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Trump border czar Tom Homan reportedly accepted $50,000 in cash from undercover FBI agents
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 September 2025, 23:50
The FBI reportedly recorded Donald Trump’s border czar Tom Homan accepting $50,000 in cash from undercover agents who were posing as business contractors last year.A new report from MSNBC on Saturday reveals that the agents recorded Homan, six weeks before the 2024 election, allegedly promising to assist in securing government contracts across the border security industry during Trump’s second term.Six sources familiar with the matter told MSNBC that the FBI and justice department – then run by Joe Biden’s administration – had intended to hold off and assess whether Homan would follow through on his alleged promises after he was appointed as Trump’s border czar. However, the investigation stalled after Trump took office, and in recent weeks, officials appointed by Trump decided to close the case, according to MSNBC.According to the sources, a justice department official who was appointed by Trump called the case a “deep state” investigation.In a separate statement to MSNBC, the FBI director, Kash Patel, and the deputy attorney general, Todd Blanche, said: “This matter originated under the previous administration and was subjected to a full review by FBI agents and justice department prosecutors. They found no credible evidence of any criminal wrongdoing.”They added: “The Department’s resources must remain focused on real threats to the American people, not baseless investigations. As a result, the investigation has been closed.”The White House deputy press secretary, Abigail Jackson, told MSNBC the investigation was “blatantly political”. Jackson added that it was “yet another example of how the Biden Department of Justice was using its resources to target President Trump’s allies rather than investigate real criminals and the millions of illegal aliens who flooded our country”.Homan was captured on video accepting $50,000 in cash at a meeting spot in Texas on 20 September 2024, according to an internal summary of the case reviewed by MSNBC and sources who spoke to the outlet.Four sources familiar with the matter told MSNBC that multiple federal officials believed they had a solid criminal case against Homan for conspiracy to commit bribery. However, since Homan was not a public official at the time he accepted the money and Trump had not yet become president, his actions did not meet the criteria for a standard bribery charge.Officials eventually decided to continue monitoring Homan once he joined Trump’s second presidential administration. MSNBC reports that officials had been looking at four potential criminal charges including conspiracy, bribery and two kinds of fraud, before Trump’s new justice department shut down the investigation.Homan, who was previously the acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) during Trump’s first term, was appointed by Trump to run what he has described as the “biggest deportation” project the US has ever seen. Prior to his appointment as border czar, Homan was a visiting fellow at the Heritage Foundation, the Washington DC-based thinktank behind Project 2025.After the MSNBC report was published, Adam Schiff, a California Democratic senator and a former federal prosecutor, wrote on social media: “Border Czar Tom Homan was caught by the FBI accepting bribes – on camera – to deliver government contracts in exchange for $50,000 in cash. Pam Bondi knew. Kash Patel knew. Emil Bove knew. And they made the investigation go away. A corrupt attempt to conceal brazen graft.”In an angry outburst on his social media platform on Saturday night, Trump appeared to direct his attorney general, Pam Bondi, to appoint a White House aide, Lindsey Halligan, interim US attorney for the eastern district of Virginia, so that she could seek criminal charges against Schiff and another of the president’s political rivals, New York’s attorney general, Letitia James. Trump has demanded that both Schiff and James be prosecuted on mortgage fraud claims both deny.On Friday, the prosecutor who was serving as the district’s interim US attorney, Erik Siebert, was forced out, reportedly for refusing to bring charges against James, due to a lack of evidence. Trump insisted on Saturday that he had fired Siebert for political reasons. Late Saturday, Trump announced that he would nominate Halligan, his former personal lawyer and a one-time contestant in the Miss Colorado USA beauty pageant now serving as a special assistant to the president, to replace Siebert. More
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Trump cuts threaten futures of 250,000 children of migrant farm workers: ‘We felt like crying’
by Evelyn Reynolds 19 September 2025, 15:00
When Regina Zarate-Garcia was a child, she recalled being uprooted from one school district and planted in another as often as the seasons changed.Zarate-Garcia, now 18, was born in Salinas, California, to farm workers from Mexicali, a city just south of California on the US-Mexico border. “I remember my parents getting home and seeing their pants splashed in strawberries, mixed with that familiar smell of pesticides,” she recalls.Her family’s life followed California’s planting and harvest seasons: starting school in Monterey county, where her parents worked April through November in the strawberry fields, then moving to Inyo county near the Nevada border – or sometimes back to Mexico – while her parents chased winter jobs or tried to live frugally while unemployed.It took a toll on her. She described the isolation of struggling through a disrupted school curriculum alone, while her parents, exhausted from long days in the fields, and unable to read English, could offer no help. “My kindergarten teacher told my mom that I was gonna flunk,” Zarate-Garcia said.Then came a turning point: her mother learned about the Migrant Education Program (MEP), a federal initiative that supports children whose families move from place to place for seasonal agricultural work.From first grade onward, Zarate-Garcia went to after-school tutoring, Saturday school, summer enrichment, speech and debate tournaments, college readiness workshops, and was provided lunch, snacks, mentors and a community of kids who were navigating similar educational disruptions, cultural and language barriers, as well as social isolation.“I didn’t feel like I had two different worlds coming against each other, and I felt more like a cohesive world that we were building together,” said Zarate-Garcia. The MEP opened up the doors that got her where she is now: studying biology as a freshman at University of California San Diego.But the future of this safe haven for the more than 250,000 eligible migratory children and youth, like Zarate-Garcia, is now in jeopardy and could be slashed under the Trump administration. If this happens, Zarate-Garcia fears the American dream will be out of reach for future generations of kids whose parents’ labor forms the backbone of the country’s economy and food system.View image in fullscreenTrump’s 2026 budget, which is set to be debated by Congress this fall, proposes eliminating all funding for the MEP, a program that has been in place for nearly 60 years. (This budget is separate from the Republican budget bill passed this summer, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act.)