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California’s attorney general readies the fight against Trump’s extreme agenda: ‘We’re prepared’
by Evelyn Reynolds 8 November 2024, 15:17
California was considered a leader in fighting the most extreme policies of Donald Trump’s first administration, and after the Republican’s decisive win this week, officials in the Golden state say they are more prepared to resist Trump’s expected agenda for his second term.Rob Bonta, California’s attorney general, will be a crucial figure in that effort, tasked with spearheading litigation and defending vulnerable Californians’ rights in the courtroom. It’s a tall order as the president-elect has promised policies that could threaten the state’s immigrant population, LGBTQ+ residents, climate initiatives, gun safety measures, healthcare programs and abortion rights.But Bonta, in an interview with the Guardian on Thursday, said his office was ready on every front.“I know a lot of people are anxious and worried, concerned, fearful, angry, sad,” said the Democrat, who now occupies the seat previously held by Kamala Harris. “I’m not happy with the results, but I’m energized and ready to fight … I’m ready to do my job and lean in hard and punch back and push back and fight back against any attacks from the Trump administration on California’s ongoing progress.”Bonta’s efforts could have a significant impact in the most populous and diverse state in the US, home to the fifth largest economy in the world and considered a leader on progressive policies.In Trump’s first term, Bonta recalled, California successfully fought Trump’s “public charge” rule, which sought to block green cards for immigrants who accessed certain benefits, such as food stamps. The state also sued to prevent Trump from denying funds to sanctuary cities, and helped stop the former president’s effort to end Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (Daca), a program that protects immigrants who entered the US unauthorized as children.“Trump has a very difficult time resisting the temptation to violate the law,” said Bonta, saying he expected the president-elect to once again use executive action to make changes that require congressional action. “If he wanted to take a blowtorch to the Affordable Care Act and end it on day one by executive order … he can’t do it.” Trump recently said he had “concepts of a plan” to replace the popular Obama-era program that expanded healthcare coverage, and his victory has raised alarms among public health advocates.Bonta said he had been in discussion with attorneys general across the US – sharing briefs, memos and knowledge from their fights during Trump’s first term – and they were primed to coordinate lawsuits as needed: “It’s all hands on deck, use every tool that you have. Litigation will certainly be one of the most potent and powerful ones.“We’ve been preparing for months, in some cases years,” he continued. After Roe v Wade was overturned in 2022, his staff wrote a legal brief to challenge a national abortion ban, a draft he has ready, if necessary. His staff has also monitored comments by Trump’s inner circle and reviewed Project 2025, the rightwing blueprint for his second term drafted by Trump’s allies.“We’ve got a lot in our back pocket ready to drop,” he said. “In some [cases], the whole strategy is thought through – the court we file in, when we file it, based on what action the Trump administration takes. We’ve just gotta dot the Is and cross the Ts and press print. But we are very far along, very advanced in our preparation.”Trump has threatened unprecedented mass deportations, an agenda that was partially thwarted in his first term by California and other blue states that passed sanctuary laws limiting local law enforcement cooperation with federal immigration agents. California Democrats will face pressure from immigrant rights’ groups to expand those sanctuary policies, which advocates say are not currently the strongest in the nation. California prisons, for example, continue to coordinate with US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice), which helps drive deportations, but Gavin Newsom, the state governor, has previously vetoed efforts to prevent cooperation with Ice.Bonta said officials should be exploring ways to “reinforce and strengthen” the existing sanctuary law, though he didn’t offer specifics.Newsom has called a special legislative session in December for lawmakers to discuss ways to “Trump-proof” state laws, and immigration will probably be a priority.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotion“The federal government can’t conscript or commandeer state or local resources or law enforcement agencies to do their job [of immigration enforcement],” Bonta said, describing the current sanctuary policies. “There could be some additions that could help make that stronger.”He said he would be looking for ways to ensure the sanctuary law is properly followed and implemented across the state. Advocates are also bracing for rightwing pro-Trump sheriffs in conservative counties to potentially violate California’s sanctuary rules. Bonta said he would respond if that happens: “They are law enforcement officers. They need to enforce the law. They can’t pick and choose the laws they want to enforce … if they’re going to politicize it and break the law, then we’ll be there to hold them accountable.”Trump has also promised a major rollback of LGBTQ+ rights and some of his campaign ads have spread significant misinformation about the rights of transgender Americans, particularly around healthcare and sports. He has pledged to revoke funding from hospitals that provide gender-affirming care to youth, punish schools that affirm trans youth and push a law stating the government doesn’t legally recognize trans people.California was the first state in 2022 to establish itself as a sanctuary for trans kids seeking healthcare, and Bonta’s office successfully sued a local school district over its policy that would have required schools to out trans and gender non-conforming students to their parents.“We’ve been fighting on so many fronts against the attacks on our transgender kids, whether fighting for them to be able to play sports … or use the bathroom consistent with their gender identity, or be able to go to a doctor’s office and have gender-affirming care,” he said. “We will continue … The courts are a good place to find relief when you target and single out someone based on their protected class.”Bonta advocated for Harris during the election and was hoping he would not need to stand up to the federal government. “I didn’t want this outcome,” he said. “I was working to have a different outcome, but I couldn’t guarantee [it] … so we needed to be prepared for the possibility of [Trump]. Unfortunately, this outcome is here. Fortunately, though, we’re ready for it, because we prepared.”Read more of the Guardian’s 2024 US election coverage
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It’s OK to feel despair at Trump’s victory. The important thing is not to give up | Polly Toynbee
by Evelyn Reynolds 7 November 2024, 15:00
