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    Trump says he would consider pardoning New York mayor Eric Adams

    President-elect Donald Trump on Monday said in a far-ranging news conference that he would consider pardoning the embattled New York City mayor, Eric Adams. Separately he called on the Biden administration to stop selling off unused portions of border wall that were purchased but not installed during his first administration.“Yeah, I would” consider pardoning Adams, Trump told reporters at his Mar-a-Lago club in Florida, before saying that he was not familiar with the specifics of the charges Adams is facing.Adams is facing federal fraud and corruption charges, accused of accepting flight upgrades and other luxury travel perks valued at $100,000 along with illegal campaign contributions from a Turkish official and other foreign nationals looking to buy his influence. Multiple members of his administration have also come under investigation.Speaking at his first press conference since winning the election, Trump also threatened legal action against the Biden administration over sales of portions of border wall, saying he has spoken to the Texas attorney general, Ken Paxton, and other Texas officials about a potential restraining order.“We’re going to spend hundreds of millions of dollars more on building the same wall we already have,” Trump said. “It’s almost a criminal act.”Congress last year required the Biden administration to dispose of the unused border wall pieces. The measure, included in the massive National Defense Authorization Act, allows for the sale or donation of the items to states on the southern border, providing they are used to refurbish existing barriers, not install new ones. Congress also directed the Pentagon to account for storage costs for the border wall material while it has gone unused.“I’m asking today, Joe Biden, to please stop selling the wall,” Trump said.While Trump described the handover between Biden and his incoming team as “a friendly transition”, he also took issue with efforts to allow some members of the federal workforce to continue working from home. Trump said that if government workers did not come back into the office under him, they would be dismissed.Trump was joined at the appearance by the SoftBank Group CEO, Masayoshi Son, who announced that the Japanese company was planning to invest $100bn in US projects over the next four years.It was a win for Trump, who has used the weeks since the election to promote his policies, negotiate with foreign leaders and try to strike deals.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionIn a post on his Truth Social site last week, Trump had said that anyone making a $1bn investment in the United States “will receive fully expedited approvals and permits, including, but in no way limited to, all Environmental approvals”.“GET READY TO ROCK!!!” he wrote.Deals announced with much fanfare have sometimes failed to deliver on promised investments. But the announcement nonetheless represents a major win for Trump, who has boasted that he has done more in his short transition period than his predecessor did in all four years.“There’s a whole light over the entire world,” he said Monday. “There’s a light shining over the world.” More

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    Trump’s deportation plan would hurt families and economy, Senate hears

    Donald Trump’s vow to carry out the largest deportation campaign in American history would separate families and hurt the economy, witnesses testified during a Tuesday Senate hearing, as a top Republican on the committee warned that undocumented people living in the country should “get ready to leave”.The president-elect has outlined an aggressive second-term immigration agenda that includes plans to declare a national emergency and deploy the US military to round up and expel millions of people living in the country without documentation. Trump has also vowed to end humanitarian protections for millions of people who fled violence, conflict or other disasters in their home country.The hearing, convened by Democrats on the Senate judiciary committee, set out to explore the economic and human toll of a large-scale deportation operation. But the session also revealed the ideological tensions that have for decades thwarted legislative attempts at immigration reform.“If you’re here illegally, get ready to leave. If you’re a criminal, we’re coming after you,” said Lindsey Graham, the top Republican on the Senate judiciary committee. When Republicans assume the Senate majority next year, Graham promised his party would bring forward a “transformational border security bill” that would expand capacity at detention centers, boost the number of immigration officers and “finish the wall”.Many of Trump’s most controversial immigration policies, including family separation, proved deeply unpopular during his first term in office. But a post-pandemic rise in global migration led to a surge of asylum claims at the US-Mexico border during the early years of the Biden administration. Americans strongly disapproved of Biden’s handling of the issue, and ranked immigration as a top election issue.The November election was a “referendum on the federal border policies for the Biden-Harris administration”, the senator John Cornyn, a Texas Republican and the ranking member on the judiciary committee’s immigration subcommittee, declared during the hearing.The Democratic senators insisted that there were areas of common ground between the parties – repeatedly stating their support for the removal of immigrants with criminal records and the need for better controls at the border. And they emphasized the broad support for protecting Dreamers, people brought to the country as children.