state, Judaism has never drawn such a sharp line. Jewish identity has long resisted the tidy categories that liberal theory prefers – religious or secular, ethnic or political, private or public. From biblical times through the diaspora and into modernity, Jewish communities understood religious life not just as a set of spiritual beliefs but as the foundation of a political community. Jewish religious leadership traditionally held legal and political authority – issuing binding rulings on property, taxation, even criminal law. This isn’t a historical anomaly – it’s a defining feature of Jewish tradition. Zionism, despite the secular aspirations of many of its founders, built on this legacy by channeling the political dimension of Jewish identity into the framework of a modern nation-state.View image in fullscreenAccordingly, for many Jews, Israel is a crucial element of their Jewish identity. As Noah Feldman writes in To Be a Jew Today, for many American Jews, “Israel can function as the chosen focal point of their Jewish identity and connection. Caring about and supporting Israel can be constitutive of what makes them actively Jewish.” An attack on that element, a denial of its legitimacy, feels to many like an attack on who they are as Jews.But this does not necessarily cast anti-Israel opinions as antisemitic. When we criticize something important to someone’s identity, it doesn’t automatically mean we’re attacking their identity itself. When political positions become enshrined as essential components of personhood, substantive disagreements risk being recast as attacks on identity. The result, as the scholar Richard Ford once put it, is the potential to “camouflage” ideological conflict as discrimination.Take male circumcision – a ritual at the heart of Jewish tradition practiced by most Jewish families worldwide. When medical experts or rights advocates question circumcision based on concerns about bodily autonomy or health risks, most people understand they aren’t being antisemitic. No matter where they stand on circumcision, they recognize critics may be raising ethical questions that exist independently of Jewish identity. This same logic must apply to Israel. Criticizing Israeli policies may, for instance, reflect genuine concerns about human rights rather than prejudice against Jews, even as the criticism is directed at a defining feature of their Jewishness.The labeling of criticism against Israel as antisemitism has already worked to quash serious discussions on Israel-Palestine in the United States. Even Kenneth Stern, who drafted the original working definition, argued in an opinion piece for the Guardian that the IHRA definition has been weaponized against legitimate political expression.Silencing dissentFederal measures such as Trump’s 2019 executive order have fueled a wave of investigations by the Department of Education into universities over pro-Palestinian activism, pressuring administrators to police student speech. At NYU, political statements such as “Fuck Israel” have led to antisemitism charges against students. At Columbia, students faced disciplinary charges for acts as simple as hanging Palestinian flags from dorm windows or displaying them on campus statues, underscoring the growing constraints on Palestine-related activism in academic spaces. Relatedly, recently New York’s governor ordered Hunter College to remove a job posting for a Palestinian studies position, claiming the need to “ensure that antisemitic theories are not promoted in the classroom”. This interference with academic hiring marks a dangerous precedent.The pressure from federal and state authorities has led universities to internalize this surveillance logic. Last week, Columbia University unveiled an expansive compliance plan in response to the administration’s $400m funding cut, pledging stricter enforcement of student discipline, new security forces empowered to arrest demonstrators, mandatory identification checks at protests and a top-down review of academic programs, including scrutiny of hiring decisions and curricula. These measures reflect not only institutional capitulation, but the chilling normalization of ideological policing on campus.
      The new definition of antisemitism imposes a straitjacket of Zionist identity on American Jews
      A similar pattern extends to Congress, where lawmakers such as Rashida Tlaib have been formally censured with another censure effort against Ilhan Omar introduced over statements critical of Israel, in effect framing Palestinian advocacy as beyond the bounds of legitimate discourse. Meanwhile, many individuals have lost jobs, been denied opportunities, or faced disciplinary measures for expressing pro-Palestinian views or criticizing Israeli policy. This dynamic narrows the space for legitimate discussion on US foreign policy and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The charge of antisemitism shifts the focus from Israel’s actions to the credibility of its critics. While combating antisemitism is imperative, the sweeping application of this label to pro-Palestinian voices endangers dissenting voices and erodes free expression, making open debate on one of the world’s most enduring conflicts increasingly difficult.View image in fullscreenBut that’s not the only problem with the new definition of antisemitism. By legally enshrining support for Israel as a defining characteristic of Jewish identity, the new definition of antisemitism imposes a straitjacket of Zionist identity on American Jews, in effect telling them that certain political positions are incompatible with being authentically Jewish. But, precisely because Jewish identity has always also been political, we should not be delegitimizing those whose Jewish identity entails a criticism or even outright rejection of ethno-national Judaism.The historical diversity of Jewish identityJewish communities have always been diverse and plural in their orientations toward Jewish nationality. From the ultra-Orthodox Satmar community that opposes Zionism on religious grounds to the socialist Jewish Bund that promoted cultural autonomy without a state, to current-day Jewish American organizations that oppose Israel’s occupation and military control over Palestinians, anti-Zionist and non-Zionist movements have always been central to Jewish identity.Many anti-Zionist Jews aren’t rejecting Jewish political life or denying Jews the right to self-determination. Rather, they’re expressing different visions of Jewish political existence and self-determination. Some of them view opposition to the state of Israel as emerging from Jewish values and traditions – whether stemming from religious beliefs about exile and redemption, or interpretations of Jewish ethical traditions that emphasize universal justice and opposition to oppression.In his recent book The No State Solution: A Jewish Manifesto, the religion scholar Daniel Boyarin reflects on how he moved from Zionism into anti-Zionism, with “my commitment to Jewish identity and identification, Torah study, scholarship, practice, literature and liturgy, and modes of speech and thinking