With wailing woe in the small hours, many of you shared that wrenching despair when the US election result extinguished hope. Beyond reason, beyond reckoning, a nation that was once the beacon of the democratic world has knowingly elected a dangerous, racist demagogue, a “pussy-grabbing” criminal who tried to overthrow the government, a wild conspiracy spreader, a squalid, reckless beast of fathomless vanity and corruption. Caligula, Commodus, Nero, Domitian … This is the way a civilisation dies: by suicide not murder.Donald Trump could now command both houses of Congress and the supreme court, with no steadying countervailing instinct for national self-preservation. “America first” means no allies, no “special relationships”, tariffs for all. Encourage Russia to “do whatever the hell they want”, Nato be damned. He will send in the military to force mass deportations of millions of migrants. He threatens the justice system with revenge, with protesters and opponents branded “the enemy within”. This democratically elected self-described “dictator” can do whatever he wants. And the tides will carry this poison across the Atlantic, invigorating Europe’s hard right from Nigel Farage to Viktor Orbán, Geert Wilders to Marine Le Pen, the Alternative für Deutschland to the Sweden Democrats.On the morning of the result I was speaking to US students visiting the UK from Pennsylvania, Virginia and New Jersey. One had her head bowed, sighing. Another told me she had wept. They were mainly liberals, the sort who might choose a semester in Europe, and were distressed at how many fellow students had not voted. “My Republican uncle lives up the road, but we don’t speak, not since he had Obama toilet paper when we visited at Thanksgiving. He genuinely believes Kamala is a street walker.” They talk of abortion rights and deep dark misogyny: “American men will not vote for a woman,” one said, and others agreed. Trump voters live across a divide for ever unbridgeable to them. How can this be happening, they want to know. How can civilisation be so fragile?But enough of this, before I rant myself to lunacy, fearing a dark future for children and grandchildren. Is it wise or useful to feel a political event as such a visceral, gut-punching personal calamity? Pollsters remind us that most normal people most of the time think little about politics. Asked “How often, if at all, do you discuss government and politics with others”, 30% say never, 19% a few times a month, 19% less often, leaving 32% at a few times a week and 10% nearly every day. Political obsessives (you and me, Guardian readers) are odd. If you live and breathe it, if you see the world and everything that happens through a political and sociological lens, you are unusual. Many others can travel through life thinking only of family, work and friends without much curiosity about who is governing, how and why, beyond perhaps a distant dislike.Out canvassing you find plenty who say they don’t care about “politics”, as if it were a hobby for a few and not a citizen’s duty nor a question of self-interest. I resist the instinct to shake some sense into them. I do say that “politics” is everything: the ambulance or police car that does or doesn’t arrive, the quality of your air and water, safety of your food or medicines, tax you pay, pensions you draw, the streets and parks, the arts, sports stadiums – and the fairness of how we live. I usually expect a laconic shrug.Is that a better way to be for your own sanity? Life on the left is a long and often unhappy journey through dashed hopes and deep disappointments, elections lost and lost again. The people will insist on making the wrong choices at the ballot box – perverse, nonsensical and against their own interests. Once in a while all that losing gets punctuated by a burst of radiant sunlight when the left occasionally wins – in Britain in my lifetime in 1964, 1974, 1997 and this good year. But when they do succeed, watch how many on the left prefer to get their disillusion in early when their government fails to fix everything all at once, veers off course or compromises with the voters.The Brexit referendum result felt like a shutter falling across the country, dividing us as never before, while casting us adrift from the mainland of our home continent. I found it hard enough then to inhabit the mind of Brexit voters who had done this to us, but to think yourself into the impenetrable Trump-voting psyche is 100 times harder. No, this is not just “metropolitan elite” obtuseness: the other side is equally uncomprehending.Not long before he died, I had a long conversation with the economist and psychologist Daniel Kahneman, who said research shows that those on the left are much less happy than those on the right: US Republicans have always outscored Democrats on the happiness scale. I can see why seething outrage at social injustice and indignation at reactionary governments that defend the interests of the rich against the chances of children is not a pathway to contentment. In comparison, look at the easeful life of complacent conservatism, perched like a Cheshire cat beaming down from the high branches of power.Would it be better to give up all this angst and agonising and arguing? Let things be? Do the gardening, try gourmet cooking, re-read classics of yesteryear, forget whatever public realm lies beyond the immediate horizon of your own small sphere. No, of course not. There is no escaping the danger of Trumpism, only escapism. The unexamined life is not worth living, said Socrates, and that applies equally to the unexamined society in which we live. And when you do examine it, action is required. Each time, pick yourself up, dust yourself off and start all over again confronting the forces of conservatism. The more vicious they become now, the greater the duty to resist. “Never give up,” said the vanquished and exhausted Kamala Harris.
Polly Toynbee is a Guardian columnist
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US diplomats brace as Trump plans foreign policy shake-up in wider purge of government
by Evelyn Reynolds 7 November 2024, 06:00
The US foreign policy establishment is set for one of the biggest shake-ups in years as Donald Trump has vowed to both revamp US policy abroad and to root out the so-called “deep state” by firing thousands of government workers – including those among the ranks of America’s diplomatic corps.Trump’s electoral victory is also likely to push the Biden administration to speed up efforts to support Ukraine before Trump can cut off military aid, hamper the already-modest efforts to restrain Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu in Gaza and Lebanon and lead to a fresh effort to slash and burn through major parts of US bureaucracy including the state department.Trump backers have said he will be more organised during his second term, often dubbed “Trump 2.0”, and on the day after election day US media reported that Trump had already chosen Brian Hook, a hawkish State Department official during the first Trump administration, to lead the transition for America’s diplomats.And yet analysts, serving and former US diplomats and foreign officials said that it remained difficult to separate Trump’s bluster from his actual plans when he takes power in January. What is clear is that his priority is to bin many of the policies put in place by his predecessor.“I’m skeptical that the transition process will be super-impactful since the natural instinct of the new team will be to toss all of Biden’s foreign policy in the dumpster,” one former senior diplomat said.“If you go back to 2016, Mexico didn’t pay for the wall. And, you know, it doesn’t look like there was a secret plan to defeat Isis,” said Richard Fontaine, the CEO of the Center for a New American Security thinktank. “Some of these things didn’t turn out the way that they were talked about on that campaign trail and we go into this without really knowing what the president’s proposal will be for all of this – and what he will do.”One clear priority, however, is to target many of those involved in crafting US foreign policy as part of a broader purge of the US government.Trump has vowed to revive Schedule F, a designation that would strip tens of thousands of federal employees of their protections as civil servants and define them instead as political appointees, giving Trump immense powers to fire “rogue bureaucrats”, as he called them in a campaign statement.Within the State Department, there are concerns that Trump could target the bureaus that focus specifically on issues that he has attacked during his reelection campaign such as immigration. In particular, he could slash entire bureaus of the State Department, including the bureau of population, refugees and migration (PRM, which resettled 125,000 refugees to the US in 2022 alone), as well as the bureau of democracy, human rights and labor, which has focused on the violation of the rights of Palestinians by Israel.Project 2025, a policy memo released by the conservative Heritage Foundation, suggested that Trump would merely reassign PRM to shift resources to “challenges stemming from the current immigration situation until the crisis can be contained” and said it would demand “indefinite curtailment of the number of USRAP [United States refugee admissions program] refugee admissions”.But the blueprint, authored by Kiron Skinner, a former director of policy planning at the State Department during the first Trump administration, went further, suggesting that Trump could simply freeze the agency’s work for a complete reevaluation of its earlier policy.