‘The migrant program changes lives’The MEP was also thrown into chaos this summer, when the Trump administration abruptly froze nearly $7bn in congressionally approved education funds from the 2025 budget. The funds were eventually released in late July after a coalition of 24 states, including California, sued the Trump administration, and 10 Senate Republicans signed a public letter urging the White House to release them.Nowhere would the impact of these proposed cuts be felt more than in California, where one out of three migrant students in the US lives. In California, the MEP serves nearly 80,000 youth ages three to 21, most of whom live in rural areas. In Monterey county, an agricultural region about two hours south of San Francisco where Zarate-Garcia was born, there are more than 10,000 students who are eligible for this support.“The migrant program changes lives,” said Constantino Silva, senior director of migrant education services at the Monterey county office of education in Salinas.He knows this firsthand; Silva too went through the program. Born in Michoacán, Mexico, Silva remembers his family traveling to the US embassy in Mexico City when he was six to obtain green cards before resettling in King City, California, where his father laid the pipes to irrigate crops.“We have the misfortune of having the word ‘migrant’ in our title,” Silva said of the cuts to the MEP.The justification for targeting the migrant program’s funding is that it is deemed costly, ineffective and harmful to students’ stability, arguing it encourages mobility and allows ineligible non-citizens to strip resources from US university students.But that’s not true, Silva says, explaining that agricultural work is by its nature seasonal and migratory.“Being migratory is really difficult,” Silva said, describing the toll on children who are always “the new kid”, out of place, and struggling with disrupted schooling. Families often live two or three families to a house, moving whenever work dries up. Farm labor, he added, is grueling, low-paid and unpredictable, leaving entire families at the mercy of the weather and crop cycles.Food insecurity, inadequate or nonexistent healthcare, and chronic absenteeism combined with inconsistent credit transfers from one school district to another often puts these kids at high risk of school failure or dropout. A number of studies have found migrant children and youth to have high rates of grade repetition and about 50% drop out of high school.The US Department of Education doesn’t track graduation rates for students in the Migrant Education Program, so it’s hard to get accurate data on how many kids follow their parents into the fields versus moving on to better-paying jobs. US federal labor law allows farm worker children to pick crops with their parents’ consent, outside school hours, from as young as age 12.The program was set up to address some of these disadvantages. Silva said he flourished in the program and runs through a list of teachers, vice-principals, principals, program directors, assistant superintendents and a superintendent, all of whom found success in education because of their childhood experience in the program.“We look back on it and say: ‘Had it not been for that, I don’t know that I would be where I am today.’” said Silva. “‘This is where I can be myself and not feel out of place, where I’m safe to say that I don’t know, that I’m not sure, that I have questions.’ That’s the type of environment that we create for the migrant students.”Support beyond the classroomSilva says the key part of the program – along with all the tutoring, socializing and yummy snacks he got – was that his mother also received parent education services that helped her advocate for him as they navigated the US education system, even after he no longer qualified for the program.Starting at three years old, Silva’s team visits children’s houses to get parents reading bilingual books to their children, empowering “parents to be the first teacher”.Silva said they don’t check children’s legal status before providing services, but said that many students are US citizens, like Zarate-Garcia, or residents with legal status, like him.“It’s worth investing in these children’s future, because it’s America’s future,” said Silva, whose own job is now on the line due to the cuts.In Salinas, many children of farm workers assume they will follow their parents into the fields; becoming an attorney or doctor seem beyond their possible horizons. But starting in third or fourth grade, Zarate-Garcia said the MEP drew a different path – literally – on the floor out of chalk to change these narratives.Each summer, MEP staff sketched a giant game of hopscotch in chalk, each square a milestone: grades one through five, middle and high school and graduation. A student volunteered to stand there in a cap and gown waving at Zarate-Garcia as she hopped across a milestone, living proof of what was possible. Beyond that, new boxes branched out – college, university, trade school, the military – options that once felt out of reach.For Zarate-Garcia this unlocked possibilities: “It showed you the timeline of everything and really put it into perspective for the kids.”View image in fullscreenAfter-school tutoring provides students with academic support, meals like flautas and burritos, and a safe place to be while parents work, while also engaging parents through monthly activities and parent-teacher nights.Zarate-Garcia spent seven years doing speech and debate tournaments, which taught her about teamwork, how to write argumentative essays, do research backed by credible sources, defend her claims, enunciate, project her voice and debate in a way that is respectful.Zarate-Garcia found that she loved public speaking, storytelling and improvising speeches on the spot: “I could make my voice into something powerful. I could make a language that I always struggled in, into something powerful.”The program also helped students buy presentable outfits for their debate tournaments.Her team even won second and third place at county and state level speech and debate tournaments over the years. Now, Zarate-Garcia aspires to become a pediatric oncologist.“The power of your voice is something that nobody else can take away,” she said. Once you have an education, nobody can take that away from you.”When Zarate-Garcia found out about the budget cuts, she was volunteering in the MEP’s summer program and the kids were all practising a dance to show their parents. “Honestly, we felt like crying,” she said, realizing that all the kids she coaches in speech and debate – kids who look up to her – may never thrive without the crucial support that she benefited from.“You meet these kids that have so much potential, but their potential can’t be tapped into because they don’t have that support at home … It’s just so disappointing.” More
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How Trump has turned the legal system ‘on its head’ to meet deportation goals
by Evelyn Reynolds 19 September 2025, 13:00
