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      Trump sends thousands more troops to LA as mayor says city is being used as an ‘experiment’

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      The Trump administration was deploying roughly 4,000 national guard members in Los Angeles on Monday in response to protests over immigration raids, in an extraordinary mobilization of troops against US residents that California leaders have called “authoritarian”.Tensions between the federal government and the nation’s second-largest city dramatically escalated over the weekend as residents took to the streets to demonstrate against a series of brutal crackdowns on immigrant communities. Raids in the region have affected garment district workers, day laborers and restaurants, and the president of a major California union was arrested by federal agents while serving as a community observer during US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) arrests.Despite facing teargas and other munitions over the weekend, protesters continued to rally on Monday, and families of detained immigrants pleaded for their loved ones to be released.The Trump administration initially said 2,000 national guard members were being sent to LA, but California governor Gavin Newsom said late on Monday he was informed federal officials were sending an additional 2,000 troops, though he said only 300 had been deployed so far, with the remainder “sitting, unused, in federal buildings without orders”. Federal authorities also said the military would be sending roughly 700 marines, marking an exceptionally rare deployment targeting people domestically.Largely peaceful protests against Ice spread around the country on Monday, including in New York, Chicago, Dallas and San Francisco, where hundreds of people gathered in the evening for a march through the city’s historically-Latino Mission district. In Austin, demonstrators marched outside an Ice processing center, chanting slogans such as “No more Ice” and holding up signs including “No human being is illegal”. In downtown Los Angeles, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) held a demonstration calling for an end to Ice raids. Intermittent protests continued into the evening, as police used rubber bullets to disperse a crowd of several hundred people gathered near the federal building.Advocates also rallied in support of David Huerta, the president of SEIU California and SEIU-USWW, who was arrested on Friday and initially hospitalized. Huerta was charged with conspiracy to impede an officer, which could result in a six-year prison sentence, and released Monday, telling reporters: “This fight is ours, it’s our community’s, but it belongs to everyone. We all have to fight for them.”Tensions simmered as California filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration challenging the federal deployment of the state national guard over Newsom’s objections. Meanwhile, Trump’s border czar, Tom Homan, earlier threatened to arrest Newsom and the Los Angeles mayor, Karen Bass, a move the governor said was “an unmistakable step toward authoritarianism”.Newsom dared the administration to follow through with the threats, prompting Trump to respond: “I would do it if I were Tom. I think it’s great.”View image in fullscreenTrump, who congratulated the national guard troops for a “great job” before they had arrived in the city, said LA would have been “completely obliterated” without them.Homan claimed on Fox News that Ice “took a lot of bad people off the street”. He said, without providing specifics, that he had arrested gang members and people with serious criminal convictions, but also admitted that Ice was detaining immigrants without criminal records.Homan also told NBC News that more raids were coming, and Ice arrests continued across southern California on Monday.California’s lawsuit, filed late on Monday against Trump and Pete Hegseth, his defense secretary, said the president had “used a protest that local authorities had under control to make another unprecedented power-grab … at the cost of the sovereignty of the state of California and in disregard of the authority and role of the governor as commander-in-chief of the state’s national guard”.The suit, which seeks to block the defense department from deploying the state national guard, said there has been no “rebellion” or “insurrection” in LA. California also said that during raids, Ice agents “took actions that inflamed tensions and provoked protest” and “sparked panic”. California noted that Ice sealed off entire streets around targeted buildings, used unmarked armored vehicles with paramilitary gear, and did not coordinate with LA law enforcement officials.Rob Bonta, the California attorney general who filed the suit, said the president was “trying to manufacture chaos and crisis on the ground for his own political ends”.Also on Monday, families targeted by the recent raids spoke out. Trabajadores Unidos Workers United, an immigrant rights group, held a press conference outside Ambiance Apparel, a garment district warehouse raided on Friday.One woman said she witnessed the raid where her father was “kidnapped by Ice”, adding: “What happened was not right. It was not legal. In this country, we all have the right to due process … I saw with my own eyes the pain of the families, crying, screaming, not knowing what to do.”Yurien Contreras said her family has had no communication with her father, Mario Romero, since he was taken: “I witnessed how they put my father in handcuffs, chained him from the waist and from his ankles.” Lawyers from the Immigrant Defenders Law Center (ImmDef), found that immigrants apprehended in LA were initially detained in a basement of a federal building, alleging they were denied food, water or beds for more than 12 hours.View image in fullscreenMayor Bass has said that LA is a “proud city of immigrants” and has strongly condemned the raids, telling reporters on Monday evening that most people detained have been denied access to lawyers, with many “disappeared” to unknown locations. “I can’t emphasize enough the level of fear and terror that is in Angelenos,” she said, adding that she would not stand for the White House using LA as a “test case” for this kind of federal crackdown.Bass also condemned vandalism and said protesters would be arrested for “violent” acts. LAPD said on Monday that 29 people had been arrested on Saturday for “failure to disperse”, and that there were 21 additional arrests on Sunday on a range of charges, including looting, attempted murder with a molotov cocktail and assault on an officer.Civil rights activists criticized the militarized response of local law enforcement, including LAPD, which has a history of injuring protesters, sometimes leading to costly settlements. Several journalists were injured at the protests, with an Australian reporter on Sunday shot by a rubber bullet at close range while filming a segment.“When residents come together to make use of their first amendment rights, often LAPD responds with a show of force,” said Sergio Perez, executive director of the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, a legal support group, who was present at the protests. “When you show up in riot gear and paramilitary equipment, you inject into an already dynamic situation a volatile element that escalates things.”The LAPD said officers had fired more than 600 rubber bullets over the weekend. Thousands had protested on Sunday, rallying around city hall and a federal detention center, and at one point, taking over a freeway.Jim McDonnell, the chief of the LAPD, said when officers fire on protesters, they are using “target-specific munitions,” but added: “That’s not to say that it always hits the intended target.” He said he was “very concerned” about the footage of a journalist hit by a munition.Regarding the deployment of marines to the city, he said his department had not been formally notified, and said their arrival would present a “significant logistical and operational challenge”. Bass said the national guard troops were simply guarding two buildings: “They need Marines on top of it? I don’t understand.”Hegseth, meanwhile, said the marines were needed to “restore order” and “defend federal law enforcement officers”.Trump’s federalization of the guard troops is the first time an American president has used such power since the 1992 LA riots, when widespread violence broke out in reaction to the acquittal of four white police officers for brutally beating the Black motorist Rodney King. It also was the first deployment without the express request of the governor since 1965.Los Angeles county is home to 3.5 million immigrants, making up a third of the population. The demonstrations come as the White House has aggressively ramped up immigration enforcement with mass detentions in overcrowded facilities, a new travel ban, a major crackdown on international students and rushed deportations without due process.Perez, of the legal support group, noted how immigrants were deeply woven into the fabric of life in LA, making uprisings against raids inevitable: “When a city like this is the target of an immigration raid by an administration like this, you’re going to deal with a popular and massive outpouring of resistance.”Helen Livingston contributed reporting More