“Before inauguration, the president-elect’s department transition team should assess every aspect of State Department negotiations and funding commitments,” a section of the memo said. After inauguration, Skinner wrote, the secretary of state should “order an immediate freeze on all efforts to implement unratified treaties and international agreements, allocation of resources, foreign assistance disbursements, domestic and international contracts and payments, hiring and recruiting decisions, etc” pending a review by a political appointee.“Everyone is bracing [themselves],” said one diplomat stationed abroad. “Some [diplomats] may choose to leave before he even arrives.”Trump has also vowed to “overhaul federal departments and agencies, firing all of the corrupt actors in our national security and intelligence apparatus”.As Joe Biden enters his lame duck period, the administration will focus on trying to push through $6bn in aid that has already been approved for Ukraine, as well as exerting whatever leverage remains in his administration to find an unlikely ceasefire in Gaza.At the same time, they will have to calm a nervous world waiting to see what Trump has planned for his second term.“I think they’re going to do everything they can to make the case that the United States needs to continue to aid Ukraine, and they’ll have to spend a lot of time, I’m sure, dealing with nervous Ukrainians and nervous Europeans,” said Fontaine. At an upcoming G20 summit in Rio, the current administration was “going to try to reassure the rest of the world that a lot of the things that they have done over the past four years are going to stick into the future rather than just be kind of undone”.“And,” he added, “we’ll see what the reaction to that is.” More
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‘Leaning into the whiteness’: journalist Paola Ramos on why some Latinos have turned to the far right
by Evelyn Reynolds 1 November 2024, 13:18
When the comedian Tony Hinchcliffe made racist and disparaging comments about Latinos and referred to Puerto Rico as “a floating island of garbage”, at a Donald Trump rally in New York on Sunday, it was met with outrage from many Latino politicians, voters and celebrities. Still, those comments did not deter some Republican Latinos from affirming their support for Trump.“If you were already supporting Trump, I don’t think this is a comment that will make you reconsider that choice,” said the journalist Paola Ramos, the author of Defectors: The Rise of the Latino Far Right and What it Means for America.However, Ramos said that she has talked to some Latino voters who are now realizing that Trump’s xenophobia could include them: “The question is for those that are independent, or those that were flirting with the idea of voting for Trump. The biggest difference is that the narrative, for the first time in a while, shifted from being targeted at immigrants to suddenly being targeted, not just directly at Latinos, but even US citizens. That has sort of awakened a lot of people for the first time to be like, ‘Oh, wait a second.’“We’ve been so used to pinpointing a narrative at the border, on immigrants, on migrants, on undocumented people, and then suddenly the conversation has shifted to people within us and inside us.”
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In the run-up to the 2024 presidential election, Trump has gained inroads from Latino voters, a base that was once reliably Democratic. While the majority of Latinos favor Kamala Harris, the shift is pronounced among Latino men, with 44% saying that they support Trump, up from 37% in 2020, according to a recent Reuters/Ipsos poll.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionThat political shift toward far-right sentiments in Latino communities can be attributed to tribalism, traditionalism and trauma, Ramos writes in Defectors. Tribalism refers to internalised racism, while traditionalism is based on conservative moral values and the ongoing effects of colonialism, and trauma comes from grappling with political upheaval in Latin America. Additionally, fantasy heritage, a concept coined by the civil rights activist and historian Carey McWilliams in the late 1940s in which Latinos whitewash their Indigenous or Black roots in favor of their Spanish ancestry, draws some Latinos to white supremacist values.“One of the entry points for far right Latinos into the world of white supremacy and white nationalism is by leaning into the Spanish heritage, leaning into the whiteness,” Ramos said. For instance, she interviewed Mexican American border vigilantes who held anti-immigration beliefs because they distanced themselves from their immigrant roots.Ramos also spoke with African Dominican Trump supporters in the Bronx who highlight their Spanish ancestry over their African roots, although they are racialized as Black in the US. “But in their minds, because of fantasy heritage, they see themselves more aligned racially with Trump’s America than they do with Blackness, and so I think that that’s where Trump is able to tap into some of that racial grievance.”View image in fullscreenThe path toward democracy in Latin American countries has often involved an authoritarian strongman, Ramos writes in her book. In the late 1970s, for instance, 17 out of 20 Latin American nations were ruled by dictators. Ramos interviewed Eulalia Jimenez, the leader of the conservative parents rights group Moms for Liberty, and Anthony Aguero, a border vigilante in Texas, whose political trauma manifested into far-right sentiments.Trauma is also what drew some supporters, such as the Cuban American Gabriel Garcia, a Proud Boys member, to join the January 6 insurrection after Trump lost the election. Garcia’s parents, who were unaccompanied minors airlifted out of Cuba during a covert US program in the 1960s, instilled in him a fear of communism and conservative sentiments that would inform his political beliefs. “At a time when democracy seems to feel a little messy for some folks,” Ramos said, “the elements of authoritarianism [aren’t] as scary for some Latinos.”In order to win back Latino votes, Ramos said, progressives must understand the complicated and rich nature of Latino identity and their quest for belonging in the US – which is all the more important now, as the country is projected to become a majority minority nation in 2045.Younger Latinos over the past decade have grown emboldened to challenge the Democratic party. “Part of that requires a level of curiosity to understand why internalized racism works so well, and why colorism is so present, and why anti-Blackness and these anti-immigrant sentiments can really manifest themselves,” Ramos said. “And I think part of that is just having conversations around identity that I think in the party they haven’t had.”Since her book launched in September, Ramos has talked to Latino voters while touring cities from New York to Los Angeles, an experience she described as “group therapy”. Some readers shared the pain that they felt of having undocumented immigrants as well as Trump supporters in their family, or young Latinos seeking acceptance from their religious families. “They’ve been really emotional, really personal, and I think painful too.” She urged progressives to understand “the pain that a lot of people are going through with not feeling a big solidarity right now”.While it is easy to see Trump supporters as radical, Ramos said that a deeper understanding of Latin American history is crucial to regaining the trust of Latino voters who are disillusioned by politics. Toward the end of Defectors, Ramos illustrated a future in which Latinos embrace their complex history and identity in a quest for collective liberation. “In that future, we finally wake up freer,” Ramos concluded in the book. “Welcome to the year 2045.” More
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If Trump wins the election, mass deportations could wreak havoc on immigrants
by Evelyn Reynolds 31 October 2024, 18:20
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This is the first part of the standfirst This is the second part of the standfirst Headline what’s at stake?