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The Cuban asylum seeker referred to in court papers as EC could not believe his luck, and neither could his lawyers.They had come to immigration court in Miami in late spring expecting only incremental progress in a case that had been grinding away for more than three years. Yet here was the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) lawyer telling the judge the government was dropping its deportation demands. It seemed EC had won, eligible at last for a green card and permanent residency in the United States.“I was a little taken aback that they were essentially conceding the point,” his lawyer, Javier Taveras, said. “But it was very welcome news.”The judge granted the dismissal and instructed EC, whom the Guardian is not identifying in line with his lawyers’ desire to protect his identity, to wait in the next room while court staff drew up a written order.EC’s team did not know, though, that just the day before, the DHS had issued guidance to its attorneys to look for cases that could be dismissed – not because the government intended to relax its hardline stance on deportations but rather the opposite. The Trump administration was looking to short-circuit the normal judicial procedure and make it easier to arrest, detain and deport migrants by taking them out of the jurisdiction of the court system and reclassifying them as emergency cases requiring immediate enforcement action.In other words, down was suddenly up, and what a day earlier would have been an unequivocal victory for EC was now very bad news indeed. Agents with US Customs and Immigration Enforcement (Ice) slapped him in handcuffs directly outside the courtroom. Taveras’s team raced back to the judge to demand that the case be reopened on the grounds that their client had been deliberately misled, still hoping that the judge might feel similarly himself.“As an officer of the court, the government lawyer can’t argue one thing knowing that what is intended is another,” Taveras charged. “They basically lied to the court.”The judge, though, refused to revisit the decision. Days later, EC’s lawyers and his American wife learned he was in detention at the opposite end of the country, in Tacoma, Washington, under threat of “expedited removal” – a category that, before Trump, was largely reserved for new arrivals, most of them apprehended at or near the border, not people like EC who have been in the country for years and have given the authorities no cause for concern.Chaos in immigration courtsIt wasn’t just EC and his lawyers who were blindsided. In case after case, starting in late May, immigration lawyers around the US have been stunned to see cases they have worked on for years disappear into a black hole and their clients subjected to perils they never imagined. Lawyers from four different states and multiple jurisdictions described how the world they knew – of fixed rules and procedures even in a messy, heavily backlogged system – had in effect vanished overnight, leaving hundreds of thousands of migrants, many of whom have spent years working their way through the courts, at risk of an abrupt reversal in their fortunes.“I was shocked,” Taveras said. “If they can change the rules and move the goalposts mid-game, what are we even doing here?”Dismissing cases in this way may just be the beginning. According to a broad cross-section of immigration professionals, including lawyers, former judges and former federal officials, the administration’s full ambition is not just to bend the rules to fulfill deportation quotas, but to dismantle the immigration court system as it has been configured for the past 40 years – and with it an important plank of the justice system as a whole.“This is about making the executive branch the dictator,” said Ashley Tabaddor, a former president of the National Association of Immigration Judges who served as a senior DHS lawyer under the Biden administration.View image in fullscreenThe attack, Tabaddor and others say, is being mounted on multiple fronts: eliminating courthouses as safe spaces where immigrants can appear in good faith without fear of arrest; eliminating the possibility of bail for immigrants ordered into detention; gutting the infrastructure of help desks and orientation programs designed to help immigrants who cannot afford a lawyer and cutting funds that provide legal representation to unaccompanied children; limiting the independence of immigration judges and firing those who do not appear to be in line with the administration’s desire to hasten deportations; and eroding if not eliminating a carefully erected firewall between the DHS, which is in charge of immigration enforcement, and the justice department, which administers the immigration courts.“All of this shows a callousness and complete disregard for people’s humanity,” Tabaddor added. “They want to be able to deport people like they are shooting fish in a barrel.”In response, the justice department office responsible for the immigration courts confirmed it had rescinded more than 20 policies, which it argued were “unfounded in law or discouraged the timely completion of cases” and added: “Reducing the immigration court backlog is one of the highest priorities for the agency.”The DHS, for its part, defended the arrest of immigrants at courthouses, calling the policy “common sense” since Ice could be sure of finding its targets there and could be sure, too, that they were unarmed since they had passed through courthouse metal detectors.“We aren’t some medieval kingdom,” the DHS assistant secretary Tricia McLaughlin said. “There are no legal sanctuaries where you can hide and avoid the consequences for breaking the law. Nothing in the constitution prohibits arresting a lawbreaker where you find them.”The second Trump administration began making some of these moves out of the gate, but the big shift, immigration professionals say, came in May, when Stephen Miller, the White House deputy chief of staff in charge of immigration policy, demanded a dramatic increase in deportations from a few hundred to 3,000 a day.While Ice began aggressive new sweeps of immigrant workers, starting in Los Angeles, administration officials issued policy guidelines greatly diminishing the leeway many of those immigrants had to be able to stay in the country.Days after the DHS told its lawyers to press for dismissals of slow-moving asylum cases so they could be reassigned as emergency deportations, two senior immigration court administrators, one in Los Angeles and another in Florida, issued instructions on behalf of the justice department’s executive office of immigration review (EOIR) essentially ordering judges not to stand in the DHS’s way.EC’s family told him about the transfer to Washington state three days later. The government, he said, did not update him.Taveras and his team also made every effort to be with EC when he was summoned for a “risk interview” to assess the dangers he might face back in Cuba. But they were given no notice, and their client was told he would have to face the interview alone if he didn’t want to wait several more weeks in detention for a new date.View image in fullscreenEC is one of tens of thousands of immigrants that the Trump administration has moved long distances around the country, a Guardian investigation has found, a practice at odds with past Ice protocols that immigration advocates say seems designed to limit detainees’ access to their constitutional rights.Another bewildering change that Hayden Rodarte, an immigration specialist with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights in San Francisco, and other immigration lawyers say they have seen involves the government’s handling of residency permits for family members once an immigrant has been granted asylum. By law, spouses and minor children have the same right to stay in the US, but increasingly they are subject to close scrutiny and multiple in-person interview appointments, any one of which can lead to arrest and expedited deportation proceedings for reasons that can be hard to anticipate.Rodarte said he now advises close family members they might be better off remaining undocumented, because the risk of claiming their legal due has become “huge”.