undiminished, even growing stronger and stronger”. Criticism of Israel can stem from deep Jewish religious commitment.The real question, then, isn’t what the proper connection between Israel and Jewish identity is, but rather how to allow for multiple, sometimes competing interpretations of this relationship. By bootstrapping the definition of antisemitism to Israel, IHRA narrows the boundaries of legitimate Jewish identity. While Palestinians have been, without a doubt, the primary targets of this effort, it also takes aim at a rich Jewish tradition. It restricts the freedom of Jews to define their own identity, limiting the ways in which Jewish beliefs, thought and activism can be expressed.And indeed, on college campuses and in workplaces, Jews who express solidarity with Palestinians report being called “self-hating Jews”, “un-Jews” or “traitors” by fellow students or colleagues. In fact, just this month, Trump – our self-appointed arbiter of religious authenticity – announced that the Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, is “not Jewish anymore”.Defining antisemitism in the service of conservative ChristiansSmearing progressive Jews as “not real Jews” has ramifications that extend far beyond the Jewish community, serving a conservative Christian strategy to exploit religious liberties for the sake of suppressing progressive values.In recent years the US supreme court has taken a sharp turn towards conservative Christianity, altering the basic liberal structure of American constitutionalism. The court has upheld religious claims challenging pandemic restrictions on gatherings and vaccination requirements, LGBTQ+ non-discrimination laws, and the separation of church and state in public education.This strengthens conservative Christian influence by transforming political views into constitutional protections – for example, when the supreme court ruled the constitution allowed a Catholic foster care agency to exclude same-sex couples on religious grounds. However, as David Schraub, a professor at Lewis & Clark Law School, has pointed out, this strategy faces a significant obstacle: progressive Jews. Progressive Jews, and any other group whose religious commitments might be threatened by conservative policies, could leverage the expansion of precisely these religious protections to opt out of conservative policy initiatives.
      This farcical performance of concern would merely be amusing were it not for the very real possibility that it serves as a prelude for persecution
      Progressive Jewish communities have already begun to challenge conservative policy agendas on religious freedom grounds – most notably around reproductive rights. In the wake of the Dobbs decision overturning Roe v Wade and the wave of state-level abortion bans that followed, Jewish women, congregations and community leaders have filed lawsuits asserting that such bans violate their religious freedom. In some cases, plaintiffs have argued that Jewish law not only permits but may even require abortion under certain circumstances. While many of these cases are still pending, in a landmark ruling in April 2024, the Indiana court of appeals recognized, for the first time, the legitimacy of such claims.One way conservatives can eliminate this risk to their project is by questioning liberal Jews’ Jewishness. “If liberal Jews can be erased – either pushed out of the public eye or denied as genuine or authentic specimens of Judaism – then the challenge of liberal Jews disappears with it,” Schraub explains.This isn’t just a theoretical concern – it’s already happening. Project Esther, a new initiative launched by the Christian nationalist Heritage Foundation known for Project 2025, offers a blueprint for combating antisemitism that targets not only pro-Palestinian groups but what it calls a broader “coalition of leftist, progressive organizations” – including Jewish groups – through tools such as anti-terrorism prosecutions, deportations, public firings, and efforts to “disrupt and degrade” dissenting movements. Despite its use of Jewish religious language, the plan has virtually no Jewish authors and is riddled with basic errors, including misrepresentations of Jewish texts. It chastises American Jews who don’t align with its worldview, calling them “complacent” and their positions “inexplicable”.This farcical performance of concern would merely be amusing were it not for the very real possibility that it serves as a prelude for persecution.Reclaiming Jewish religious freedom from the stateThe increasingly aggressive use of “antisemitism” as a political instrument was never about Jewish safety. It has always been about power: consolidating a political order that merges religion, nationalism and authoritarianism under the veneer of minority protection.The ease with which progressive Jews have been thrown under the bus makes this painfully clear. Their erasure is not a side effect – it is the mechanism through which this agenda advances. Because once Jewish identity is defined from above – even with the active participation of some Jews – any Jew who resists can be disqualified and delegitimized. This was true for de Haan, and it is true today.The threat is immediate and ongoing. Already, whole sectors of society – educators, students, artists, political activists and immigrants – are paying the price. And if this continues, we can expect the same logic to be applied across a wider range of policies: tightening ideological control, redefining constitutional norms and re-engineering public institutions in the image of an authoritarian state.But there is another path. The unique position of progressive Jews offers a way to push back against the rise of the far right in the US, both with regard to Israel-Palestine, but also more broadly. Recognizing the unique harm caused to Jews by the new definition of antisemitism allows us to develop new ways to combat it.The establishment clause of the US constitution, for instance, prohibits the state from intervening in religious disputes. By adopting the IHRA definition into law, the US government has in effect taken sides in an intra-Jewish debate, recruiting Zionist Jews to side in a war against its ideological opponents. The redefinition of antisemitism is therefore not only an attack on political dissent – it is an intrusion into Jewish religious life. By codifying support for Israel as a requirement for being Jewish, these laws function as a state intervention in an ongoing Jewish theological and ethical debate.By pushing against the legal redefinition of antisemitism, Jews can refuse to surrender their identity to the state. By continuing to anchor it firmly in their communities, they can resist the instrumentalization of Judaism against others.Reclaiming religious freedom from the state, as part of this act of resistance, would not just protect Jewish dissenters – it would offer a broader framework for resisting state attempts to control religious identity. No government – not the Israeli government, and surely not the American government – should have the power to define what it means to be a Jew.