Every day, Nayeli arrives for work at a meat-processing plant in rural Tennessee – the same place where, on the morning of 5 April 2018, federal agents swept in, helicopters buzzing above, and took her and nearly 100 other workers into custody, as part of the Trump administration’s then escalating crackdown on illegal immigration.They were rounded up and put on buses without the opportunity to explain who they were or how long they had worked there, she said. Many were sent to out-of-state detention centers. Nayeli was among those released that evening, allowed to return home to her son, who was nine at the time. All faced deportation.Last year, the immigrant workers won a rare settlement in a class-action lawsuit against the US government and federal agents, who they accused of racial profiling and excessive use of force. After a year without work, Nayeli returned to her job at the plant, Southeastern Provision, located in the small, lakeside town of Bean Station. She says she is moving forward with her life in Tennessee, where she now helps organize her community as part of a local immigrant rights coalition.But that day in April still haunts her. She fears it could happen again, to her and other immigrants if Donald Trump were to return to power.“I am afraid that he may win, because I have heard that he wants deportations,” she said. “I am very scared of this.”Raids and mass deportations lie at the heart of the former president’s second-term vision – a web of policies so vast that critics say their collective implementation would challenge the very ideal of the United States as a nation of immigrants.Should he win in November, the Republican nominee has vowed not only to restore many of his most controversial immigration policies, but to go even further. While a number of his first-term plans were stymied by the courts and Congress, immigration rights leaders believe a second Trump administration would likely be more sophisticated and strategic.“It is different this time. There’s a plan. There is a sense of urgency that they’ve created around this issue,” said Vanessa Cárdenas, executive director of the immigration advocacy group America’s Voice. “And they know how to use the levers of government in a way they didn’t in 2016.”View image in fullscreenTrump would also be operating in a changed political landscape. Since leaving office, the political center of gravity has shifted rightward, amid a post-pandemic rise in global migration that saw a record number of people arriving at the southern border and claiming asylum. Americans have become less tolerant of illegal immigration while a growing minority is increasingly concerned about its impact on the country’s economy and national identity.Though border crossings have plummeted this year following the president’s asylum clampdown, a sense of disorder persists. Voters continue to broadly disapprove of the Biden-Harris administration’s handling of the situation. Trump and his team are confident immigration remains a potent political issue for voters – and one that he has long played to his advantage.When Trump first descended a golden escalator in 2015, he pledged to construct a “great wall” along the south-west border with Mexico to keep out immigrants he disparaged as “rapists” and drug dealers. Now, in the final weeks of his third presidential race, Trump has again escalated his threats against immigrants, but this time he is turning his vitriol inward toward those already here.“The United States is now an occupied country,” Trump claimed recently at a rally in Atlanta. “But on November 5, 2024, that will be liberation day in America.”‘Not just the bad people’Trump has vowed to stage the “largest deportation operation in American history”. The former president repeats the pledge so frequently, it has become a campaign rallying cry. At the Republican national convention in Milwaukee this summer, his supporters waved signs that read “Mass deportations now!” and chanted: “Send them back.”Trump has offered few concrete details about his plans, but in public remarks and interviews, he and his allies, including Stephen Miller, the architect of Trump’s harsh immigration agenda and an influential adviser, have sketched out an expansive vision that dovetails with the plans laid out in Project 2025, a 900-plus page presidential transition blueprint led by the rightwing Heritage Foundation. The strategy, as Trump has described it, may involve the extraordinary use of US troops for immigration enforcement and border security and the application of 18th-century wartime powers.Trump has likened his mass deportation plan to the campaign carried out under President Dwight D Eisenhower in 1954. Known by the ethnic slur “Operation Wetback”, hundreds of thousands of people with Mexican ancestry, including some US citizens, were rounded up and deported. Trump’s ambition is vastly more draconian, immigration advocates say.As he has sought to return to the White House, Trump has pledged to expel “maybe as many as 20 million” people from the US, though he often fails to distinguish between those who are in the country unlawfully and those who have legal residency.There were 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the US as of 2022, the vast majority of whom had been in the country for more than a decade. It is estimated that more than 2 million new arrivals encountered at the southern border since Biden took office remain in the country. Hundreds of thousands of immigrants granted permission to temporarily live and work in the US for humanitarian reasons are also vulnerable and could see their status revoked.“The totality of it is to be so cruel and to make life so hard for immigrants today that they are left with two options: stay in the United States and be subject to presidential demagoguery … or leave their lives here, no matter how long they’ve been here, and go someplace else,” said Todd Schulte, the president of FWD.us, an immigration advocacy group.To speed up the process, Trump has said he could invoke the archaic Alien Enemies Act of 1978, which allows for summary deportation of non-citizens from a foreign country with which the US is at war. In his rationale, he would use it “to target and dismantle every migrant criminal network operating on American soil”, though it remains an open legal question as to whether the supreme court would allow a president to apply the law in this manner. His plans also include the construction of enormous detention camps that Miller, who is expected to serve in a second Trump White House, has declared would be “greater than any national infrastructure project we’ve done to date”.View image in fullscreen“I want everybody to understand this is going to happen,” Miller told rightwing activist Charlie Kirk on his podcast last year. “If President Trump is back in the Oval Office in January, this is going to commence immediately.”Beyond a deportation operation, Trump has vowed to “terminate” every one of Biden’s “open-borders” policies. He says he would reinstate a policy requiring people seeking asylum in the US to remain in Mexico while their claims are processed and would again invoke the emergency health authority, known as Title 42, that allows US officials to turn away asylum seekers at the border.His platform calls for reinstating a version of his controversial ban on travel from several primarily Muslim countries, which Biden called “a stain on our national conscience” and ended on his first day in office.Allies have circulated legal theories to support ending birthright citizenship for the US-born children of undocumented immigrants, a proposal most scholars believe to be unconstitutional. Trump has also stated that he would impose ideological screenings to keep “Christian-hating communists, Marxists and socialists out of America”. The visas of foreign students who participated in anti-Israel or pro-Palestinian protests could be rescinded.Courts have held that presidents have wide latitude to act on immigration. An emboldened Trump, with a deadlocked Congress, could dramatically reshape the immigration system, especially by restricting legal pathways. “The president’s authority there is far more powerful because it is not as much a question of resources as it is a question of policy,” said Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, senior fellow at the American Immigration Council, a non-profit advocacy group.In a statement, Karoline Leavitt, a Trump spokesperson, blamed the Biden-Harris administration for creating an “unprecedented immigration, humanitarian and national security crisis on our southern border”.