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      ‘Kidnapped’: families and lawyers desperate to contact LA workers arrested in Ice raids

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      Gabriel says he has not been able to speak to his brother Jacob, since Jacob was arrested in a raid by armed immigration officials and federal agents at the Ambiance Apparel warehouse in the Los Angeles fashion district on Friday.Yurien Contreras doesn’t know how her father, Mario Romero, is doing either.“I witnessed how they put my father in handcuffs, chained him from the waist and from his ankles,” Contreras said at a press conference in LA on Monday morning. “My family and I haven’t had communication with my dad. We don’t know anything.”Jacob and Romero were among dozens of people arrested in immigration enforcement actions in Los Angeles this weekend, raids that sparked a roaring backlash and eventually led to the deployment of the national guard in the city. They were “kidnapped” by agents, Contreras said. “I demand due process for my father and the dozens of other workers.”The raids in the fashion district were followed by enforcement actions in the nearby city of Paramount, where federal agents cuffed and detained laborers at a Home Depot. Agents were also spotted outside a donut shop in nearby Compton, and around schools.Some of the families of those detained gathered outside Ambiance on Monday, demanding the release of their loved ones. Some, like Jacob, were the sole breadwinners in their families. Others, like José Ortiz, had worked in LA’s garment district for years – Ortiz had been with Ambiance for 18 years. “He was always here. He was a loyal worker,” his daughter Saraí Ortiz said. “He is someone who gave his life to this community and to his work.”Carlos Gonzalez said his older brother José Paulino was taken away not only from his siblings and mother, but also from “one of the friendliest and most loving dogs I have ever met”.At least 14 of those detained were members of the Episcopalian Diocese of Los Angeles. “Fourteen members of one of our Episcopal churches couldn’t be in church this morning on the Day of Pentecost. Their government ripped them from the arms of their families at home and the body of Christ at church,” said Los Angeles bishop John Harvey Taylor.Loved ones and lawyers are still scrambling to find where all of them were taken.“As police shot flash bangs overhead, I begged officers to let me meet with those who were detained,” said Elaina Jung Hee Vermeulen, a legal fellow at the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice. “Instead of upholding the constitutional rights of those detained, they prepared to repress those rising up against these atrocities.”The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) said that 118 immigrants were arrested this week, and released the names of some of those in its custody, alleging criminal violations. But the administration’s border czar, Tom Homan, also admitted that the agency was arresting people without criminal records.The raids at workplaces – pushed by Homan and by White House deputy chief of staff, Stephen Miller – come amid a broader push to speed up arrests and deportations. Homan said the LA area is likely to see more enforcement this week, even as thousands of national guard deployed to the city prepared to quell protests against the raids.Lawyers from the Immigrant Defenders Law Center (ImmDef), found that immigrants apprehended in LA were initially detained in the basement of a federal immigration building. “As attorneys, we are disgusted by DHS’s blatant betrayal of basic human dignity as we witness hundreds of people held in deplorable conditions without food, water, or beds for 12-plus hours,” said Lindsay Toczylowski, president of ImmDef. “This is an urgent moment for our country to wake up to the terror Ice is inflicting on communities and take action.”skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionThe American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) held a rally in downtown Los Angeles demanding the “humane treatment and access to lawyers for all detainees”.At least one of the people arrested over the weekend was almost immediately put on a bus and deported to Mexico, said Luis Angel Reyes Savalza, a deportation defense attorney supporting the impacted families. “And when they were removed, they weren’t given any paperwork, which is highly unusual and irregular,” he said.Others were taken to the immigration detention centers Adelanto, California – more than a two-hour drive from downtown LA – or El Paso, Texas. “All of this smacks of lawlessness – there have been violations of many, many rights.”The workplace raids were especially brazen, lawyers said, after a federal judge in April issued a preliminary injunction forbidding warrantless immigration stops. The injunction applied to a wide swath of California, and came after CBP conducted similar raids in California’s agricultural Kern county in January.“You can’t just racially and ethnically profile people and arrest them and ask questions later,” said Reyes Savalza, noting that many of those arrested had no criminal history and could apply for various forms of immigration relief if they were allowed to contact attorneys.“If the federal government can come and kidnap people without disclosing any information as to the reason for those arrests, every person in this country should be appalled and terrified,” he added. More

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      LA cleans up and protests some more after weekend of defiance against Trump