“What looks at first like a blessing turns into safety planning,” he said. “The administration is using systems that are supposed to protect people as traps and is weaponizing as many pieces of the immigration system as possible to put people on Ice’s radar for the sheer purpose of removing them.”Rodarte likened these tactics to the family separation policy that the first Trump administration pursued in 2017-18, the difference this time being that the separation is not occurring at the border but in homes, workplaces, schools and courthouses. “The upshot is the same,” he added. “This is about cornering humans and making them suffer as much as possible.”Administration critics say it is also making a mockery of the very concept of immigration law. “Defending people against removal proceedings is the heart of what we practice,” said Lisa Anderson, a lawyer in Los Angeles. “If you change that, people are no longer being afforded due process.”A similar argument is at the heart of a federal lawsuit, filed in July, which calls the new courthouse guidelines “arbitrary and capricious” and accuses the Trump administration of breaking multiple federal laws as well as violating the constitution’s due process clause. (The government is yet to respond.)EC is one of eight lead plaintiffs named in the suit, which the Chicago-based National Immigrant Justice Center is spearheading on behalf of two other immigrant rights organizations. It estimates that “hundreds and possibly thousands” of immigrants had their cases dismissed in immigration court and were reassigned for emergency deportation between late May and mid-July. The total number at risk is likely to be much higher – as high as 300,000, according to Tabaddor, based on the number of people working their way through the system.“It’s the first time we’ve seen anything like this at this magnitude,” she said.It was also the first time, she said, that an administration had taken aim at immigration judges. In memo after memo from the justice department’s EOIR, judges have been told that if they do not stick to guidelines of what Trump’s justice department regards as impartial decision-making and “fidelity to the law” they risk losing their jobs – and many of them have.Out of about 750 immigration judges who were serving in January, more than a hundred have been fired, according to court dockets and data collected by a professional union. To address what was already a chronic backlog of cases, the administration has proposed sending in hundreds of military lawyers to serve in their place, offering just two weeks’ training to familiarize them with the relevant areas of the law.View image in fullscreenMany of the veteran judges who have been dismissed granted asylum in a high percentage of cases – sometimes 90% or higher, according to a Syracuse University website that tracks the data. Immigration experts say those rates can depend on jurisdiction as much as personal temperament, but the justice department has decried them as “statistically improbable outcome metrics” for which the judges involved merit professional discipline.The judges themselves were given no reason for being fired, according to at least half a dozen who have shared the short email they received, other than article II of the constitution, which details the president’s executive powers. Some have spoken out to denounce their treatment as arbitrary, unfair and an attack on the rule of law.It’s a sentiment that Tabaddor echoed based on her own 15-plus years on the immigration court and, before that, as a lawyer representing the federal government. “My entire life has been dedicated to the principles of justice and integrity … and humanity, and it feels like I just watched my child being murdered,” Tabaddor said. “Everything has been turned on its head. What’s happening in immigration court is just another symptom of a full-frontal assault and takeover of the Department of Justice. This is not normal. This is not defensible.”The justice department declined to respond.Targeting the judges themselvesThe immigration courts as they are known today were created in 1983 to separate out the functions of immigration enforcement, then still housed within the justice department, and the adjudication of cases. In other words, judicial independence and the constitutional right to due process were the core reason for the courts to exist at all. “They did a study and concluded it doesn’t pass the laugh test to have the same people wearing the enforcement hats and making the final decisions about people’s future,” Tabaddor recounted.The system was far from perfect, and immigration judges enjoyed only what the EOIR described as “quasi-judicial functions”, meaning they were regarded as legal administrators more than full justices. Still, they enjoyed significant job protections and could only be removed for cause.That began to change during the first Trump administration, which pushed to decertify the National Association of Immigration Judges, essentially the judges’ union, that had acted as a guarantor of the judges’ job security and with it their independence. The lone Democrat on a key federal review body denounced the decertification as an exercise in “legal gymnastics”, but it went through at the tail-end of Trump’s first term on a party-line vote.View image in fullscreenThe second Trump administration came in with guns blazing, immediately firing the top leadership of EOIR. It also went after immigration judges themselves, as it did against large swaths of federal workers, designating them “inferior officers” – meaning they needed to defer to more senior political appointees confirmed by the Senate – and firing large numbers of them at will.It wasn’t just senior judges with high asylum approval rates that came under the axe. Senate Democrats noticed the administration was failing to convert roughly half of the newest judicial appointees at the end of their probationary period – in almost all cases ditching the ones who had previously worked as lawyers representing immigrants and keeping the ones who had worked in immigration enforcement.Then, starting in May, came a series of unprecedented rulings and memos from the EOIR. One stripped judges’ ability to grant bail in detention cases. Another set a dauntingly high standard for determining whether Salvadorian nationals faced a legitimate fear of imprisonment and torture if returned home – despite that country’s well-documented history of human rights abuses.The upshot was, once again, to constrain rank-and-file immigration judges’ room for maneuver. An 22 August memo from EOIR’s acting director, Sirce Owen, warned that judicial independence “is not a license to ignore a clear directive from a proper appellate authority … [Immigration judges] do not possess intrinsic, free-floating equitable authority”.The instruction to allow the government to reassign asylum and other ordinary immigration cases, even without cause, fits into the overall pattern of imposing limits on how judges can rule while nominally continuing to defer to their independent authority. Immigration lawyers now routinely petition judges to allow their clients to appear in court remotely so they don’t have to run a gauntlet of Ice agents at the courthouse. But judges are increasingly denying those requests.