“President Trump will restore his effective immigration policies, implement brand-new crackdowns that will send shockwaves to all the world’s criminal smugglers, and marshal every federal and state power necessary to institute the largest deportation operation of illegal criminals, drug dealers and human traffickers in American history,” she said.Trump recently previewed aspects of his sprawling agenda at a rally held in Aurora, Colorado – hardly a presidential battleground but a convenient backdrop to stoke fears of suburban America under siege. 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Flanked by mugshots on stage, Trump announced “Operation Aurora”. The crowd roared. A second Trump administration would unleash “elite squads” of federal law enforcement officers to “hunt down, arrest and deport every last illegal alien gang member until there is not a single one left in this country”. He also called for the death penalty for “any migrant” who kills an American.But the dragnet would be turned on anyone in the country unlawfully. JD Vance, his running mate, has suggested a “sequential approach” beginning with people who have committed crimes, before expanding to all undocumented immigrants, and even those with legal but temporary status designated for people fleeing war, violence and other crises in their home countries.At a campaign stop in Arizona this month, Vance deflected a question about whether a future administration would deport Dreamers – young adults who arrived in the US as children, hundreds of thousands of whom are currently shielded from deportation by the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (Daca) program that Trump attempted to terminate during his first term.“We also have to deport people, not just the bad people who came into our country, but people who violated the law coming into this country,” Vance told reporters. “We’ve got to be willing to deport them.”Logistical and economic challengesAnalysts say such an operation would face enormous logistical, legal and bureaucratic challenges, making it virtually impossible to achieve in the span of a four-year presidential term.“Any president who dreams of one grand operation to round up 11 million people is probably fooling themselves,” Reichlin-Melnick said.View image in fullscreenCarrying out 1m deportations per year, as Vance has suggested, could cost $967.9bn over a decade, according to an analysis by the American Immigration Council published this month. Congress would have to provide a major infusion of resources, to hire tens of thousands of new government employees and law enforcement officers and greatly expand the capacity of detention facilities and immigration courts, Reichlin-Melnick said.Assuming a Republican-controlled Congress was willing to allocate the funds, the new cases would land in an already-overwhelmed immigration court system: there is currently a backlog of nearly 3.7m unresolved cases, according to Trac, a research group at Syracuse University.Sudden, large-scale deportations would fracture families – both citizens and noncitizens – deeply rooted in their communities. As many as 4.4 million children who are US citizens live with a parent who is undocumented, according to the Pew Research Center.Lisa Sherman Luna, executive director of the Tennessee Immigrant and Refugee Rights Coalition, recalls children returning home from school to empty homes after their parents had been arrested in the 2018 workplace raid. The following day, more than 500 students were reported absent from school, as fear and confusion spread.“It was like a bomb had gone off in this little community,” she said. Teachers scrambled to comfort students, as advocates and faith leaders scrambled to set up a crisis response center. Sherman Luna recalled a sense of shock, even among residents whose families had not been directly affected.“What we discovered in Morristown was that the local community, including many non-immigrant, native Tennesseans, were really appalled by what happened,” she said. “I remember clearly one of the women who had lived in Tennessee her whole life said: ‘You know, I voted for Trump, but I never imagined that this would be the impact of that.’”The economic toll could also be jarring. Researchers say mass deportations at the scale Trump is proposing risk exacerbating labor shortages and driving up inflation. The American Immigration Council report estimated that his mass deportation plan would shrink the country’s gross domestic product by 4.2% to 6.8% – a level not seen since the Great Recession. Tax collections would also fall: in 2022, undocumented immigrants contributed nearly $100bn in federal, state and local taxes.About 8.3 million US workers were unauthorized immigrants as of 2022, according to Pew, roughly 5% of the overall workforce. They contribute to the economy by creating demand for goods and services such as cars, food and haircuts. In a study of the labor market impact of more than 450,000 deportations between 2008 and 2013, the researchers found that scaling up enforcement did not improve the overall employment share and wages of US-born workers. Rather, it reduced them, particularly for low-skilled Americans.“The idea that large-scale deportation is good for Americans has proven to be an illusion in the past and is an illusion now,” Michael Ettlinger, a senior fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire, told reporters.View image in fullscreenUndocumented people often fill low-wage jobs that native-born workers won’t take, particularly in industries such as construction, agriculture, caregiving and service. Americans were especially grateful for their contributions during the pandemic, as millions of undocumented people worked frontline jobs, risking their health to provide essential services.During an hour-long Univision town hall with undecided Latino voters earlier this month, Trump fielded a question from Jorge Velázquez, a farmworker from California who said he had spent years picking strawberries and cutting broccoli in the fields. Many of those workers were undocumented, he said. He wanted to know Trump’s plan to fill those jobs if those workers were deported, and what that might mean for food prices.After a stream of falsehoods about immigrants coming from countries that were “emptying out” jails and “mental institutions” – and no mention of his mass deportation plan – Trump stated that he supported legal immigration.