      This article was amended on 23 March 2025 to clarify that Ilhan Omar was not formally censured by Congress

      Itamar Mann is an associate professor of law at the University of Haifa, and currently a Humboldt fellow at Humboldt University. He holds a doctorate from Yale Law School

      Lihi Yona is an associate professor of law and criminology at the University of Haifa. She holds a doctorate from Columbia Law School. Her research focuses on antidiscrimination law in the United States and Israel
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      in US Politics

      Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and the courage to brawl for the working class

      by

      Bernie Sanders is not running for president. But he is drawing larger crowds now than he did when he was campaigning for the White House.The message has hardly changed. Nor has the messenger, with his shock of white hair and booming delivery. What’s different now, the senator says, is that his fears – a government captured by billionaires who exploit working people – have become an undeniable reality and people are angry.“For years, I’ve talked about the concept of oligarchy as an abstraction,” Sanders, an independent who votes with Democrats and twice sought the party’s presidential nomination, said in an interview after a joint rally in Tempe, Arizona, with the New York representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. The Vermont senator recalled Donald Trump’s inauguration, when the three wealthiest people on the planet – Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos and Mark Zuckerberg – were seated in front of his cabinet nominees in what many viewed as a shocking display of power and influence.“You gotta be kind of blind not to understand that you have a government of the billionaire class, for the billionaire class, by the billionaire class,” he said. “And then, on top of all that, you’ve got Trump moving very rapidly toward an authoritarian form of society.”Two months after Trump was sworn in for a second term, Democratic activists and an increasingly vocal chorus of voters say they are terrified, angry and desperate for leadership. In something of a third act, the 83-year-old democratic socialist is stepping in to fill the void.But his aim is not only to revive the anti-Trump resistance movement – he wants a bottom-up overhaul of the American political system.“It’s not just oligarchy that we are going to fight. It’s not just authoritarianism that we’re going to fight,” Sanders told an arena full of supporters at Arizona State University on Thursday night. “We will not accept a society today in which we have massive income and wealth inequality, where the very rich have never done better while working families are struggling to put food on the table.”For weeks, voters have been showing up at town halls to vent their alarm and rage over the president’s aggressive power grabs and the Musk-led mass firings of federal workers. But they are also furious at the Democratic leadership, charging that their party spent an entire election season warning of the threat Trump posed to US democracy, and yet now appeared either unable or unwilling to stand up to him.At the rally in Tempe, several attendees demanded more defiance.“Them just holding paddle boards up and staying quiet or wearing pink blazers is not enough,” said Alexandra Rodriguez, 20, of Mesa, referring to the Democrats’ acts of protest during Trump’s address to Congress earlier this month. “I think they do need to be willing to go to extremes.”They also expressed outrage at the Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, who, faced with what he called a “Hobson’s choice” between supporting a Republican-authored funding bill or inciting a government shutdown, wrangled a coalition of Democrats to pass the spending measure. The decision has unleashed a torrent of anger from his party’s base, forcing him to postpone a book tour as he defends himself against calls to step down as leader. On Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez’s western tour, the New York representative was interrupted by intermittent calls to “Primary Chuck!”“This isn’t just about Republicans, either. We need a Democratic party that fights harder for us, too,” Ocasio-Cortez said in Arizona, drawing some of the loudest, most sustained applause of the evening. She urged the crowd to help elect candidates “with the courage to brawl for the working class”.Democrats “absolutely need to get stronger”, Audree Castro, 52, said as she waited with her mother and aunt to enter the venue on Thursday night. “I want my democracy back.”In recent weeks, Democrats have sought to capitalize on the bubbling backlash to the disorienting opening months of Trump’s second term. Following Sanders’ lead, many Democrats are hosting town halls in Republican-held districts to draw attention to Musk’s slash-and-burn cost-cutting project and Republican proposals that would almost certainly result in cuts to social safety net programs.Robbie Lambert, 70, a retired special education teacher, said keeping up with the turmoil in Washington was beginning to feel like a full-time job. Just that afternoon, Trump had signed an executive order aimed at dismantling the Department of Education.“You feel helpless. It’s like, what can we do?” said Lambert, who was on vacation in Arizona and decided she had to attend the Tempe rally. “Coming together, talking with people here, makes you feel like you’re doing something.”The Arizona representative Yassamin Ansari, who attended Thursday’s rally, said she had been hearing similar calls for action from constituents across her district this week, including at an event with LGBTQ+ business leaders and an at-capacity town hall, where several people shared that it was the first political event they had ever attended.“People are really fed up,” Ansari said in an interview.For now, at least, Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez are the most prominent Democrats offering both a strategy to confront Trump and an alternative vision for the party.In 2024, Democrats lost support among young people and Latino voters – core constituencies – and recent polling found that the party’s popularity is at an all-time low. Few Democrats disagree that their party needs to course-correct, but how and to what degree remains a topic of intense debate.Supporters say the success of Sanders’ tour, which began last month in Omaha, Nebraska, is a clear sign that Democrats want the party to aggressivelyfight what they view as Trump’s encroaching authoritarianism – not “roll over and play dead”, as veteran strategist James Carville suggested in an op-ed. They also view it as an endorsement of Sanders’ policy agenda, arguing that his brand of economic populism is the right match for this turbulent political moment.According to a memo by Sanders’ longtime adviser, Faiz Shakir, the senator has raised more than $7m from more than 200,000 donors since February, and is drawing crowds 25% to 100% larger than at the height of his presidential campaigns in 2016 and 2020. On Friday, more than 30,000 people attended a rally in Denver – the largest audience Sanders has ever drawn, his team said.“We’re living in an intensely populist moment right now,” Shakir wrote. “It’s not ‘left versus right’. It’s ‘very top versus everyone else’.” The title of his memo: “It’s a populist revolt, stupid.”The joint appearance by the 35-year-old New York representative and the Vermont senator who she has said inspired her to run for office naturally raised the question: is Ocasio-Cortez the heir to the progressive movement Sanders has been building since before she was born? Several rally-goers in Tempe believed she had the potential to lead the party – and perhaps even the country.“When AOC has something to say, I listen,” said Jonas Prado, 32, a first responder.“I hope she’s the first woman president,” said Norman Ellison, 60, a mechanical engineer.There was also a tinge of wistfulness in the arena. Supporters dressed in old campaign t-shirts and hats and one person sported a pin that said, “Bernie was right.”Sanders, who has all but ruled out a third run for president, was in vintage form, delivering a blistering, 50-minute critique of the “top 1%” with the moral ferocity that has long endeared him to legions of politically disaffected supporters.The senator named names, accusing executives from the fossil fuel, insurance and pharmaceutical industries of being “major criminals”, while sharing stark statistics on wealth inequality in the US that elicited boos and gasps from the audience. At one point, Sanders cited an analysis released by his Senate committee that found the wealthiest Americans live an average of seven years longer than poorer Americans.“In other words, being working class in America is a death sentence,” he bellowed.Ocasio-Cortez’s opening remarks were no less visceral. She charged that Trump and Musk, his billionaire lieutenant, were “taking a wrecking ball to our country” and “screwing over” working people. “We’re gonna throw these bums out,” she declared.While both Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez share a political vision, their double act showcased the distinct styles of two progressive leaders at opposite ends of their career arcs.Ocasio-Cortez offered a more personal touch, weaving elements of her biography into her speech – something Sanders is typically loath to do. She spoke of her mother, who cleaned homes, and her father, whose death from a rare form of cancer plunged the family into economic uncertainty.“I don’t believe in healthcare, labor and human dignity because I’m an extremist,” she said, pushing back on the rightwing caricature of her. “I believe in these things because I was a waitress.”She said she empathized with Americans who felt overwhelmed and demoralized, and encouraged them not to give in to despair. “We won’t do that,” someone in the crowd yelled.When the event concluded, Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez left the arena to address an overflow crowd that hadn’t been able to get in.“This is where the future is,” said Sebastian Santamaria, 25, gesturing toward the empty podium adorned with a “Fight Oligarchy” placard. “As a person who has supported Democrats in the past, I don’t want to keep supporting you if it doesn’t look more like this.” More