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      Outside the federal courthouse complex in downtown Los Angeles on Monday morning, two cleaners carrying bins on wheels looked uncertainly at the daunting task in front of them – long walls in several directions covered in spray-painted graffiti after a weekend of vigorous street protest.They donned black plastic gloves and reached for spray bottles and rolls of paper towels, but these seemed hardly adequate even for the black marble plinth bearing the name “Edward R Roybal Center and Federal Building” where they began. Indeed, the rest of the official writing on the plinth was illegible, defaced by three separate graffiti reading “Fuck Ice” and another saying “Dead Cops”.The City of Angels was in recovery and clean-up mode after a fraught, boisterous day of protest on Sunday against Donald Trump’s immigration roundups and his decision to activate the California national guard against the will of the state’s leaders.A mostly peaceful series of demonstrations were marred, as night fell, by more serious acts of vandalism and violence. Some people, who the LAPD chief later said were not affiliated with the protesters, tossed rocks and paving stones off freeway overpasses on to police cruisers and officers below and a line of Waymo driverless vehicles that had already been spray-painted were set on fire.On Monday morning, street cleaning vehicles were out in force on Alameda Street, on the east side of the federal courthouse complex, where the national guard was stationed on Sunday and where thousands of protesters converged, starting in the early afternoon. The sidewalk and the long block of Alameda flanked by the federal buildings were cordoned off to the public.The 101 freeway, which had been occupied by protesters the night before, was open to traffic again, but most of the downtown exits were sealed off by California highway patrol vehicles. A cleaning crew with a pressure washer was hard at work on the outside of the federal building on Los Angeles Street, which houses a passport office, a social security office and other key federal bureaucratic services.View image in fullscreenThe national guard, which played almost no role in policing the protests on Sunday, was once again nowhere to be seen. Federal authorities from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) or the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) were likewise noticeably absent.With much of the Los Angeles police department recovering from a long day and night, the streets were largely given over to representatives from neighboring police forces drafted in to help – from Pasadena, South Pasadena, Burbank, Vernon and other cities. South Pasadena had the job of guarding concrete blocks set up overnight on either side of LA city hall on Spring Street. Its officers also stood guard on the building’s western steps.Much of the city establishment – council members, local elected officials and union leaders – flocked, meanwhile, to a protest of their own in Grand Park, on a hill overlooking city hall, to demand the release of David Huerta, a leader of the Service Employees International Union who was arrested on Friday while monitoring an immigration raid and was expected in court for his first appearance on Monday afternoon.“David Herta is my brother,” the president of his union, April Verrett, told the crowd to rapturous applause and chanting. “What he would say is, use this moment!”The thousands in attendance blew horns and yelled in approval.Union volunteers acted as marshals for the event and kept a close eye on the perimeter to watch for troublemakers – there appeared to be none. A sole Los Angeles police helicopter hovered overhead, but otherwise law enforcement was entirely absent. More

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      Talkshow host Dr Phil joined Ice agents for Los Angeles immigration raids

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      The television personality Dr Phil was embedded with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) officers as they carried out controversial raids in Los Angeles that led to days of protests in California, his TV network said.Phil, whose full name is Phil McGraw, was with Ice before and after its agents conducted a series of raids on multiple locations across LA on Friday. Immigration advocates said at least 45 people were arrested, and the action was condemned by California’s governor and LA’s mayor.It was the second time McGraw, a former practising psychologist who hosted a TV talkshow for two decades, has been embedded with Ice this year. In January, he joined the US border czar, Tom Homan, in a choreographed immigration raid in Chicago, in a stunt that was criticized at the time.CNN was the first to report on McGraw’s presence at the Los Angeles raids. McGraw was there “to get a first-hand look at the targeted operations”, his conservative TV channel, MeritTV, told CNN. McGraw had “exclusive” access to Homan before and after the raids, CNN reported.During the Chicago raids, McGraw was on the ground with Ice officers and even spoke to some of the people the agency had detained. His experience in LA was less immersive, MeritTV said.“In order to not escalate any situation, Dr Phil McGraw did not join and was not embedded” during Friday’s raids, a MeritTV spokesperson told CNN.On Sunday, he appeared with Eric Adams, the mayor of New York City, at a synagogue, as Adams signed an executive order which ordered city agencies to adopt a controversial definition of antisemitism.McGraw, who is not Jewish but has said it was his “duty” to support Israel, has increasingly immersed himself in political issues in recent months, particularly regarding immigration.In April, he McGraw backed Donald Trump in the 2024 election, and in May he described Trump as “a man of deep faith, a man of deep conviction”. More

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      Los Angeles protests: a visual guide to what happened on the streets