“Some court judges seem to be in collusion with immigration officials to make these arrests,” said Priscilla Olivarez, a San Antonio-based attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center. She said she routinely sees between 10 and 15 Ice officers in the hallways of one of the courthouses where she appears. “It is clear this is calculated,” she added, “to stoke fear in our communities, create misinformation, and prevent people from accessing their right to seek asylum and the different types of relief that stem from it”.The DHS did not respond directly to the charge that it was coordinating with judges, saying only: “The average illegal alien gets far more due process than most Americans.”Recategorizing asylum cases and expediting deportation was not unheard of before this summer, but advocates say it would happen on a case-by-case basis and usually when the contours of a case had changed in a fundamental way – for example, if evidence emerged of a past violent crime. Sometimes, incoming administrations have instructed immigration courts to prioritize certain cases in line with their policy goals – a practice known as “docket shuffling” – but never in a way that threatened the futures of hundreds of thousands of people.View image in fullscreen“All concept of what we as attorneys do, of the rule of law, of what is ethical and what is legal – they’ve blown past all of that,” said Rodarte, the San Francisco lawyer. “They’re even blowing past court orders. They’re doing what they want and saying if you don’t like it, come at us … They’re turning a blind eye to the rules to meet their deportation goals at whatever cost.”What the government’s own immigration lawyers make of the sweeping policy changes they are expected to carry out is not entirely clear. In appearances at two different Los Angeles-area immigration courts recently, some demonstrated a maximalist approach to arguing against asylum, pressing for deportation no matter what, while others took time to show understanding for migrants who have been in the country a long time and face challenges from the burden of paying for an immigration lawyer to caring for sick family members.In one of the hearings, the DHS lawyer, whom the Guardian is not naming because of concerns that her job might be at risk, said the government had no issue with a Mexican couple arguing to stay in the United States because their deportation would create “exceptional and extremely unusual hardship” for their US-born disabled son.As the hearing was winding down, Anderson, the lawyer representing the family, turned to her opposing counsel and said: “I imagine you guys are quite busy.”The government lawyer, mindful perhaps of the announced presence of a reporter, offered a nervous giggle, but no answer. 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New York lawmakers arrested for blocking Ice access to federal building
by Evelyn Reynolds 19 September 2025, 00:20
New York lawmakers, immigrants’ rights activists and religious leaders were arrested on Thursday at protests both inside and outside the complex in lower Manhattan where federal officials have been routinely detaining immigrants amid the Trump administration’s anti-immigration agenda.At least 70 demonstrators staged a direct-action protest to block access to and from the underground garage used by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) to transport people arrested by the agency. The nature of the protest prompted the New York police department (NYPD) to begin arresting people sitting in front of the access ramp.Others protesting were arrested by federal officers inside the federal building, which houses a number of facilities including offices for the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) – the parent agency of Ice – as well as the FBI and an immigration court.Inside, 11 elected officials were detained after demanding to see the conditions inside the Ice intake facility on the 10th floor of the building, which has recently prompted reports of allegedly poor treatment.These included Brad Lander, the New York City comptroller, who was previously arrested there in June by masked federal agents, provoking uproar and objections from New York governor Kathy Hochul. Lander was a Democratic party mayoral candidate this year but teamed up to cross-endorse eventual primary winner Zohran Mamdani.View image in fullscreenIn recent months, breaking norms, Ice has been showing up outside immigration court and arresting people in the hallways as they come out of hearings in the small courtrooms.Tony Simone, a New York state representative who was arrested at the protest, said: “We will be back here time and time again,” and encouraged other officials to stand up to the administration’s aggressive immigration policies. “Ice is not welcome in our state,” he added.In a statement responding to the protests, DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said that Lander and the other politicians were “pulling a stunt in attempt to get their 15 minutes of fame while endangering DHS personnel and detainees”.“As a result of the chaos caused by Lander, Federal Protective Service called NYPD,” McLaughlin said, adding that local police and federal law enforcement “arrested 71 agitators and sanctuary politicians”, in a reference to New York being a sanctuary city where local law enforcement is supposed to limit or deny cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.In the statement, McLaughlin accused the immigrants who were kept inside the Ice intake facility of being gang members, possessing fentanyl or having a gun.“Brad Lander’s obsession with attacking the brave men and women of law enforcement, physically and rhetorically, must stop NOW,” McLaughlin said.View image in fullscreenOutside, dozens of protesters gathered with signs and banners as they crowded together to block the garage used by Ice – the only entry and exit for official vehicles at the complex at 26 Federal Plaza.As the protesters sat and chanted a few meters from the garage entrance, NYPD officers arrived and ordered them to disperse.When protesters refused, the officers, including members of the controversial Strategic Response Group, moved in to arrest them. New York City public advocate Jumaane Williams was the first to be detained from the demonstration outside.Others arrested near the garage included city council members Tiffany Cabán and Sandy Nurse and state assembly member Phara Souffrant Forrest.View image in fullscreenPolice motioned to the people who remained sitting, then lifted up some, cuffing them with zip ties while they continued to chant. The protesters were then moved and lined up before being placed in a police van.Inside, state senators Julia Salazar, Jabari Brisport and Gustavo Rivera and state representatives Jessica González-Rojas, Marcela Mitaynes, Emily Gallagher, Claire Valdez, Tony Simone, Robert Carroll and Steven Raga were arrested. The 11, including Lander, were charged with a federal misdemeanor for blocking the corridors, then released with a date to appear in court.View image in fullscreen“To be clear, Ice should be abolished,” Brisport said. He described how when the lawmakers had requested to enter the Ice intake facility, officials zip-tied the doors shut and added duct tape over windows to prevent the politicians from seeing inside.Cabán said: “As an elected official, it is my duty to protect my constituents from cruelty and violence. Ice is cruel and violent. Ice puts New Yorkers and our democracy in danger.”She called for the abolition of Ice and said federal enforcement officers were “kidnapping my neighbors”, detaining and sending people to “cruel for-profit detention camps”. She also called for proposed legislation to be passed, including the New York for All bill prohibiting local and state agencies from assisting in federal immigration enforcement.“Ice has terrorized over 3,000 New Yorkers this year, kidnapping them as they attempt to attend court dates and immigration check-ins, holding them in inhumane conditions, without medicine, changes of clothing, adequate food, beds or contact with the outside world, snatching away due process,” Cabán said. More
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Jury finds LA protester not guilty of assaulting border patrol agent
by Evelyn Reynolds 18 September 2025, 19:34