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      in US Politics

      Amid fear and confusion in US immigrant communities, protest goes grassroots

      by

      On Sundays, Juan Carlos Ruiz gives his sermons while wearing a white robe. Although his English- and Spanish-speaking congregants at a Brooklyn-based church may not notice it, the neck of his robe is ripped, the cloth frayed. When asked about the tear in his robe, Ruiz gives a charming smile, remembering his 2018 arrest.That year, during the first Trump administration, Ruiz was participating in a protest to prevent the deportation of a prominent New York immigration activist. As tensions flared, cops began to rough up some demonstrators. Ruiz attempted to intervene. He and 17 others were arrested by police; his white alb ripped during the struggle.“They beat us for a long time,” Ruiz recalls. “But it exposed that, although New York is a so-called ‘sanctuary city’, in reality, the practice still existed of working hand-in-hand with the migrant police.”Ruiz is an important figure in New York’s immigrant activist space, one of many providing services and assistance to immigrants at risk of being targeted by federal authorities. Now Ruiz and others are continuing their work to help migrants – but with more urgency and determination under the second Trump administration’s aggressive anti-immigrant full court press.View image in fullscreenAlthough the work is not new for many, immigrant rights activists in New York are adapting their methods, finding new ways to respond to the federal government’s attacks. Some groups are offering legal advice to immigrants navigating the backlogged and bureaucratic proceedings, even as the White House steers around due process; others are providing legal information, in case immigration officials come knocking; and others are providing food and basic assistance to those in need.There is deep confusion and much fear in many communities – both documented and undocumented, with advocates attempting to anchor those threatened by providing quick-response resources, information and – if necessary – physical refuge.“We are responsible for our own silence,” Ruiz said. If you do not stand up against injustice, he added, “we will be complicit in a system that is undermining all of us.”Before Ruiz’s Spanish-language service on Sundays, the church provides a hearty meal to people who attend. During the downtime, while young children laugh and chase each other around the church, many people will wait patiently to visit with the pastor in his office. They will inquire about their immigration cases or request help with their legal process.On one recent Sunday, a man kissed his baby and his wife, embraced Ruiz and broke down in tears after the pastor handed him an envelope. His work permit had finally arrived in the mail.“For me, my role is more to accompany, listen, maybe take the person’s hand and, as I accompany them, search for paths forward and solutions,” Ruiz said, with his distinctive central Mexican accent. “A lot of people, what they want, is just to be heard.”And Ruiz has heard it all. He has sat with immigrants who tell horror stories of the extremely dangerous journey through South and Central America. Others tell Ruiz about loved ones, who have died or been killed. Some migrants have fled their home countries due to political persecution; others are fleeing violence from organized criminal groups. Many also seek economic opportunities, with some leaving due to poverty driven by the climate crisis or weak, corrupt governments.The toughest aspect is seeing the “normalization of lies” about immigrants: “The lies that ‘having papers makes you superior,’ that ‘having a certain skin color makes you better’ or ‘less’. These lies undermine people’s dignity,” he said.Since Donald Trump took office for the second time, Ruiz noticed attendance at his Sunday lunches began to wane. On 20 January, Trump’s Department of Homeland Security released a memo allowing for Ice to conduct arrests and enforcement operations at “sensitive locations” or “protected areas”, including churches, schools and medical facilities. Legal challenges partially blocked the “sensitive locations” Trump memo but a nationwide chilling effect and fear lingers. However, life must go on.“I’ve been in this country for 20 years,” one woman from Mexico said, asking for her name to be withheld for fear of being targeted by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice), the federal agency that carries out deportations. Last month fear was rampant and she noticed the New York subway trains were emptier than usual on the way to work. “But we have to keep going. We have to go work because, here, no one is going to help us pay rent, no one is going to help us except ourselves,” she said.Ruiz became the pastor of the Good Shepherd church in 2018. Ever since, during moments of desperate need and heightened threats, he has periodically opened the church’s doors, offering sanctuary to migrants seeking refuge, motivated by his own experience as an immigrant and decades of activism.He arrived in the US at 16 from Mexico and was himself undocumented – “living in the shadows”, as he describes it – before going through the long process of obtaining legal status. At one point, immigration officials attempted to deport his brother. His family’s church intervened and stopped the deportation – a landmark event in Ruiz’s political, religious and personal development. His religious philosophy was further shaped by a longstanding tradition of progressive faith activism, having studied under liberation theology and leftwing Jesuit priests in Chicago and New Jersey.“We are a sanctuary church. This means that your body and blood, your dignity and your personhood, is also sacred,” Ruiz preached to his congregants during a recent Spanish-language sermon. “When there are unjust systems that distort that, one has the necessity to protest, or do whatever is possible, to dismantle those unjust systems.”In the first two months of the Trump administration, the federal government has significantly escalated its offensive against undocumented immigrants. Among its countless actions, the administration has stripped away asylum rights, sent migrants to the Guantánamo naval base to be detained, arrested a green card holder for political activism, issued quotas for Ice arrests and used the Alien Enemies Act to deport immigrants, despite a federal judge’s order. Ice arrested more than 32,000 people during Trump’s first 50 days.Some of the most vigorous challengers to the anti-immigrant agenda have been immigrant and civil rights organizations, including grassroots groups, rather than from Democratic lawmakers, whose resistance has been limited. And as activists routinely point out, the two recent Democratic presidents – Barack Obama and Joe Biden – leaned into the federal detention and deportation machine.