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      After a series of immigration raids across the city of Los Angeles on Friday inspired mostly peaceful protests involving a few hundred people, the situation escalated on Saturday when the US president, Donald Trump, took the unprecedented step of mobilizing the national guard – the country’s military reserve units – claiming the demonstrations amounted to “rebellion” against the authority of the US government. The governor of California, Gavin Newsom, called the decision “purposefully inflammatory”. Here’s a look at what actually happened on the streets.Most of the events took place in downtown Los Angeles, in a fairly localized area. The vast majority of the gigantic metropolis was not affected.Friday 6 June, morning. Federal immigration officers raid multiple locations across Los Angeles, including a Home Depot in Westlake; centers where day laborers gather looking for work; and the Ambiance clothing store in the fashion district. The Coalition of Humane Immigrant Rights (Chirla) says there are raids at seven sites.Friday 6 June, afternoon. David Huerta, the president of California’s biggest union, is arrested while apparently doing little more than standing and observing one of the immigration raids. Footage shows the 58-year-old head of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) being knocked down by a masked agent. He was taken to a hospital, then transferred to the Metropolitan detention center in downtown LA. “What happened to me is not about me; this is about something much bigger,” he says in a statement from the hospital. “This is about how we as a community stand together and resist the injustice that’s happening.” In a statement the US attorney Bill Essayli claims Huerta “deliberately obstructed their access by blocking their vehicle” and says he was arrested on suspicion of interfering with federal officers.Friday 6 June, afternoon. Demonstrators gather outside the federal detention center in downtown Los Angeles where Huerta and others are being held. There is a tense but largely non-violent standoff with police.7pm: The LAPD declares unlawful assembly in the area and deploys teargas to break up the crowd.8.20pm: The police force declares a city-wide tactical alert.Saturday 7 June, morning. As border patrol agents are seen gathering opposite another Home Depot location, this time in the largely Latino, working-class neighborhood of Paramount, news spreads on social media of another raid. A couple of hundred protesters gather outside the Paramount Business Center. Sheriff’s deputies block off a perimeter near the 710 Freeway and Hunsaker Ave.12pm. Border patrol vehicles leave the center, with officers firing teargas and flash grenades at protesters. Some follow the convoy of federal vehicles up Alondra Blvd, throwing rocks and other objects; a few others set up a roadblock near the Home Depot.Saturday 7 June, 4pm. The area near the Home Depot confrontation is declared an unlawful assembly and protesters are warned to leave. Approximately 100 people gather further west in the neighborhood of Compton, at the intersection of Atlantic Ave and Alondra Blvd, where three fires are set, including a vehicle in the middle of intersection. Rocks are thrown at LA county sheriff’s deputies, and officers retreat to the bottom of bridge to the east.7pm. The Trump administration announces it will deploy the national guard, claiming the limited protests were a “rebellion” against the US government. The California governor, Gavin Newsom, immediately denounces the move, the first time a US president has mobilized US military forces in a domestic political situation without the request of the state’s governor since 1965.The US defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, also announces that 500 marines at Camp Pendleton in California have been placed on high alert.Saturday 7 June, evening. Federal agents emerge in a phalanx from inside the Metropolitan detention center to confront approximately 100 protesters, firing teargas and “less lethal” weapons at them.9.30pm. Officers and vehicles force the crowd on Alondra Blvd back west, and by midnight most protesters have dispersed.Sunday 8 June, morning. After curfews are declared across LA county overnight from 6pm-6am, by Sunday morning about 300 national guard troops are deployed to the city. Two dozen appear to news crews outside the federal complex, as though intent only on posing for photographs.10.30am. Protesters begin congregating near the Metropolitan detention center, where national guard troops have arrived to support immigration officials – though they do not appear to be engaging in active policing.1pm. Thousands of protesters gather in downtown LA.Sunday 8 June, afternoon. The LAPD again declares the protest an unlawful assembly, ordering everyone to leave, but still the protests continue. Police patrol on horseback and report several arrests. Journalists and protesters are reportedly struck by projectiles, while LA police say two officers are injured after being struck by motorcyclists attempting to “breach a skirmish line”. Ice officers and other federal agents use teargas and pepper balls in an attempt to disperse the crowds. Throughout the afternoon, there are isolated episodes of vandalism – graffiti sprayed on buildings and vehicles, and a protester who damages the side mirror of a parked car. A line of spray-painted Waymo driverless cars, one with a smashed windshield, are later set on fire.Downtown Los AngelesSunday 8 June, afternoon. Hundreds of protesters block the 101 Freeway. They take over two lanes.Evening. Tensions have risen, with demonstrators throwing garbage and rocks at police. Newsom and the Los Angeles mayor, Karen Bass, double down on their plea to protesters to stay peaceful. “Protest is appropriate to do, but it is just not appropriate for there to be violence,” Bass says, while the LAPD chief, Jim McDonnell, calls the violence “disgusting” and says officers have been pelted with rocks, and shot at with commercial grade fireworks. Crucially, he notes that those engaging in violence were not among the people demonstrating against the immigration raids, but are “people who do this all the time”. More

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      Trump has unleashed something terrifying in the US – that even he may be powerless to control | Gaby Hinsliff