A Los Angeles protester charged with assaulting a border patrol agent in June was acquitted on Wednesday after US immigration officials were accused in court of lying about the incident.The not guilty verdict for Brayan Ramos-Brito is a major setback for the Donald Trump-appointed US attorney in southern California and for Gregory Bovino, a border patrol chief who has become a key figure in Trump’s immigration crackdown. The 29-year-old defendant, who is a US citizen, was facing a misdemeanor and was the first protester to go to trial since demonstrations against immigration raids erupted in LA earlier this summer.Border patrol and prosecutors alleged that Ramos-Brito struck an agent during a chaotic protest on 7 June in the south Los Angeles county city of Paramount outside a complex where the Department of Homeland Security has an office. But footage from a witness, which the Guardian published days after the incident, showed an agent forcefully shoving Ramos-Brito. The footage did not capture the demonstrator assaulting the officer.The jury delivered its not guilty verdict after a little over an hour of deliberations, the Los Angeles Times reported. Bovino testified earlier in the day and faced a tough cross-examination from public defenders.Bovino was one of four border patrol agents who testified as witnesses, but was the only one to say he saw the alleged assault by Ramos-Brito, according to the LA Times. Videos played in court captured the agent shoving Ramos-Brito, sending him flying backward, and showed the protester marching back toward the agent, the paper reported. The videos did not capture Ramos-Brito’s alleged assault.There were multiple factual discrepancies in DHS’s internal reports on the protest, which initially led to charges against five demonstrators, the Guardian reported in July. A criminal complaint suggested Ramos-Brito and others had attacked agents in protest of the arrests of two sisters, but records showed the women had been arrested in a separate incident that occurred after Ramos-Brito’s arrest.A supervisor later documented the correct timeline and “apologized” for errors, records showed.At trial, Cuauhtemoc Ortega, a federal public defender, sought to cast doubt on Bovino’s credibility, questioning him about facing a misconduct investigation several years ago, which resulted in a reprimand for referring to undocumented people as “scum, filth and trash”, the LA Times reported.After Bovino responded that his comment was in reference to a “specific criminal illegal alien”, Ortega read from the reprimand, signed by Bovino, which said he was describing “illegal aliens”, the newspaper said.Ortega also argued the agent who Ramos-Brito allegedly assaulted lied about the incident and Bovino was “trying to cover up for him”.Bovino has previously faced scrutiny for making false and misleading statements. He defended a major immigration sweep in January by claiming agents had a “predetermined list of targets”, many with criminal records, but documents showed that 77 out of 78 people taken into custody during the operation had no prior record with the agency, a CalMatters investigation revealed.And in June, while defending the arrest of a US citizen in a high-profile case, Bovino falsely claimed on social media that the man was charged with assaulting an officer.In Ramos-Brito’s trial, videos also contradicted initial claims of a border patrol agent who had said he was chasing a man who assaulted him, but was stopped by Ramos-Brito and Jose Mojica, another protester, the LA Times said. The footage showed no chase.Mojica first shared his account of the incident with the Guardian days after his arrest, saying he was assaulted and injured and had not attacked officers. The US attorney’s office subsequently dismissed felony assault charges it had initially filed against Mojica and Ramos-Brito, but then filed a lower-level misdemeanor against Ramos-Brito.Ramos-Brito’s attorneys did not immediately respond to requests for comment on Thursday.A spokesperson for Bill Essayli, the US attorney appointed by the president earlier this year, declined to comment on the acquittal. Border patrol officials did not immediately respond to an inquiry and requests for comment from Bovino.Essayli’s office has aggressively prosecuted protesters and people accused of interfering with immigration arrests, with more than 40 cases filed in June and July. But prosecutors have repeatedly dismissed some of the felony charges soon after filing them.Carley Palmer, an attorney who served as a supervisor in the US attorney’s office in LA until she left last year, said Thursday it was notable that the federal government had devoted significant resources to a misdemeanor case against an individual with no reported criminal history. Bovino, a senior official, flew in from Chicago for the trial.It is challenging to win convictions in cases like these without video evidence, she said: “The government bears the burden of proof, and if you don’t have footage of the relevant events, then everything is going to rise and fall on the credibility of your witnesses. If the witnesses are law enforcement officers and jurors believe they had bias … that’s really going to hurt their credibility.”The discussion at trial of Bovino’s past misconduct could create challenges for the government moving forward, she added: “In addition to harming the individual case, if a law enforcement witness has their credibility impeached on the stand, that can impact if they can testify in future cases and if their word can be relied on in sworn affidavits going forward.”Meghan Blanco, an attorney who represented Mojica, said it was significant that jurors did not believe the statements of such a senior official.“These jurors had the opportunity to listen firsthand to the CBP officer overseeing enforcement nationally and could not have found his testimony to be credible,” said Blanco, a former federal prosecutor. “It is a bad sign for the federal government. They are doing everything they can to try to legitimize their prosecutions, and thank God the jury and the public are seeing right through it.” More
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Judges rule against Trump administration on deporting Guatemalan children and Venezuelans
by Evelyn Reynolds 18 September 2025, 18:10
The Trump administration has been handed a double defeat by judges in immigration cases, barring the executive branch from deporting a group of Guatemalan children and from slashing protections for many Venezuelans in the US.A federal judge on Thursday ordered the administration to refrain from deporting Guatemalan unaccompanied immigrant children with active immigration cases while a legal challenge plays out.Judge Timothy Kelly, a Trump appointee based in Washington DC, kept in place an earlier judicial block on the policy, sharply criticizing the administration’s unproven assertion that the children’s parents wanted them deported.The administration attempted to deport 76 Guatemalan minors being held in US custody in a surprise move in the early morning on 31 August, sparking a lawsuit and emergency hearing that temporarily halted the move.The Department of Justice lawyer Drew Ensign initially said that the children’s parents had requested they be returned home, but the department later withdrew that claim. Reuters published a Guatemalan government report saying that most parents of the roughly 600 Guatemalan children in US custody could not be contacted and of those who could, many did not want their children forced back to the country.Kelly said the justice department’s explanation “crumbled like a house of cards” in light of that report.The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the justice department did not immediately respond to requests for comment.Kelly said some children were unexpectedly taken from their shelter beds in the middle of the night, driven to the airport and, in some cases, put on planes, leaving them worried and confused. At one shelter in McAllen, Texas, a young girl was so scared that she vomited, Kelly wrote, citing evidence submitted in the case.Immigrant children who arrive at US borders without a parent or guardian are classified as unaccompanied and sent to federal government-run shelters until they can be placed with a family member or foster home, a process outlined in federal law.Meanwhile, late on Wednesday, a federal appeals court rejected an attempt by the Trump administration to set aside a judge’s order holding that it unlawfully rolled back temporary protections from deportation granted to 600,000 Venezuelans living in the US.A three-judge panel of the San Francisco-based ninth US circuit court of appeals declined to pause a judge’s 5 September ruling holding that the homeland security secretary, Kristi Noem, lacked the authority to end the program, known as temporary protected status or TPS.