“I correct people when they say that the system is broken, as if someone arrived and broke it,” Ruiz said. “I tell them: ‘No, the system has been designed to work this way’.”Community organizations and individuals are striving to protect each other.View image in fullscreenFor the past few years, the non-profit organization South Brooklyn Sanctuary has been providing assistance and advice to recently arrived immigrants in New York. The organization originated in the Good Shepherd church, and became independent in 2023 to formalize its work.“ We started in 2022 when Texas governor Greg Abbott first started bussing immigrants from the southern border to New York City as a political ploy,” said Emily Shechtman, co-founder and executive director of South Brooklyn Sanctuary. “It was an all-hands-on-deck, volunteer-run effort that included all sorts of support, like clothing, food, language classes, grocery distribution. And among that work was legal support.”One Saturday evening this month, the organization, in partnership with South Brooklyn Mutual Aid, provided “know your rights” training to a packed room of people, encouraging attendees to look out for their immigrant neighbors.South Brooklyn Sanctuary also runs a legal clinic for immigrants navigating the complex civil court system that adjudicates immigration cases. Unlike the criminal court system, immigrants are not guaranteed legal representation during procedures, so the group provides community support to better equip immigrants to represent themselves in court.“ Our goal is to train volunteers to help people fill out their own applications with attorney supervision, and to provide legal empowerment information so that recently arrived immigrants don’t feel steamrolled, overwhelmed and confused by what’s a very complex, bureaucratic and adversarial legal system,” Shechtman added.Some workshops do not just prepare immigrants to avoid arrest and navigate the immigration system, but they also prepare people for the worst-case scenario. An immigrant woman the Guardian spoke with attended a workshop on how to prepare for deportation if necessary. Although it is a scary lesson, she explains, it is best to be prepared. After the workshop, the mother gave a trusted friend copies of important documents and enough money for four plane tickets, two tickets for her young children to join her in Mexico, and a roundtrip flight for her friend to escort her children – if it comes to that.“After that, I felt a sense of peace,” the woman said. “We’ve come out on top in a country that is not our own, where we don’t speak the language, where we aren’t wanted. If I am deported to my own country, I can start anew.”On a sunny but chilly recent Friday evening, volunteers and staff from the New York Immigrant Coalition (NYIC) advocacy took to the streets with an initiative, sparked by Trump, to distribute pamphlets and cards explaining one’s legal rights in case Ice arrives. They went door to door in Sunset Park, a Brooklyn neighborhood primarily made up of Latin American and Chinese immigrants, many undocumented.The advocates made their way down the main avenue, talking to business owners, workers and pedestrians. They plan to visit other neighborhoods, too.View image in fullscreen“ Workplace raids were very common in the first Trump administration, and we expect them to scale [up],” said Wennie Chin, senior director of civic engagement at NYIC.The organization provides “know your rights” cards in 15 different languages.Chin also distributed signs for business owners to bar immigration officers from entering without the required warrant signed by a judge – explaining that agents brandishing a simple internal administrative order doesn’t cut it.“ We recruit members of the community who may have language capacity to do this level of outreach, and really make sure that we are reaching people where they are at,” Chin added.Later that evening, back at the Good Shepherd church in Bay Ridge, families gathered for music and dance lessons, a place of refuge, where people living with irregular legal status, can breathe a little easier.A boisterous group of more than two-dozen Spanglish-speaking children rehearsed mariachi music in the church’s main space. The mariachi group, armed with violins and guitars, travels around New York City, performing at community events, weddings and parties. As the kids filed out, excited to enjoy the rest of their Friday evening, the church space filled with the sounds of different music coming from the basement.There, about 30 girls, between five and 15 years old, were taking Mexican folk dance lessons. Their traditional colorful skirts swayed as they rehearsed Mexico’s national dance with loud footwork. After a long week of work, the girls’ visibly tired parents watched their daughters rehearse.“We come here, even though there’s fear,” said one father holding a baby. He gestured towards his daughter, a US citizen by birthright who was with the group of folk dancers. “We are not going to take this away from them because of the fear.”As their children danced, a group of 14 parents, all undocumented, mostly from Mexico, sat in a circle on the main floor of the church to discuss their perspectives on the current atmosphere. Some were vocal, some more shy, there was a mix of fear, courage, also anger at government anti-immigrant hostility and misinformation. All asked that their identities be shielded but all seemed relieved to be seen and heard.“We are not taking jobs away from people,” one father said. “It is also an absolute lie that we do not pay taxes. We pay taxes. We do not live here for free, we all work and pay rent.”Although the majority of their children are US citizens, when talking of Trump’s executive order to restrict birthright citizenship, currently in legal limbo awaiting the US supreme court, the parents’ fear was palpable.And the children feel it, too, many said – not just because of news and rumors on social media, but in their own homes and schools.View image in fullscreenOne man’s young son, who loved to play soccer then go eat at his favorite restaurant, refused to go out for weeks, fearing that Ice would arrest his father during their regular weekend outings. Another woman’s daughter was being bullied at school, she said – a classmate was threatening to call Ice on her family. Although the mother was insistent on reporting the classmate to the school, her daughter deleted the bully’s messages, out of fear of escalating the situation.An eight-year-old girl came home from school telling her parents they were going to “deport everyone”. Her parents are of separate nationalities, Mexican and Guatemalan. “Which country are they going to send us to?” the girl asked.“It’s terrifying,” her mother said. “It scared me to hear small children talking about this. It’s a way of snatching away their innocence – they shouldn’t have to worry about this. And how do you explain this to a child?”Ruiz said that confusion and fear are part of Trump’s strategy – but the fight must go on.“ We cannot underestimate the power of a handful of people, willing to work for the common good,” Ruiz said. “We need to keep working, from whichever trench we find ourselves in.” More