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      She was live on air to viewers back home, her TV microphone clearly in hand, when the rubber bullet hit her. The Australian reporter Lauren Tomasi was the second journalist after the British photographer Nick Stern to be shot with non-lethal rounds while covering protests in Los Angeles sparked by immigration raids. But she was the first to be caught on camera and beamed around the world. There’s no excuse for not knowing what the US is becoming, now that anyone can watch that clip online. Not when you can hear her scream and see the cameraman quickly swing away to film a panicking crowd.It was the scenario everyone feared when Donald Trump took office. Deportation hit squads descending on the kind of Democrat-voting communities who would feel morally bound to resist them, triggering the kind of violent confrontation that creates an excuse to send in national guard troops – and ultimately a showdown between federal and state power that could take US democracy to the brink. Now something like this may be unfolding in California, where the state governor, Gavin Newsom, has accused the president of trying to “manufacture a crisis” for his own ends and warned that any protester responding with violence is only playing into his hands. Suddenly, the idea that this presidency could ultimately end in civil conflict no longer seems quite so wildly overblown as it once did.Or to put it another way, Trump has got what he wanted, which is for everyone to switch channels: to stop gawping at his embarrassing fallout with Elon Musk over unfunded tax cuts, and flick over to the rival spectacle he has hastily created. After a brief interruption to scheduled programming, the great showman is back in control. But in the meantime, the world has learned something useful about who wins in a standoff between two giant egos, one of whom has all the money and the other of whom has all the executive power. In US oligarchies just as in Russian ones, it turns out, it’s presidents who still get to set the agenda.You can’t ride the tiger. That’s the lesson here: once populism has grasped the levers of power, even the richest man in the world cannot be sure of exploiting it for his own ends, or imposing his own agenda on the chaos. Not when a vengeful White House still has the power to destroy even the most powerful business empire, anyway. At the weekend, Musk meekly deleted explosive tweets about the president’s alleged relationship with the convicted sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein, and by Monday he was loyally sharing Trumpian messages about the LA protests. His father, meanwhile, tactfully blamed the outburst on Musk Junior being “tired” after five months working round the clock for the White House.That ought to ring some bells on this side of the Atlantic. For oddly enough, it’s the same excuse offered up by Zia Yusuf, the millionaire businessman brought in to professionalise Reform UK’s perennially chaotic operation, who last week quit as chair in exasperation. Trying to get the party into power was no longer a “good use of his time”, he tweeted, after publicly clashing with its newest MP, Sarah Pochin, over her decision to ask a question in parliament about banning burqas (which isn’t officially Reform policy, or at least not yet). Yusuf, a British Muslim, has long been seen as Farage’s trusted bulwark against those inside Reform desperate to pick up where the jailed thug Stephen Yaxley-Lennon left off, and to become a full-blown, far-right anti-Islam movement.But this time, it seems, Yusuf may have bitten off more than the boss was ready to chew. A whole two days after storming out, Yusuf ended up storming awkwardly back in, telling the BBC that actually, having thought about it, he probably would ban burqas and other face coverings. He had just been exhausted, he suggested, after barely having a day off in 11 months. (If nothing else, it seems Reform really means what it says about fighting back against modern HR practices.)To be fair to him, even Farage seems to find the process of trying to control his parties exhausting at times, judging by the regularity with which he has taken breaks from them over the years. While Yusuf won’t return as chair, he will now join Reform’s so-called British Doge, supposedly taking a Musk-style chainsaw to council spending – which sounds like a breeze compared with managing Reform MPs. Until, that is, you reflect on how exactly Doge has turned out across the Atlantic.The reason parts of Silicon Valley were quietly enthusiastic about their fellow tech tycoon’s slash and burn approach to US bureaucracy was that they saw profitable method in the madness: a plan to hack the state back to the bare minimum, opening up new markets for digital services and unleashing (or so they hoped) a new wave of economic growth by slashing national debt.Five months on, however, it’s clear that any Doge savings will be utterly dwarfed by Trump’s forecast to send national debt soaring to uncharted and potentially unsustainable highs. Any tech titan hoping for the US equivalent of Margaret Thatcher on steroids, in other words, has ended up with Liz Truss after one too many espressos instead – plus troops on the streets of California and the slowly dawning realisation that, as the billionaire venture capitalist Michael Moritz put it, they have “no sway” over what they unleashed.There will be plenty of people back in Britain who couldn’t care less about obscure comings and goings in the Reform party, even as its poll lead means it’s starting to make the political weather. Others simply don’t expect it to affect their lives much either way if Reform permanently supplants a Conservative party from which it already seems hard to distinguish, and a few may already be calculating that they can turn its rise to their own advantage.Yet what the last few frightening days in the US have demonstrated is that once populism has its feet firmly enough under the table, chaos wins. There’s no ability to belatedly impose order, no house-training it either. All you can do is deny it a room in the house in the first place. In Britain, at least, it’s not too late for that.

      Gaby Hinsliff is a Guardian columnist

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      How can US cities resist Trump’s mass deportation agenda? Look to Chicago