“We want workers, and we want them to come in, but they have to come in legally, and they have to love our country,” Trump said. His campaign did not provide details on how he might do so.Fear-inducing rhetoric and ‘chilling effects’In the final weeks of the presidential campaign, Trump’s nakedly xenophobic rhetoric has grown ever more menacing and nativist. Impervious to facts, he has falsely blamed undocumented people for the country’s woes, including inflation, urban crime and a dearth of federal funding for disaster response. “They’re ruining the fabric of our country,” Trump said at a rally in Walker, Michigan, presenting mass deportations as a cure-all.He has even pre-emptively identified non-citizens as the culprit if he doesn’t win in November, amplifying baseless claims that noncitizens are voting en masse. It is part of broader rightwing conspiracy theory that Democrats are allowing immigrants to flow into the country unlawfully so that they will vote and steal the election from him. (Noncitizen voting is illegal and extremely rare.)Last month, Trump said removing undocumented immigrants from the country “will be a bloody story”. He had previously echoed Adolf Hitler, when he said undocumented immigrants were “poisoning the blood of the country”.In a recent interview, Trump accused those who have come to the US of having “bad genes” that predispose them to commit violent acts, distorting a federal statistic in service of a groundless claim that undocumented people have driven up crime rates. And at a rally in Arizona last week, Trump likened the US to a “garbage can for the world” as he railed against a “migrant invasion” of the country.“We have got to get those animals out of here fast,” he said of immigrants who have committed crimes. (Many studies have found that immigrants – whether they have legal status or not – tend to be more law-abiding than US-born citizens.)“Trump has managed to dehumanize us on such a scale that people forget – when they think about immigration, they don’t think of a person anymore. They think of a wall,” Michelle Ming, the political director of United We Dream Action, a youth-led immigrant rights group.In recent months, Trump has targeted local communities such as Aurora. But perhaps no community has been more affected by Trump’s latest campaign to demonize immigrants than Springfield, Ohio. From the presidential debate stage, he repeated a debunked conspiracy theory about Haitian immigrants stealing and eating their neighbors’ pets. Almost immediately, threats began pouring in, leading to school closures and forced evacuations. The city canceled its annual celebration of cultural diversity due to safety concerns.Ohio’s Republican governor pleaded with Trump to stop spewing the meritless claim, but the Republican ticket doubled down. Vance, the state’s senator, said he would not stop referring to the Haitian immigrants as “illegal aliens” even though most of them are in the country lawfully, having escaped political turmoil and repression.View image in fullscreen“They have no values to unite Americans, no policies to move the nation forward,” said Patrick Gaspard, the chief executive of the Cap Action Fund, the political arm of the liberal thinktank the Center for American Progress, who is Haitian-American. “So instead they rely on the oldest play in the book – the play that authoritarians always summon, which is hatred, fear, division and terrorism.”Fear was central to Trump’s first term. Advocates say even just the threat can lead to broad “chilling effects”. After his election in 2016, households with undocumented family members began to carefully plan routine outings, said Wendy Cervantes, the director of immigration and immigrant families at the Center for Law and Social Policy (Clasp). A person with legal status would grocery shop for the entire family. Undocumented parents agonized over whether to take their children to a doctor’s appointment. Some immigrants disenrolled from public benefits they or their US-citizen children were eligible for, wary it could lead to their removal.“I saw families putting signs up on the front door at the kids’ eye-level saying: ‘Don’t open the door,’” Cervantes recalled. “The climate of fear creates toxic stress, which is harmful for the entire family and in particular children.”During Trump’s term, his immigration policies were broadly unpalatable. But advocates worry in a noisy election cycle with voters concerned about border security, the sheer intensity of Trump’s immigration agenda has been dulled.Surveys have found increasing public support for mass deportation of undocumented people. A national Scripps News/Ipsos poll showed that 54% of respondents agreed either “strongly” or “somewhat” with Trump’s plan, including a quarter of Democrats.View image in fullscreenBut when provided with details about Trump’s plans, especially as they relate to long-settled undocumented people, a survey by the University of Maryland’s Program for Public Consultation (PPC) found that majorities of voters in six swing states and nationally strongly preferred offering them an earned path to citizenship to mass deportations.“If large-scale removals of undocumented immigrants, in fact, begins to happen, it will affect all Americans because, inconveniently, undocumented people do not live in an apartment building all by themselves,” said Angela Kelley, a senior policy adviser with the American Immigration Lawyers Association. She added: “It’s a warning that really all Americans should take seriously.”As Kamala Harris seeks the presidency, she has attempted to project toughness on the southern border while making the case that a second Trump term would inflict even more harm on immigrant communities.At a Venezuelan restaurant in Doral, Florida, earlier this month, the Harris campaign held an event with children who had been separated from their parents under a Trump-era deterrence policy that came to define what many advocates said was the cruelty at the heart of his hardline agenda. (Trump has not ruled out reinstating the policy.)Billy was just nine years old in 2018 when US immigration officials separated him from his father in an experience he said “no kids should go through”. Now 16, Billy said he was speaking out in advance of the election because he didn’t want this to happen again.“We still fear,” he said, standing beside his father at the event. “I go to therapists, but I still have the fear of Trump being re-elected, and that same thing happening to me or other kids.”Should Trump return to power, immigrant advocates and leaders say they are better prepared and more organized. As part of a contingency planning effort, groups such as the ACLU are already contemplating legal action against key pieces of his immigration agenda. Activists say they have learned how to quickly harness public outrage. And Dreamers say they will continue to share their stories, refusing to be pushed back into the shadows.After the 2018 Trump-era raid in Tennessee, local and national immigration leaders joined forces to develop an emergency toolkit to help advocates respond to workplace raids.With the presidential election looming, those affected by Trump’s policies hope Americans consider the stakes in November – not just for immigrants such as Nayeli, who has built a life in the rolling hills of east Tennessee – but for their communities and for the entire country.“The community continues to organize and tries to raise awareness about their rights,” Nayeli said. “But I think at the end of the day, those who can vote should support the working class who want to stay in this country and who only need opportunities that an administration could bring about.” More
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The truth about immigration? As Elon Musk shows, borders are always open for the rich | Arwa Mahdawi
by Evelyn Reynolds 30 October 2024, 10:00