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      Trump chose the wrong hill to DEI on | Stewart Lee

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      In the second world war, Navajo code talkers transmitted sensitive US military information in their own undocumented language. Which was nice of them, as their immediate ancestors had been dispossessed and destroyed by white settlers, and then had all their water poisoned with uranium. “Were it not for the Navajos,” concluded major Howard Connor, at the time, “the marines would never have taken Iwo Jima.” And that famous photo of the American soldiers raising a flag would just have shown some Japanese boy scouts letting off a party popper.But last month Trump’s defence secretary, Pete Hegseth, said: “I think the single dumbest phrase in military history is ‘our diversity is our strength’.” Predictably, some Navajo code talkers had to have bodyguards to protect them from white American servicemen who thought they were Japanese. Plus ça change, as they say over there in that Europe.The Navajos’ efforts went unrecognised. When the son of one of the code talkers got to live the American dream by opening a Burger King in Kayenta on Navajo lands in 1986, he made the building a partial museum of his father’s unit. I visited it 30 years ago, with the comedian Kevin Eldon (Narvi the dwarf smith in TV’s The Lord of the Rings: The Rings of Power), and it remains the most edifying fast food restaurant I ever ate in. It was even better than that KFC near Bletchley Park that does that delicious Alan Turing chicken strips and alphabetti spaghetti meal deal ™ ®.The Kayenta Burger King also has a more extensive archive of code talker artefacts than any official government repository. Especially since, last week, videos, photos and stories of the Navajo code talkers were temporarily removed online as part of Trump’s assault on diversity. A page commemorating corporal Ira Hayes, a Pima of the Gila River Indian Community, and one of the servicemen photographed raising that Stars and Stripes at Iwo Jima, also disappeared for a while in Trump’s thwarting of the woke. Boris Johnson must be delighted. But I wonder if Trump’s actions please the British daytime TV treasure Lorraine Kelly?Kelly’s interview in the Times on 14 March, culled from a book promotion appearance on Times Radio, seemed to suggest she believed gender and racial diversity are wrongly prioritised in the workplace at the expense of offering opportunities to the (presumably white) working class. The headline spoke for itself: “Lorraine Kelly: Diversity push is leaving working-class people behind.” Was our Lorraine an unexpected supporter of Trump’s anti-diversity agenda?Probably not. This is the rightwing press, or the press as I call it, that we’re talking about, and Kelly didn’t quite espouse the view the headline implies. Even the elements of the radio interview that the paper chose to transcribe show a Lorraine Kelly principally concerned about how the cost of living affects working-class access to media jobs, and she made explicit that she hoped to see diversity initiatives tackle exclusion on the basis of class in addition to concentrating on gender and race. It’s a subtly different position and an example of the nuanced thought that has made Kelly the Socrates of the sofa, while her competitor Richard Madeley stares out of his kitchen window at a donkey in a field while thinking about bread.But this is how papers work. For two decades I was lucky enough to review records (remember them?) for the Sunday Times. So when they asked me, 20 years back, to write an insider comedian’s view of attempts to boycott the Edinburgh comedy awards because the sponsor, Perrier, was owned by Nestlé, which pushed unsafe formula milk initiatives to the developing world, what could possibly go wrong? And the money didn’t hurt either!I wrote a balanced piece about how the boycott was morally the right thing to do, with the appended caveat that high-profile supporters were asking a lot of young broke performers to walk away from a cash bung of £10,000 that might shift at least some of their debts. The headline? “‘Emma Thompson needs to grow up’, says comedian Stewart Lee”, which wasn’t anything I said, but perhaps fitted the paper’s agenda better, and left me apologising, cap in hand, to the charity Baby Milk Action and Miss Thompson herself, who has conspicuously failed to cast me in any of her hit films since.Despite the fun-size fascism we’re seeing across the Atlantic, the woke folk panic still sells papers and farms online engagement. The Times got what it wanted out of massaging Kelly’s quotes, and in the US the fourth estate is finished, jeopardising democracy worldwide. Maybe it’s time for writers to work out what they believe and stand up for it. But the British press is staffed by a class of professionals happy to drift between the Times, the Telegraph, the New European and yes, even the last liberal papers, refining their opinions as required by their offshore billionaire employers. It’s as easy as changing the look of your byline photo from sensible suit and tie to a beatnik polar neck jumper and beard. And that’s just the women. These days.Ironically, some wag at the Times has chosen to illustrate Kelly’s interview with an old photo of her GMTV colleague, the black fitness expert Mr Motivator, holding her aloft on the roof of a building. Presumably there were dozens of more motivated white working-class Mr Motivators, but the woke agenda meant they never got the opportunity to lift a Scottish woman. Let’s see if we can’t see a white working-class TV fitness instructor raising Lorraine Kelly high above their head by the end of 2025, but ideally let’s do it without playing into the divisive playbook of Trump, Musk, Vance and Farage, apportioning blame to the disadvantaged, while consolidating their own chrome-plated futures. More

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      Trump news at a glance: Hegseth mocks judge who ruled against transgender ban