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      “Know Your Rights” posters, with critical information for interactions with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) officers, are all over the city of Chicago. Plastered across subways or advertised along local bus routes, the Know Your Rights campaign is a coordinated effort on the part of city officials and local immigration advocacy groups to alert individuals of their rights during interactions with Ice. The posters are evidence of Chicago’s activism, long history of protecting its immigrant communities and resistance to attempts by previous administrations to weaken their protections.Now, as Donald Trump continues to roll out unprecedented attacks on immigrants – notably increased detentions and deportations without due process – organizers in the city are stretched thin and scrambling to expand traditional tools used in the fight for immigrant rights to accommodate ballooning needs.“I’ve been around since the beginning [in 2012], when we pivoted into doing multi-generational, anti-deportation work,” said Antonio Gutierrez, a co-founder of the immigrant advocacy group Organized Communities Against Deportations (OCAD). “We have never felt as stressed out or at capacity, even during the first Trump administration.”Communities in California are also feeling that stress as they rally against Trump’s anti-immigration tactics. On Saturday, hundreds of protesters demonstrated in Los Angeles against Ice raids across the city. Trump dispatched about 300 national guard troops to the area, a move which Gavin Newsom, the California governor, has called an “unconstitutional” deployment.Since he took office in January, Trump has worked to fulfill campaign pledges to carry out mass deportations after promising to remove “millions and millions of criminal aliens”. The latest figures show sharp increases in detentions and deportations after Trump expressed anger at plateauing levels earlier this year. On 3 June, Ice officers arrested more than 2,200 people, a record high. As of 23 May, nearly 49,000 people are in Ice detention, NBC News reported. In April, more than 17,200 people were deported, a 24% increase compared with last year. These figures represent the first time in Trump’s tenure that deportations have outpaced those during the Biden administration.The Trump administration has also rolled out unprecedented attacks on immigrant rights. More than 200 people have been removed from the US and transported to El Salvador’s notorious Terrorism Confinement Center (Cecot), many without any form of due process. Kilmar Ábrego García, 29, was removed from the US on 15 March and was returned to the US last Friday. He now faces human trafficking charges. Garcia’s attorneys maintain that Garcia is innocent and called the charges an “abuse of power”.View image in fullscreen“Our perspective is that there is no law and order,” said Gutierrez of OCAD’s view on the state of US immigration. They added: “We continue to see that this current administration is going unchecked by many different things.”Compared with other cities, Chicago is better situated than most to navigate Trump’s assault on immigration – a fact that Trump officials have pointed out. Following Trump’s election win in November, his so-called “border czar”, Tom Homan, announced that mass deportations would begin in Chicago. Homan warned Chicago’s mayor, Brandon Johnson, and other Democratic officials to “get the hell out of the way”. But in January, Homan complained that Chicago was “very well educated” in its ability to resist Ice agents. Johnson defended Chicago’s protections for undocumented immigrants before a Republican-majority Congress.Chicago organizers have implemented a swath of strategies to resist efforts from Ice, responses rooted in collaboration between organizations that have been in place dating back to the first Trump administration. OCAD holds regular community meetings with its clients to educate on the near-daily changes in Trump’s anti-immigration tactics, with meetings now occurring bimonthly. OCAD and other collaborators also oversee rapid-response groups that monitor Ice activity.As demand for services increases, volunteer interest has also surged, another product of Chicago’s activism culture. Volunteer interest in anti-deportation efforts has increased by 300% since 2024, Gutierrez noted: there are now more than 400 volunteers working in 27 neighborhood response groups. But there was still “definitely a strong sense of fear” among immigrants in Chicago as Trump threatens to ramp up deportations, said Gutierrez. OCAD’s hotline, which handles calls for Ice sightings and other immigrant-related questions, has seen an increase from five calls a month last year to more than 100 each day in the weeks following Trump’s inauguration. Now, the hotline averages about 50 calls a week. Beyond deportation, immigrants across ethnicities have expressed concern about Trump’s attacks on green-card holders, birthright citizenship or overall delays in visas, several advocacy groups said.Even with its robust organization efforts, Chicago immigrant advocacy groups have still faced considerable challenges. Conservative city council members attempted to change Chicago’s sanctuary city status in January, allowing police to collaborate with Ice in certain circumstances; Illinois Republican state legislators have tried to implement similar laws. Such attempts have failed.Chicago has remained “pro-immigrant for decades”, said Gutierrez, a stance that is evident through the city’s extensive policies protecting immigrants of all statuses and its resistance to conservative attempts to roll back progress. Back in 1985, then mayor Harold Washington signed an executive order making Chicago a sanctuary city, and neighborhoods such as Uptown, Albany Park and Little Village served as hubs for arriving immigrants of all backgrounds. Social services providers such as World Relief and Refuge One set up offices in those communities, collaborating with local landlords to secure housing for refugees.View image in fullscreenImmigrant advocates have worked for decades to limit the power of Ice in Chicago communities. In 2012, Chicago’s city council passed the Welcoming City ordinance, which restricts city agencies from providing information on undocumented immigrants to Ice or inquiring about an individual’s immigration status. Ice is also not allowed in Chicago public schools and school officials are not allowed to share student information, as written in the 2019 Chicago Teachers Union contract. These safeguards were reaffirmed in CTU’s latest contract, which passed in April.At the state level, officials have passed laws to protect immigrant rights, said Brandon Lee, communications director at the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights. Members of the ICIRR have previously lobbied the Illinois state legislature to enact the Trust Act, a 2017 bill which prohibits local Illinois law enforcement from carrying out immigration enforcement.Getting the Trust Act passed and subsequent additions to the law was a “years-long campaign” with a coalition of organizations, said Grace Pai, executive director of Asian Americans Advancing Justice – Chicago. “There were a lot of pieces of follow-up legislation to add on additional protections that weren’t passed in that first piece of legislation, but that’s legislation that we’re obviously really proud to have,” she said. Such laws have limited the ability for Ice to gain access to sensitive information from police collaboration, a critical tool for resistance as the Trump administration attempts to use police for immigrant detention efforts.That strategic organizing is only possible due to a statewide network of organizations that has existed for decades, said Lee. Every year, the ICIRR organizes advocacy days during the legislative session during which member organizations and their constituents lobby Illinois lawmakers.Educating constituents has remained critical for immigrant groups. A coalition of groups share resources, including translations of educational material, said Grace Chan McKibben, executive director of the Coalition for a Better Chinese American Community (CBCAC). Beyond the citywide Know Your Rights campaign, groups are often working to combat misinformation through sessions and information blasts, said McKibben, or working with non-immigration groups to make sure immigrants sign up for benefits they are eligible for, such as food assistance and healthcare services.On the policy side, groups still collaborate to lobby representatives to support pro-immigrant initiatives. Every May on Asian American Action Day, the CBCAC, Asian Americans Advancing Justice and other Chicago groups travel to Springfield, Illinois’s capital, to advocate for laws including funding for immigrant-specific programming. More than 500 people joined the lobbying efforts this year, an increase from the 300 to 400 people who have attended in previous years.The ability for Chicago organizers to respond to Trump’s anti-immigration rollout comes down to “building relationships so that there’s trust and care for each other”, said McKibben. “That’s what’s remarkable about the Chicago model of organizing. [It’s about] how connected the organizations are. It takes coordination, communication and a common commitment to what is good for the group.”Still, the fight to protect immigrant rights continues, especially as Ice arrests people at record levels. Just Wednesday, Ice agents in Chicago detained at least 10 people at a routine check-in for a monitoring program, including an OCAD member.Chicago police department officers were also onsite, generating concern about the possibility of potential collaboration between the two agencies. ICIRR has asked the Illinois attorney general to investigate whether or not there were violations of the state’s Trust Act.“Yesterday was an escalation on the part of Ice, all in the name of meeting the cruelty quotas set by Trump and Stephen Miller,” said Lee. “Everyday neighbors from across Chicagoland were apprehended, lured into a trap. This tactic Ice deployed … is now forcing families into impossible situations with no good outcomes and incredible risk.”As Chicago organizations continue to fight against Trump’s immigration crackdown, activists are encouraging other cities to create their own networks of advocacy. Due process, judicial accountability and other rights are being eroded, but the strength of solidarity is not. More

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      ‘History will judge us as cowards or heroes’: Ras Baraka, the mayor arrested by Ice, won’t be intimidated