“Vacating and terminating Venezuela’s TPS status threw the future of these Venezuelan citizens into disarray, and exposed them to a substantial risk of wrongful removal, separation from their families, and loss of employment,” the panel said.The justice department has said that if a stay were denied, it might take the case to the US supreme court, which in May put on hold an earlier injunction Chen issued and cleared the way for the administration to end temporary protections for about 348,000 of the Venezuelans at issue.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionTricia McLaughlin, a spokesperson for the DHS, in a statement said the ninth circuit’s ruling “is nothing short of open defiance against the US Supreme Court”. The administration had contended the supreme court’s May decision meant Chen’s latest ruling had to be similarly paused.“Luckily for us, and for all Americans, the Ninth Circuit is not the last stop,” McLaughlin said.TPS is available to people whose home country has experienced a natural disaster, armed conflict or other extraordinary event. It provides eligible migrants with work authorization and temporary protection from deportation. The program was created in 1991 and extended under Joe Biden to cover about 600,000 Venezuelans and 521,000 Haitians. Noem reversed the extensions, saying they were no longer justified, prompting legal challenges.Chen’s decision had also applied to 521,000 Haitians. The administration did not ask the ninth circuit to put that part of Chen’s ruling on hold as a second judge in New York had already blocked the revocation of the Haitians’ status. More
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‘The dungeon’ at Louisiana’s notorious prison reopens as Ice detention center
by Evelyn Reynolds 18 September 2025, 11:00
There were no hurricanes in the Gulf, as can be typical for Louisiana in late July – but Governor Jeff Landry quietly declared a state of emergency. The Louisiana state penitentiary at Angola – the largest maximum security prison in the country – was out of bed space for “violent offenders” who would be “transferred to its facilities”, he warned in an executive order.The emergency declaration allowed for the rapid refurbishing of a notorious, shuttered housing unit at Angola formerly known as Camp J – commonly referred to by prisoners as “the dungeon” because it was once used to house men in extended solitary confinement, sometimes for years on end.For over a month, the Landry administration was tight-lipped regarding the details of their plan for Camp J, and the emergency order wasn’t picked up by the news media for several days.But the general understanding among Louisiana’s criminal justice observers was that the move was in response to a predictable overcrowding in state prisons due to Landry’s own “tough-on-crime” policies. Though Louisiana already had the highest incarceration rate in the country before he got into office, Landry has pushed legislation to increase sentences, abolish parole and put 17-year-olds in adult prisons.Advocates swiftly objected to the reopening of Camp J, noting its history of brutality and violence. Ronald Marshall served 25 years in the Louisiana prison system, including a number of them in solitary confinement at Camp J, and called it the worst place he ever served time.“It was horrible,” Marshall said.It turns out, however, that Landry’s emergency order and the renovation of Camp J was not done to accommodate the state’s own growing prison population. It was in service of Donald Trump’s nationwide immigration crackdown.View image in fullscreenEarlier in September, Landry was joined by officials in the president’s administration in front of the renovated facility to announce that it would be used to house the “worst of the worst” immigrant detainees picked up by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) agents.“The Democrats’ open border policies have allowed for the illegal entry of violent criminals,” Landry said. “Rapists, child-predators, human traffickers, and drug dealers who have left a path of death and destruction throughout America.”Numerous studies have shown that undocumented immigrants commit serious crimes at lower rates than US citizens – and that increased undocumented immigration does not lead to higher crime rates in specific localities.The rollout highlights the way the Trump administration and conservative officials are seeking to blur the legally clear distinction between civil immigration detainees and people serving sentences in prison for criminal convictions – this time by utilizing a prison with a long history of violence and brutality, along with a fundamentally racist past.The Angola facility – which Trump’s White House dubbed the “Louisiana lockup” – follows the opening of other high-profile facilities with alliterative names by states across the country, including in Florida, Nebraska and Indiana. It will have the capacity to house more than 400 detainees, officials said.Recently, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) released a list of 51 detainees it said were already being held at the Angola facility and who allegedly have prior criminal convictions for serious charges. But while the Trump administration similarly claimed that the Florida lockup dubbed “Alligator Alcatraz” would house only the worst criminal offenders, a report by the Miami Herald found that hundreds of people sent there had no criminal charges at all.Ice has long utilized former jails and prisons as detention facilities. But there are few prisons in the country with the name recognition of Angola. And the decision to use Angola appears to be as much about trading on the prison’s reputation as it does about security or practicality.At a 3 September news conference, the DHS secretary, Kristi Noem, called the prison “legendary” and “notorious”.Once a plantation with enslaved people, the rural prison occupies nearly 30 sq miles of land on the banks of the Mississippi River about an hour’s drive north of Baton Rouge, Louisiana’s capital. Throughout the 20th century, it gained a reputation as one of the country’s worst prisons – due to the living and working conditions, abuse by guards and endemic violence.View image in fullscreenIn 1951, dozens of prisoners slashed their achilles tendons to protest against brutality at the facility.Medical and mental healthcare at the prison has likewise been abysmal. As recently as 2023, a federal judge found that the deficiencies in treatment at the facility amounted to “abhorrent” cruel and unusual punishment, resulting in untold numbers of avoidable complications and preventable deaths.The prison has also maintained clear visual ties to its plantation past by continuing to operate as a working farm, where mostly Black prisoners pick crops under the watch of primarily white guards. Today, there is ongoing litigation attempting to end the practice of forced agricultural labor at the prison, which is known as the “farm line” and is required of most prisoners at some point during their sentences. Some prisoners can make as little as two cents an hour for their labor, and some are paid nothing at all.Civil rights attorneys have argued that the farm line serves “no legitimate penological or institutional purpose” and instead is “designed to ‘break’ incarcerated men and ensure their submission”.Nora Ahmed, legal director at the ACLU of Louisiana, said that the Angola immigration detention facility seemed like a clear attempt by the Trump administration to use the prison’s name recognition to further their goal of associating undocumented immigrants with criminals.