“Instead of mass deportations, [let’s have] mass accountability,” said the senator Dick Durbin, the committee’s Democratic chair. “Let’s fix our broken immigration system in a way that protects our country and honors our heritage as a nation of immigrants.”Democrats turned to their witnesses – an immigration expert, a retired army major general and an undocumented prosecutor – to make the case that mass deportations would do far more harm than good.“The president-elect’s mass deportation plans would crash the American economy, break up families and take a hammer to the foundations of our society by deporting nearly 4% of the entire US population,” Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, a senior fellow at the nonpartisan American Immigration Council, testified to the committee.An analysis by his group estimates that it would cost nearly $1tn to carry out Trump’s mass deportation plan and slash the annual GDP by between 4.2% and 6.8% – a level on par with the recession of 2008. Asked how Trump’s plans could impact Americans financially, Reichlin-Melnick said it would exacerbate inflation and cause food prices to rise.“A single worksite raid in 2018 under the Trump administration at a beef plant in Tennessee led to ground beef prices rising by 25 cents for the year that the plant was out of operation following the raid,” he said.Randy Manner, a retired US army major general and anti-Trump Republican, cautioned against using US troops to assist with a politically decisive domestic mission that he warned could undermine military readiness and erode public trust in the institution.“The US military is the best trained in the world for its war fighting mission, but it is neither trained or equipped for immigration enforcement,” he said.Among the witnesses invited to testify was Foday Turay, an assistant district attorney in Philadelphia who fled Sierra Leone as a child and testified that he did not know he was undocumented until he went to apply for a driver’s license. He is shielded from deportation by the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.As a father, a husband, an immigrant and a prosecutor, Turay said the threat of mass deportations would affect him “on a personal level, on a community level and on a societal level.“If I were to be deported, my wife and our son would be left without money to pay the mortgage. My son would also be without a father,” he said. He also warned that the widespread deployment of immigration agents could chill the ability of law enforcement to pursue criminals.“As a prosecutor, I know how delicate the ties between law enforcement and immigrants can be if immigrants are afraid to cooperate with the police or prosecutors like myself because they’re afraid of deportation,” he added. “Mass deportation hurts all of us, our families, our community and our society.”Republicans invited Patty Morin, the mother of 37-year-old Rachel Morin, who was beaten, raped and killed in August 2023 during a hiking trip. Officials say the suspect in her death was in the US illegally after killing a woman in his native El Salvador. Trump, with the support of the Morin family, has cited the murder as part of his appeal for stricter border controls.“The American people should not feel afraid to live in their own homes,” Patty Morin told the committee. “We need to follow the laws that are already on the books, we need to close our borders. We need to protect American families.”Seeking common ground, the Democratic senator Peter Welch of Vermont asked Morin if she would support a deportation policy that targeted undocumented people with a criminal record while pursuing a legal remedy for those who have lived and worked in the US with no criminal record.“Are we saying it’s ok to come to America in an unlawful way?” Morin replied. “There has to be some kind of a line, a precedent, of what is lawful and what isn’t lawful.”The senator Alex Padilla, a California Democrat who has been sharply critical of Trump’s immigration proposals, accused his Republican colleagues of distorting data and conflating fentanyl deaths with immigration. Citing federal statistics, he said the vast majority – more than 80% – of people prosecuted for trafficking the drug into the country were US citizens.“If that’s a concern, then let’s address the heart of the concern and not just use it as a sound bite to further attack immigrants,” he said.Ahead of the hearing, Padilla was among a group of Democratic senators who sent a letter to the president urging Biden to extend humanitarian protections to certain groups and to expedite the processing of applicants for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which shields from deportation undocumented people brought into the US as children.“We urge you to act decisively between now and the inauguration of the president-elect to complete the important work of the past four years and protect immigrant families,” the letter said.Earlier this week, the White House released a memo outlining Biden’s priorities for his final days in office that did not include any reference to immigration-related actions. 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    How millions of US children would be hurt by Trump’s mass deportation plan: ‘Deep harm is intentional’