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      Pete Hegseth, the US defense secretary, became the latest senior official to openly criticise a judge as the Trump administration ramped up its attacks on court challenges to its political agenda.On Saturday, Hegseth mocked US district judge Ana Reyes for blocking a ban on transgender troops in the US military. The ban was enforced by an executive order signed by Donald Trump on 27 January.Hegseth referred to the judge as “Commander Reyes” in a social media post and suggested she had no authority to make decisions about warfare – though the judge made no such decision, only about its treatment of its personnel.Reyes was appointed by the Democratic former president Joe Biden and is the latest judge to be publicly attacked by a Trump administration official.US defense secretary Pete Hegseth rails against judgeHegseth’s public mockery of Reyes followed similar remarks by Trump, Elon Musk, the attorney general, Pam Bondi, and other officials against judges in recent weeks. Trump on Tuesday called for the impeachment of a judge presiding over a legal challenge to deportation flights and referred to him as a “radical left lunatic” and a “troublemaker and agitator”, prompting the US supreme court chief justice to issue a rare rebuke of the president.Read the full storyWhite House cheers as major law firm attacked by Trump capitulatesThe Trump administration has also been battling with one of the largest law firms in the country: Paul, Wiess. Trumps’s advisers have reveled in their ability to bully the firm after its chair criticized a former partner as he tried to appease the US president into rescinding an executive order that threatened the firm’s ability to function. The firm also agreed to provide $40m in free legal services over the next four years to causes Trump has championed, and agreed to an audit of its employment procedures to wipe away any diversity, equity and inclusion recruiting initiatives. The Trump administration has threatened new actions against lawyers and law firms that bring immigration lawsuits and other cases against the government that he deems unethical. It is facing more than 100 lawsuits.Read the full story20% of Americans support boycott of firms aligning themselves with Trump’s agendaOne in five Americans plan to turn their backs for good on companies that have shifted their policies to align with Trump’s agenda, according to a new poll for the Guardian. As high-profile brands including Amazon, Target and Tesla grapple with economic boycotts, research by the Harris Poll indicated the backlash could have a lasting impact.Read the full storyTrump revokes security clearances for Biden, Harris and other political enemiesTrump moved to revoke security clearances for Joe Biden, Kamala Harris and a string of other top Democrats and political enemies in a presidential memo issued late on Friday. The revocations also cover the former secretary of state Antony Blinken, the former Wyoming representative Liz Cheney, the former Illinois representative Adam Kinzinger and the New York attorney general, Letitia James, who prosecuted Trump for fraud, as well as Biden’s entire family. They all will no longer have access to classified information – a courtesy typically offered to former presidents and some officials after they have left public service.Read the full storyWhite House reportedly halts funding for legal aid for unaccompanied migrant childrenThe Trump administration is reported to have cut funding to a legal program that provides representation for unaccompanied immigrant children, one month after directing immigration enforcement agents to track down minors who had entered the US without guardians last month. Organizations that collectively receive more than $200m in federal grants were informed that the contract through the office of refugee resettlement had been partially terminated, according to a memo issued on Friday by the interior department and obtained by ABC News.Read the full storyUS team to meet Ukrainian and Russian officials for talks Talks between US and Ukrainian officials are scheduled to begin on Sunday in Saudi Arabia. A Washington source briefed on the planning of the meetings said the US side would be led by Andrew Peek of the national security council and Michael Anton of the state department, Reuters reported. After those talks, the US team will meet Russian officials on Monday. Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, said earlier this week, however, that Ukrainian officials would be present at the US-Russia talks but would not be in the same room as the Russians.Read the Ukraine war briefingUS urged to ‘think bigger’ on healthcare amid Trump onslaught on sectorAn academic journal may inject some optimism into US health policy – a scarce commodity amid the Trump administration’s mass layoffs, funding freezes and the ideological research reviews. A new issue of Health Affairs Scholar argues the conversation around healthcare can change – and radically – if academics think “bigger” and policymakers invest in their communities.Read the full storyUS tourism industry faces drop-off as immigration agenda deters travellersA string of high-profile arrests and detentions of travellers is likely to cause a major downturn in tourism to the US, with latest figures already showing a serious drop-off, tourist experts said. Several western travellers have recently been rejected at the US border on increasingly flimsy grounds under Donald Trump’s immigration crackdown, some of them shackled and held in detention centers in poor conditions for weeks. Germany updated travel guidance for travelling to the US, warning that breaking entry rules could lead not just to a rejection as before, but arrest or even detention.Read the full story More

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      Columbia should have said, ‘see you in court,’ not ‘yes, Mr President.’ | Margaret Sullivan

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      Since early 2024, I’ve been running a journalism ethics center at Columbia University.So perhaps it’s no surprise that I see the university’s capitulation to Trump both in terms of journalism and ethics.I’ve never run a university, but I have run a newsroom. For 13 years (until I moved to New York City in 2012 to be the New York Times public editor), I was the chief editor of the Buffalo News, the regional newspaper in my home town. I had started there as a summer intern. As editor, I made a lot of decisions; the buck stopped at my desk.It’s not a perfect analogy to Columbia’s situation, but I’ve been thinking about what my options might have been if the paper’s biggest and most powerful advertiser – one important to our financial wellbeing – had gotten wind of an investigation they didn’t like the sounds of. Something that would reveal something negative about their business, let’s say.Suppose that advertiser had threatened to withdraw all their advertising unless we dropped the story. In fact, suppose they wanted promises of positive coverage – perhaps a fawning profile of their CEO, and a series about the good things the company was doing in the community.Let’s complicate it more. Let’s say that my boss, the paper’s owner, was on the advertiser’s side, or at least inclined to see their point of view.What would my options be as editor?There really would be only one: to hold fast. To make the case to the owner that if we were a legitimate newspaper, we would have to be brave and not allow ourselves to be bullied. And to refuse to pull the story. Make sure it’s bulletproof – every fact nailed down – and proceed with plans to publish it.What would happen?That’s hard to say. Maybe the advertiser would blink. Maybe the owner would fire me. Maybe I’d feel I had to resign.The point of this imperfect analogy is simply that allowing oneself – or one’s institution – to be bullied or threatened into compliance is never the right answer.And it’s especially important for strong institutions to stand up, to set an example and to insulate those who have fewer resources or are more vulnerable.Columbia has a huge – nearly $15bn – endowment. It could have withstood the withdrawal of federal funds.Columbia’s leadership could have chosen to say “see you in court” rather than “yes, sir”.Some principles are so central to an institution’s purpose that to betray them should be unthinkable. You don’t kill a valid story under pressure. Because journalism, however flawed, is about finding and telling the truth.And a university – which stands for academic freedom, for freedom of thought, speech and expression, including the right to peacefully protest – cannot buckle to demands to undermine those principles.Sadly, that’s what Columbia did, even going so far as to put an entire academic department under highly unusual supervision, and to empower beefed-up campus police to detain, remove or arrest students for various supposed offenses.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionThis action stains a great university, which could have recovered from a financial threat but may not recover from this capitulation.Of course, Columbia needs to work against antisemitism and against all forms of hatred and discrimination. But that’s not really – or certainly not fully – what’s at the heart of Trump’s move.“It’s all about intimidation,” as my Guardian colleague Robert Reich, a former labor secretary, wrote this weekend, “not only at Columbia but at every other university in America.”Columbia’s capitulation mirrors that of many institutions in recent weeks. A major law firm (Paul, Weiss), under pressure, struck a deal with the White House to donate $40m in legal work to enable Trump’s causes. ABC News settled a defamation suit it probably could have won. And newspaper owners, including Jeff Bezos at the Washington Post, have been cozying up to Trump in many ways that harm credibility and mission.Yet some organizations have decided not to cave, but to be true to their stated and long-held principles.The Associated Press is suing, after the Trump administration severely limited its journalists’ access, punishing them for an editorial decision to continue using the term “Gulf of Mexico” on first reference in their stories, not “Gulf of America”. Another large law firm, Perkins Coie, is fighting in court after Trump’s executive order stripped their lawyers of their security clearances and denyed them access to government buildings.Take this to the bank: there is no satisfying the Trumpian demands. The goalposts will always be moved and then moved again.With its huge endowment and sea of rich alumni – some of whom, surely, would be in sympathy – Columbia had other choices. Smaller universities may not.Institutions with resources must resist thuggish bullying, not just for their own sakes, but to protect others who will find it much harder. And for another reason: at an extremely dangerous time in the US and in the world, it’s the right thing to do.