“Angola’s history as a plantation and the abuse and allegations that have surrounded Angola as an institution is meant to strike fear in the American public,” Ahmed said. “It’s the imagery that is deeply problematic.”The Angola facility is also in some ways the natural result of aligning local, state and national trends and policies related to incarceration, immigrant detention and deportations.View image in fullscreenLouisiana has become a nationwide hub for immigrant detention and deportations. Sheriffs across the state have signed contracts with Ice in recent years to let them use their local jails as detention facilities. And Louisiana now has the second largest population of immigrant detainees in the country – after Texas. A small airport in Alexandria, Louisiana, has been the takeoff location for more deportation flights during Trump’s second presidency than anywhere else.It’s also not the first time the state has utilized Angola for something other than housing state prisoners.In 2022, Louisiana’s office of juvenile justice moved dozens of juvenile detainees to a renovated former death row facility on the grounds of Angola, a move that was met with litigation and outcry from youth advocates. While state officials made assurances that they would be kept separated from the adult population, youths at the facility reported being abused by guards, denied education and kept in their cells for long stretches of time.Eventually, a judge ruled that they would need to be moved, calling the conditions “intolerable”.Louisiana also briefly utilized Camp J in 2020 to house incarcerated pre-trial detainees from local jails around the state who had contracted Covid-19.Pictures and videos from the new immigration facility during a tour given to reporters show that while the facility may have been renovated, it still looks decidedly prison-like. Cells have single beds with metal toilets and bars in the front. There are also a number of outdoor metal chain-link cages at the facility, resembling kennels. It is unclear what they will be used for.A DHS spokesperson did not respond to specific questions from the Guardian but instead forwarded the press release with the criminal histories of some of the detainees currently being held at the facility. The Louisiana department of corrections did not respond to emailed questions.The former Camp J is now emblazoned with “Camp 57” – after the fact that Landry is Louisiana’s 57th governor. Photos captured by Louisiana news station WAFB showed the area had been painted with a sign reading “Camp 47” in a nod to Trump, who was sworn into office in January as the 47th US president. But officials evidently changed their minds about that name and then touted it as Camp 57 when it was unveiled.Marshall, now the chief policy analyst for the advocacy organization Voice of the Experienced, said much of what made Camp J so bad were guards that staffed the facility, who promoted a culture of abuse, violence and desperation. But he said that he had little optimism that the conditions would improve under Ice leadership.“Camp J has that reputation,” he said. “It has a spirit there – like it possesses those who are in control or have authority.”Marshall also said that when he was in Camp J there was a sense that prisoners could at least attempt to appeal to the federal government to get relief from the brutal conditions. Now, that’s no longer the case. “You can’t cry out to the federal government for help, because the federal government is actually creating the circumstances,” Marshall said.The problem with conflating civil immigration detention with prison is not only that it sends a message to the public that undocumented individuals are all criminals, Ahmed said – but also that they are entitled to all the legal rights that people being held in the criminal context are entitled to.“By attaching criminality to people in immigration detention, the suggestion to the American public is also that those individuals have a [constitutional] right to counsel,” she said. “Which they do not. This is civil detention, and people are not entitled to have an attorney to vindicate their rights.”There are still unanswered questions about the facility – including who paid for the renovations, whether or not it is being managed by a private prison contractor, or what the conditions are like for detainees. But in these early stages, the Trump administration is already touting the facility as a national model.“Look behind us, Louisiana,” the US attorney general, Pam Bondi, said at the press conference in front of the new facility. “You’re going to be an example for the rest of this country.” More
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GOP lawmaker pulls measure to allow Marco Rubio to revoke US passports
by Evelyn Reynolds 16 September 2025, 19:31
The chair of the House foreign affairs committee moved to cut a contentious provision from legislation that would have granted the secretary of state sweeping powers to revoke US citizens’ passports over allegations of supporting terrorism.Representative Brian Mast, a Florida Republican, filed an amendment to eliminate the measure from his department of state policy provisions act, a bill meant to reform the state department in the Trump administration’s image, after widespread criticism from civil liberties advocates, according to the Intercept.The original language would have given Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, the power to deny or revoke passports for individuals the department determines have provided “material support” to terrorist organizations. Given similar language employed by the Trump administration in other contexts, it is believed to have been intended to target pro-Palestinian activists specifically.Since Rubio became secretary of state, he has overseen efforts to deport pro-Palestinian international students and deploy an AI-powered “Catch and Revoke” system to target foreign nationals government authorities allege support Hamas. The US also recently announced it will look for “anti-American” views when assessing visa applications.But the new measure would have significantly escalated these efforts by targeting US citizens. Mast had initially defended the broader legislation, saying it “ensures every dollar and every diplomat puts America First and is accountable to the president’s foreign policy” when the House foreign affairs committee introduced the package last week.However, a committee spokesperson told the Intercept the committee would not allow the passport revocation amendment to “overshadow the bipartisan effort to restore command and control of the State Department to the Secretary”.A committee spokesperson did not respond to the Guardian’s request for comment on Mast’s decision to remove the provision.Among other provisions, the bill package also includes a proposal to create a new “state sponsor of unlawful or wrongful detention” designation to penalize foreign governments that detain US nationals and require stronger accountability measures in those cases.The episode unfolded as Rubio wrapped a trip to Israel, Qatar and the UK to discuss Israel’s war in Gaza, ahead of the UN general assembly meeting in New York next week.The amendment to remove the passport provision still requires approval at a committee hearing scheduled for Wednesday. Even without it, the broader state department reform package faces uncertain prospects in the Senate. More

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