When is an illegal immigrant not an illegal immigrant? When they’re a privileged white person, of course. In that case the correct classification is “enterprising expat” operating in a “legal grey area”.No prizes for guessing who I’m referencing here. Yep, it’s America’s most irritating immigrant: Elon Musk. Over the years, the South African-born multibillionaire has amplified numerous anti-immigrant conspiracy theories and declared: “We should also not be allowing people in the country if they’re breaking the law.” Which is interesting, because the Washington Post reported on Saturday that Musk almost certainly worked in the US without correct authorisation in 1995 after he dropped out of Stanford to launch a startup called Zip2.This isn’t entirely new news: Kimbal Musk, the billionaire’s younger brother, has been very open about working in the US without proper legal status. During an interview at a conference in 2013, for example, Kimbal bluntly stated that the brothers were “illegal immigrants” when they started Zip2. Elon interjected that it was a “grey area” and the crowd laughed. Breaking the law is very funny when you’re a certain type of person.Musk isn’t the only big name in Maga circles with a dubious work history. According to a 2016 investigation by the Associated Press, Melania Trump (America’s second-most irritating immigrant) was paid for 10 modelling jobs in the US that occurred shortly before she had legal permission to work there. Which hasn’t stopped her husband raging about immigrants “invading” the country.While he might not be in the Magasphere, the Duke of Sussex is another example of how immigration laws are black and white for some people and rather more “grey” for others. In his memoir, Spare, Prince Harry talked openly about taking illegal drugs such as cocaine. Whether he was quite so open about his drug use in his US visa application is another story. If he lied, it may be grounds for deportation. A recent lawsuit from a rightwing think tank attempted to get Harry’s immigration records released but was unsuccessful. We’ll probably never know the truth, but one thing is clear: immigration rules don’t apply to everyone equally. Borders are always open for the rich. Arwa Mahdawi is a Guardian columnist
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Trump’s proposal for mass deportation of immigrants is a moral abomination | Moira Donegan
by Evelyn Reynolds 23 October 2024, 10:00
If you didn’t know any better, you might think, from recent media coverage, that the problem with Donald Trump’s proposal to round up and expel as many as 20 million immigrants is that it’s not likely to work.The Republican presidential nominee has made the mass deportation pledge central to his case for a second term. On the campaign trail, he diverts every question, no matter what the issue, back to the supposed danger and malignancy of immigrants and the urgency of getting rid of them. The economy? It will be better when there are fewer immigrants competing for jobs, he says. Housing prices? They’ll come down when millions of people are kicked out of the country, he claims. Crime will come down when the immigrants are gone, he says, because murder is “in their genes”.The vision he is offering is profoundly racist: Trump’s proposal, which is not limited to undocumented immigrants, is based on the assumption that nonwhite people are the cause of all of the US’s problems, and that everything that is wrong will be made right as soon as they’re gone. His proposed solution to everything – from crime to housing costs to inflation – is to deploy the armed forces to literally round up our friends, family members and neighbors by the millions, in a vast program of ethnic cleansing.It is a terrifying, horrifically immoral, and contemptibly bigoted proposal; racist, indifferent to humanity, and hostile to the principles of pluralism and equality. If it was enacted, it would be among the worst human rights catastrophes of all time. It would destroy families and lives, tear communities apart, inculcate ethnic hatred and distrust. To be accomplished, it would also practically require tremendous amounts of violence and force. Some of those marked for forced removal would hide, and some of their friends would turn them in. Worksites and immigrant neighborhoods would be raided, as cops flooded in and innocent people scattered. Mothers and fathers would be ripped from the arms of their screaming children. There is no other way to accomplish what Trump wants to accomplish: what he is proposing would require atrocity.For him, this may in fact be the point. At the Republican national convention last summer, the crowd in Milwaukee smiled as they held signs aloft reading “MASS DEPORTATION NOW”. Trump’s appeal has always been this vision of a future that, through violence, can be made to look more like what these people imagine of the United States’ past – namely, one with many fewer people of color in it.But what is strange about the coverage of Trump’s mass deportation plan is how little its moral perversity has factored into coverage, either by the media or in the attacks lobbed at it by Democrats.CBS and NBC, for their part, seem to have determined that Trump’s pivot to calling for a gigantic scale ethnic cleansing operation is not in itself newsworthy. Instead, they have run stories pointing out that the plan would be expensive and logistically difficult, with the federal enforcement agencies requiring an estimated $216bn in funding to deport the US’s roughly 11 million undocumented people over the next four years. (Ice, they note, received a comparatively paltry $9bn last year.)Construction, agriculture, real estate development business leaders, they note, are skeptical at the idea, noting how much of their own labor force is composed of immigrants: they claim, probably correctly, that the move would lead to large increases in housing and food costs. And economists worry that the broader impact on the economy could be devastating: one economic thinktank found that deporting 1.3 million immigrants would reduce jobs for native-born workers, increasing unemployment by 0.8%.For their part, the Harris campaign has largely taken this line on the issue, preferring to focus on Trump’s mass deportation plan not as a moral horror but as an irresponsible economic move. This is the line taken by Harris campaign surrogate and billionaire Mark Cuban, who has made the threats to the labor force posed by Trump’s plan a key part of his pitch to Harris-skeptical small business owners in swing states.This all may be true enough. It is likely that a mass deportation effort would not only strain the resources of the federal government, but also gut the US private sector labor force, not to mention the disruptions it would cause to productivity when, say, an underslept mother is slow or weepy at her shift because the father of her children was taken from their home by goons. It is likely, too, that the number of jobs created by the mass deportation scheme – the cops and thugs who will be needed to round up the immigrants, the lawyers and judges who will be needed to shove them through the court system, the chefs and guards and drivers who will be needed to feed and transport and monitor them inside the internment camps that such a project will inevitably require – will likely not provide enough jobs to offset the lost tax revenue.But there is something morally depraved about talking about Trump’s plan in these terms. The cost of mass deportation cannot be measured only in whether it will be beneficial or detrimental to the pocketbooks of native-born Americans: doing so supposes both that only those born in the US are worthy of concern, and also that the only thing we have to lose is money. What is being proposed is a vast cruelty, a human tragedy, and a costly national investment in racism. That we are speaking of this proposal in primarily economic terms, rather than moral ones, suggests that the cost to the US has already been quite high.