    Donald Trump confirmed on Monday his intentions to make mass deportations a hallmark of his second term.That such measures would drastically upend the lives of the US’s immigrant communities is widely understood. But sweeping anti-immigrant policies would also be detrimental to American citizens – most notably the nearly 20 million US-born children of immigrant parents.“Mass deportations will be profoundly harmful to US citizen children,” said Andrew Craycroft, staff attorney at the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco.In 2022, one in four US children had at least one immigrant parent, and more than 4 million US citizens under age 18 lived with an undocumented parent.“These are millions of US citizen children who were born here, who have grown up going to your elementary schools and playing on your little league baseball teams, who are facing a very real danger of losing their parents,” said Kelly Albinak Kribs, co-director of the Technical Assistance Program at the Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights.And while the mechanics by which the president-elect would actually execute his sweeping anti-immigrant agenda remain murky, there is little doubt that creating a climate of fear for immigrant communities is one of his administration’s top priorities – and one that will cause irreparable psychological damage to millions of US citizens.Deporting the parents of US-citizen children didn’t begin with Trump. However, past administrations took precautions to limit the trauma it caused, advocates and legal experts say.The Obama administration barred Ice raids from taking place in schools, childcare centers, hospitals and places of worship. Before that, the Bush administration required Ice to notify schools and child protective services in advance of a large-scale raid.Trump’s policies, on the other hand, appear to traumatize children by design to curb unwanted immigration. “Under Trump, previously and in the future, deep harm to children is absolutely intentional and in many ways is the entire point,” said Wendy Cervantes, director of immigration and immigrant families at the Center for Law and Social Policy.Trump’s “zero tolerance” policy at the southern border separated at least 5,000 foreign-born children and hundreds of US citizen children from their parents. He also ramped-up interior enforcement measures, such as targeted worksite raids. In 2019, Cervantes visited towns in central Mississippi where Ice agents had arrested nearly 700 undocumented poultry plant workers, many of whom had US-born children attending nearby public schools.View image in fullscreen“The kids could see their parents being marched into white vans, handcuffed, as they were leaving school,” Cervantes said. “It was like a nightmare. And those kids, to this day, are still requiring a lot of mental health support.”Come January, Americans should anticipate a return to “draconian measures” such as family separation, said Kribs. Trump has also indicated desires to go after immigrants with legal status, expand the circumstances that allow for denaturalization and pursue unlawful measures that explicitly target the US-born children of immigrants like ending birthright citizenship.But how Trump would execute his more radical ambitions, including militarized mass deportations, is unclear.Such an operation would take a high degree of coordination, both between US agencies and with foreign governments, to pull off. A country like Mexico may accommodate receiving a few hundred people, “but it’s a completely different issue to talk about hundreds of thousands of people being sent back”, said Nando Sigona, professor of international migration and forced displacement at the University of Birmingham.It would also be expensive. According to Debu Gandhi, senior director for immigration policy at the Center for American Progress, deporting workers would accelerate inflation, shrink the food supply, slow efforts to build affordable housing and squander taxpayer dollars in efforts to “deport mothers of US citizen children who [pose] no security threat”, Gandhi said.And then there’s the question of public opinion.Backlash again Trump’s 2018 family separation policies was widespread across the political spectrum, explained Lee Gelernt, an attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union who led the lawsuit against “zero tolerance”. “If a second Trump administration does extreme things, we hope and expect the public will push back,” he said. “In his first term, I think they believed they had dehumanized the immigrant population to such an extent that the public would not push back even when little babies were torn away, but there was enormous pushback across the