      Margaret Sullivan is a Guardian US columnist writing on media, politics and culture More

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      White House reportedly halts funding for legal aid for unaccompanied migrant children

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      The Trump administration is reported to have cut funding to a legal program that provides representation for unaccompanied immigrant children, one month after directing immigration enforcement agents to track down minors who had entered the US without guardians last month.Organizations that collectively receive more than $200m in federal grants were informed that the contract through the office of refugee resettlement had been partially terminated, according to a memo issued on Friday by the interior department and obtained by ABC News.The cut affects funding for legal representation and for the recruitment of attorneys to represent immigrant children but maintains a contract for “Know Your Rights”, a presentation given to unaccompanied immigrant children in detention centers.Currently, 26,000 immigrant children receive government-funded legal representation, but many are representing themselves in immigration court due to a shortage of attorneys. In 2023, 56% of unaccompanied minors in immigration courts were represented by counsel, according to the Department of Justice.In a White House memo to the justice department posted on Saturday, the executive branch identified the immigration system as one of several legal areas “where rampant fraud and meritless claims have supplanted the constitutional and lawful bases upon which the President exercises core powers”.“The immigration bar, and powerful Big Law pro bono practices, frequently coach clients to conceal their past or lie about their circumstances when asserting their asylum claims, all in an attempt to circumvent immigration policies enacted to protect our national security and deceive the immigration authorities and courts into granting them undeserved relief,” the White House said.The memo directed the attorney general, Pam Bondi, and the secretary of homeland security, Kristi Noem, “to prioritize enforcement of their respective regulations governing attorney conduct and discipline”.Lawyers for Civil Rights, a legal advocacy group currently suing the administration over deportations, called Trump’s sanctions threat hypocritical in a statement to Reuters, saying the president and his allies “have repeatedly thumbed their noses at the rule of law”.The move to cut funding for legal representation was immediately denounced by immigrant legal and welfare groups.“The US government is violating legal protections for immigrant children and forcing them to fight their immigration cases alone,” said Roxana Avila-Cimpeanu, deputy director of the Florence Immigrant and Refugee Rights Project.“Already, we are seeing the government move for the expedited removal of unrepresented children. These services are critical not only as a matter of fundamental fairness – children should not be asked to stand up in court alone against a trained government attorney – but also for protecting children from trafficking, abuse and exploitation, and for helping immigration courts run more efficiently.”Lindsay Toczylowski, president of the Immigrant Defenders Law Center (ImmDef), said the Trump administration had gone “all-in today on endangering unaccompanied children and interfering with their right to due process, breaking with decades of bipartisan congressional support for legal services for vulnerable children”.Toczylowski added that without representation, “the 26,000 children whose access to counsel was slashed today will be at higher risk of exploitation and trafficking and their chances of obtaining legal protection will plummet. No child should be forced to fend for themselves against a trained [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] attorney without a lawyer by their side.”A study published by Save the Children in December found that record numbers of unaccompanied minors have come into the US since 2021.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionIn 2022, the US Department of Health and Human Services received a record 128,904 unaccompanied minors, up from 122,731 in the prior year, the majority coming from Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador.There are more than 600,000 immigrant children who have crossed the US-Mexico border without a legal guardian or parent since 2019, according to government data.According to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) memo – “Unaccompanied Alien Children Joint Initiative Field Implementation” – issued in February and obtained by ABC News and Reuters, agents are directed to detain unaccompanied immigrant children to ensure they are not victims of human trafficking or other forms of exploitation.Ice agents are directed to categorize unaccompanied immigrants into three groups: “flight risk”, “public safety” and “border security”.Republicans have claimed that the Biden administration “lost 300,000” immigrant children – figures that come from a Department of Homeland Security report referring to the number of minors whom agents had not been able to serve with papers to appear in court.“The unique needs of children require the administration to ensure a level of care that takes into account their vulnerability while it determines whether they need long-term protection in the United States,” Wendy Young, president of Kids in Need of Defense, said in a statement.“To be successful in its goals, the government must partner with legal service providers and the vast network of private-sector pro bono partners who provide millions of dollars in free legal services to ensure children understand the process and can share their reasons for seeking safety in the United States.” More