Moira Donegan is a Guardian US columnist More
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‘He gives them the green light’: Trump’s rhetoric revives hate groups across US
by Evelyn Reynolds 13 October 2024, 11:00
For Denise Williams, the 70-year-old head of Springfield’s NAACP chapter, the past several weeks have been testing to say the least.Last month, flyers calling for mass deportations of immigrants were distributed by the so-called Trinity White Knights, a group associated with the Ku Klux Klan, in Black-majority neighborhoods in south Springfield.“I’m telling people: do nothing – don’t approach them. But it’s not easy for people to see this,” she said.“I think that is what a lot of folks cannot understand – why do we have so much hate?”About 22% of Springfield residents are African American, according to the US Census Bureau.“People are mad. African Americans here don’t understand how this is allowed. We just have to take this for a minute. I know it’s hard.”Trinity White Knights is headquartered in Kentucky, where flyers were also seen by residents of the Cincinnati suburb of Covington in July as part of an apparent recruitment effort. The flyers included a PO box address in Maysville, Kentucky, and a phone number.Ever since Donald Trump claimed during a 10 September televised debate watched by 67 million people that immigrants in Springfield were eating people’s pets – a claim that has been found to be baseless – Springfield has seen a groundswell in far-right extremism.On a recent weekend, several people affiliated with Blood Tribe, a neo-Nazi group founded in 2020, stood in front of the home of the mayor of Springfield holding flags bearing swastikas. The same weekend, individuals holding signs that said: “Haitians Have No Home Here” in English and Haitian Creole were seen outside Springfield’s city hall offices.And in another incident, a volunteer with the Clark county Democratic party was verbally threatened by a group of Proud Boys members last month, according to a report by the Dayton Daily News.Proud Boys is a far-right group that, according to Reuters, has re-emerged in recent months as “unofficial protectors of ex-president Donald Trump”.That followed a group called the Israel United in Christ, a hate group as designated by the Southern Poverty Law Center, holding a large public gathering in south Springfield on 21 September.Though Israel United in Christ says it does not “advocate or condone any acts of violence against any race, ethnicity or gender”, the Anti-Defamation League has accused it of antisemitism.During the vice-presidential debate, the Republican party candidate, JD Vance, repeated the false claim that Springfield’s Haitian community were “illegal immigrants”. The vast majority of Haitians in Springfield have legally entered the US through the temporary protected status program, a status that is provided to nationals of certain countries experiencing significant security challenges.“They feel emboldened by the former president. They feel like it’s OK to do this,” said Williams.“He gives them the green light. By him saying hateful things and falsehoods, they feel comfortable in speaking the way they are speaking [and] coming in here doing what they are doing.”But the rise in hate group activity in recent weeks hasn’t been confined to Springfield.In Charleroi, a town of about 4,000 people in western Pennsylvania, a digital flyer was this week distributed on Facebook by or on behalf of the Trinity White Knights.It read, in part: “Do not let the government destroy your town. These 3rd world immigrants are destroying every single city they arrive in. The government is pushing these 3rd world immigrants into every single town across America.”Joe Manning, the Charleroi town borough manager, said there were about 700 Haitian immigrants living in Charleroi, with many working at a local food processing plant.“They’ve been here for five, maybe six, years and nobody really paid attention to them,” he says.That was before 15 September, when Trump said at a rally in Tucson, Arizona, that Charleroi “isn’t so beautiful any more” and that the town had become “composed of lawless gangs”, comments aimed at the town’s growing immigrant population.“We’re a pretty small community here in western Pennsylvania, and to be identified by name [by Trump], that sort of set off this whole firestorm,” said Manning, who believed the appearance of the KKK-linked flyer after Trump’s comments wasn’t coincidental.“Before this, no one really paid attention to the immigrant community here but now, all of a sudden, it’s like, ‘Oh, my God, we’re being invaded.’ They say it’s a crisis. Well if it is, it’s the slowest goddamn crisis I ever saw.”In Wyoming, graffiti in clear view of a major interstate supporting Patriot Front, a white supremacist group, appeared on a bridge last week, while a banner promoting the same group and calling for the “recaiming” (sic) of America was removed from a bridge in downtown Winston-Salem in North Carolina days after Trump’s debate comments. A student event held at the University of South Carolina featuring the founder of the Proud Boys, Gavin McInnes, on 18 September is believed to have attracted about 150 attendees.“Springfield is not happening in isolation. We have tracked four other incidents, such as targeting the Haitian community in Alabama,” said Rachel Carroll Rivas of the Southern Poverty Law Center, which tracks incidents of hate across the US.“We’ve also seen the sharing and pushing of the racist and antisemitic great replacement theory in various campaign and hate group messaging in the last few weeks.”For Williams, who finds herself managing growing community outrage at the rise in KKK and other hate group activity in Springfield, recent events have come at a personal cost.She said she had received text messages from someone claiming to represent Blood Tribe and had increased her security in recent weeks. Last weekend, when members of the same group appeared at the mayor of Springfield’s home, the chief of police sent a security detail to her home.“I’m looking over my shoulder,” she says.“You would think that this would be over – I don’t get it, in 2024.” More

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