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      It took about two minutes for Ras Baraka to be propelled from being a relatively obscure New Jersey politician into a nationwide avatar. The transformation happened on 9 May when he was trying to inspect Delaney Hall, a privately run federal immigration detention center that he accuses of violating safety protocols, when he was arrested by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice).Video footage of those fateful minutes show burly Ice agents dressed in militarised fatigues dragging the mayor into the compound. Baraka, who was accompanying three congressmembers, has his hands yanked behind his back and is handcuffed.He vainly urges his captors to go easy on him with a plea that, in hindsight, now sounds deeply ironic. “I’m not resisting,” he says, over and over.Since the arrest Baraka, 55, has rapidly emerged on the national stage as someone who resists, a lot. The son of a revolutionary poet, and a poet in his own right, he was a high school principal before becoming councilmember then mayor of one of America’s less glamorous cities: Newark.He has articulated an opposition to Donald Trump’s march towards “authoritarianism” with a potency that, apart from sporadic actions, has been lacking from Democratic party leaders.“History will judge us in this moral moment,” he says. “These people are wrong. And it’s moments like this that will judge us all – as cowards or, you know, as heroes.”Following his arrest, Baraka was charged with trespassing, had his mugshot taken and was fingerprinted, twice. That second time really irked him. “That was a little much. Marshals came into the courtroom to carry me out to the basement, for charges that were a class C misdemeanor.”A few days later, Trump officials abruptly dropped the charges, earning themselves a sharp rebuke from the court. Judge André Espinosa slammed the Trump administration for having made a “worrisome misstep” in rushing to prosecute an elected representative.All of that took place in three weeks, at the same time as Baraka has been running in the Democratic primary to become New Jersey’s next governor. “It’s been a little crazy,” Baraka concedes, with understatement.The volatility has not ended with his court case, it has just moved onto the streets. Baraka says he is now frequently stopped by people on the Newark sidewalk, praising him for his stand.When he travels outside Newark, the obverse is true. “I’ve had every crazy person calling me all kinds of things. People jumping out of their car, yelling and screaming because you’re protecting immigrants.”View image in fullscreenFor Baraka, the praise and anger has underlined the perilousness of these times. “The country is really, really divided. And, in my mind, really uninformed. And we’re seeing how dangerous these people have become.”Now that he’s had time to reflect on this surreal episode, what does he think it was all about? Why did Trump’s America – “these people”, as he calls them – pick on him?“I’m the mayor of the city. That’s it. They’re coming after the governor, the US attorney, the judges. It’s all trying to prove that they’re in charge, like regular bullies do.”We meet 3 miles and a world away from Delaney Hall. The metal fences and khaki Ice uniforms that confronted Baraka on 9 May make way for a rather grander setting: the golden domed beaux-arts wonder that is Newark city hall.Baraka’s office is up a sweeping marble staircase. There are officers guarding his door, also uniformed, but instead of batons they greet visitors with smiles.The mayor sounds a bit flat when we start talking, as though his mind is elsewhere. But then, he has got a lot on his plate.A day after our interview he lodges a lawsuit against New Jersey’s top federal prosecutor for false arrest and malicious prosecution. The suit also accuses Alina Habba, Trump’s appointee as the state’s acting US attorney, of defaming him.On top of that, there are next Tuesday’s primary elections in the race to replace the term-limited Democratic incumbent, Phil Murphy, as New Jersey governor. Baraka is competing in a field of six Democratic candidates in what is turning out to be a tight contest: many polls suggest he is running in second place to the former navy helicopter pilot Mikie Sherrill, though the outcome remains unpredictable.Then there’s the fact that Trump has come at him with the entire might of the US government. It’s not just Baraka in the line of fire, it’s Newark.Trump has long shown disdain for Democratic-controlled cities, especially those that happen to be majority Black and brown. During his first term Trump called Baltimore, Maryland, which is 60% Black, a “disgusting, rat and rodent infested mess”.Newark, New Jersey’s largest city, is 47% Black and 37% Hispanic, so it’s fair to surmise where much of Trump’s animus towards it comes from. The president’s racist antagonism is targeted at Newark because of its status as a “sanctuary city” – meaning that it offers protections for undocumented immigrants, and limits the cooperation of its police with federal enforcement operations unless crime is involved.There’s no better manifestation of this collision of values than Delaney Hall. It’s 1,000 beds are only currently accommodating 120 detainees, but its presence on the edge of downtown makes its own looming statement.“It’s menacing, a threat,” Baraka says of the detention facility. “They said they were arresting criminals, but people know that’s not true. You can’t find 1,000 immigrant gang members and rapists and murderers, not in Newark. So who else are they going to put in there?”Baraka says that the fear is palpable across the city. Since Ice carried out a high-profile raid at Newark fish market just three days after the inauguration, there has been a steep decline in people leaving their homes for health or social service appointments, or trips to shops and restaurants.“People are afraid. It’s regular everyday anxiety. These people are running around, grabbing people off the street,” Baraka says.In the latest salvo, the Trump administration is suing Newark and three other New Jersey cities for “standing in the way” of federal immigration officers. That’s quite something, to have one of the world’s most powerful governments bearing down on you like a gigantic bird of prey.Is he scared? Baraka is surprisingly honest in admitting his own fears. “You got the apparatus of government, of law, of the police and military – all this stuff to make your life miserable.”He’s warming to his subject now, that early flatness giving way to an intensity of rhetoric clearly honed at campaign rallies. He comforts himself, he says, with the thought that people who came before him must also have been afraid, yet they were unbowed.“When we were fighting to dismantle Jim Crow in America, people were afraid. When the women’s suffrage movement was going, in the fight for labor rights, there was fear, but people still did what they thought was right.”He hopes he will make the same decision, though he candidly admits it’s not easy.“Of course, this is scary,” he says. “I just pray that it doesn’t turn me into a coward.”There are plenty of, if not cowards, then collaborators in this “moral moment”. Universities like Columbia or multibillion-dollar law firms like Paul Weiss, that have capitulated in the face of Trump’s assault without so much as a squeak of protest.Then there’s that other mayor ensconced just 15 miles away across the Hudson River. Eric Adams’s deal with Trump, in which the New York mayor had his federal corruption charges dropped in return for cooperation over immigration deportations, is perhaps the most shocking of all apparent quid pro quos in this second Trump era.Baraka is open about his ties to Adams, and though he stressed he didn’t agree with what had happened his take on events is slightly ambiguous. It sits somewhere between condemning the man and empathising with his plight.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotion“Mayor Adams, I know him, he’s my friend,” he says.For Baraka, the Adams story is another sign of present dangers – not just in the Trump attack, but also in the Democratic response.“This is what this moment does to people, does to us – it puts us in these precarious situations where we have to choose ourselves over our people, over the things we believe or care about the most. That’s why these are very, very dangerous times.”He has a message for those who think they can save themselves by making a pact with the devil, such as Adams or Gretchen Whitmer, the Democratic Michigan governor, whom he also namechecked. Whitmer has cozied up to Trump since his return to the White House, only to find the president now considering a pardon for the men who plotted to kidnap her.“That’s an insane proposition,” Baraka says. “You think you’re protecting yourself, but you’re just releasing your rights, your abilities, your values, and making yourself more vulnerable.”Baraka describes himself as an unabashed but pragmatic Democrat, a progressive who gets things done. “I’m a pragmatist at heart,” he says. “As mayor, I don’t have the luxury of debating ideology in the egg line at the supermarket. I’ve got to get people jobs and opportunity.”His record since he became mayor in 2014, succeeding Cory Booker who left city hall for the US Senate, has earned him the plaudits of such Democratic luminaries as Barack Obama. The former president praised Baraka in the New Yorker as being “both idealistic and practical”.Under Baraka, Newark homicides have fallen to lows not seen since the 1940s. He is proud of his record on attracting new businesses to the city, improving water quality and increasing childhood vaccinations.Yet in the gubernatorial race, he still faces the old put-down leveled at progressives: unelectability. He complains that during the campaign he has been labeled “too progressive, too Newark, and too Black”.“It’s hogwash,” he says animatedly. “The moderates, they want to keep the status quo and are maintaining these lies to make people do what’s safe, as opposed to what’s right.”Trump lost New Jersey last November by six percentage points. That was a 10-point improvement for him on 2020 – the second largest swing in his favour of any state.Baraka blames that startling result not on Trump’s appeal, but on the Democrats’ failings, especially in their pitch to working Americans. “The Democrats lost touch with people, that’s the real issue: the Democratic party’s ability to connect to its voter base and to attract new voters. Ultimately, they did not inspire.”He criticizes the party for being afraid of powerful interests. “People can’t pay their healthcare costs, but we’re afraid to challenge the healthcare industry; childcare costs are too high, but we’re afraid to lean into child tax credits that would end child poverty; rents and mortgages are unaffordable, but we’re afraid of developers and big banks.”His critique does not end there. Democratic leaders are also proving incapable of rising to the challenge of this perilous moment.“We’ve seen a bunch of disparate, spur-of-the-moment acts by individuals and smaller groups, but there’s no collective offensive strategy. And we’ve underestimated Donald Trump.”So why does he stick with it? Why stay in a Democratic party that he believes is abjectly failing?“It’s all we have right now. This is what we got. We got to fight with the weapons we have until there’s others. I mean, pragmatically.”Poetry is not the most conventional tactic in a bid for statewide office. One of Baraka’s closing political ads in the primaries has him reciting American Poem, his best-known work which is featured by Beyoncé in her current Cowboy Carter tour.Baraka argues that poetry can be a powerful tool in reaching out to voters. “There’s a lot of folks who respond to art, poetry, music. And I’m a poet. My dad said: ‘Never lose your poetry license.’ So I’m not.”View image in fullscreenHis dad was the prominent Black poet, playwright and jazz aficionado, Amiri Baraka (AKA Everett Leroy Jones AKA LeRoi Jones). Newark born and raised, Baraka Sr was a founding member of the 1960s Black Arts movement; he helped both to chronicle and shape the Black liberation struggle.Though a radical and at times a revolutionary, Amiri Baraka also worked within the system to promote Black politicians. He was seminal in having Kenneth Gibson elected in 1970 as the first Black mayor of Newark.It must have been a profound sadness for Baraka, then, that his father died in January 2014, four months before he himself won the mayoral election.“It was worse than that, I guess,” Baraka reflected. “My father didn’t want me to run for mayor at first – he knew how ugly this thing is. But in the last week or so of his life, he was passing out flyers in his hospital room, encouraging doctors, patients to vote for me. ‘My son’s running for mayor! My son’s running for mayor!’ Yeah, that was amazing.”American Poem is a call for an inclusive definition of America and what it is to be an American. “It’s me saying, I want to hear an American poem that talks about all the things – good or bad – that people refuse to talk about: our communities, our struggles, our lives, our culture, our history – all of which is as American as the KKK.”The poem was written in the 1990s, when Baraka was straight out of college. That’s uncanny, because it reads today with a burning contemporary urgency, as though it was composed as a direct riposte to Trump’s ideology of “America first”:
      I want to hear an American poem
      You know, something made in the USA
      Something American and Afro-Cuban
      Nuyorican Latin tinge, beaten bone by plena,
      Sprawling out of wide open tenement windows
      In the middle of winter
      Which just goes to show, Baraka says, that the current fight is nothing new. It’s as old as the country itself.“People keep trying to define what this country is. Now Trump is telling us what it is to be an American. But he can’t. It belongs to all of us. Yeah, it belongs to all of us.” More