political and ideological spectrum.”Whether or not mass deportations occur, citizen children of immigrants will be adversely impacted by living in a constant state of fear.Research shows that the threat of parental separation alone can cause PTSD and toxic stress in young children. Under the coming administration, that stress will be especially pronounced in mixed-status families, where one or more parent lacks legal status. “It’s easiest to start with people who are wholly unprotected,” said Kribs.Anti-immigrant policies can also have a chilling effect by which immigrant parents, fearing arrest and separation, keep their citizen children home from school, refrain from signing up for benefits such as food stamps or health insurance, and avoid taking their citizen children to the doctor, said Sigona.View image in fullscreenMisinformation exacerbates immigrant parents’ fears that engaging with public services could jeopardize their status or their chances of acquiring permanent residency. The repercussions can be dangerous. “There were parents telling us about how they were making decisions about whether or not to take their kids to the emergency room in the middle of the night,” Cervantes said.Other citizen children may lose contact with the US entirely. If a parent facing deportation chooses to keep their family together, a citizen child will have to leave the US and resettle elsewhere – often in an unfamiliar country that their parent fled for reasons of safety or security.Existing guidance urges Ice agents to detain the parents of citizen children near their children’s residence, arrange for visitation rights, and give them time to make childcare arrangements – but this isn’t binding. “Broadly speaking, these citizen children don’t have the right to have their parent remain with them,” Craycroft said.“Children simply don’t have the same rights as adults,” echoed Cervantes, describing the discrepancy as one of the immigrant system’s biggest flaws.Knowing this, immigrant and child welfare advocates are prepared to have all hands on deck to combat what they see as an imminent crisis for millions of citizen children.“We are facing these next four years clear-eyed and ready to meet the challenge,” said the Young Center’s Kribs. “But there’s going to be a lot of heartbreak along the way.” More

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    If Trump wins the election, mass deportations could wreak havoc on immigrants

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    This is the first part of the standfirst This is the second part of the standfirst Headline what’s at stake?
    Every day, Nayeli arrives for work at a meat-processing plant in rural Tennessee – the same place where, on the morning of 5 April 2018, federal agents swept in, helicopters buzzing above, and took her and nearly 100 other workers into custody, as part of the Trump administration’s then escalating crackdown on illegal immigration.They were rounded up and put on buses without the opportunity to explain who they were or how long they had worked there, she said. Many were sent to out-of-state detention centers. Nayeli was among those released that evening, allowed to return home to her son, who was nine at the time. All faced deportation.Last year, the immigrant workers won a rare settlement in a class-action lawsuit against the US government and federal agents, who they accused of racial profiling and excessive use of force. After a year without work, Nayeli returned to her job at the plant, Southeastern Provision, located in the small, lakeside town of Bean Station. She says she is moving forward with her life in Tennessee, where she now helps organize her community as part of a local immigrant rights coalition.But that day in April still haunts her. She fears it could happen again, to her and other immigrants if Donald Trump were to return to power.“I am afraid that he may win, because I have heard that he wants deportations,” she said. “I am very scared of this.”Raids and mass deportations lie at the heart of the former president’s second-term vision – a web of policies so vast that critics say their collective implementation would challenge the very ideal of the United States as a nation of immigrants.Should he win in November, the Republican nominee has vowed not only to restore many of his most controversial immigration policies, but to go even further. While a number of his first-term plans were stymied by the courts and Congress, immigration rights leaders believe a second Trump administration would likely be more sophisticated and strategic.“It is different this time. There’s a plan. There is a sense of urgency that they’ve created around this issue,” said Vanessa Cárdenas, executive director of the immigration advocacy group America’s Voice. “And they know how to use the levers of government in a way they didn’t in 2016.”View image in fullscreenTrump would also be operating in a changed political landscape. Since leaving office, the political center of gravity has shifted rightward, amid a post-pandemic rise in global migration that saw a record number of people arriving at the southern border and claiming asylum. Americans have become less tolerant of illegal immigration while a growing minority is increasingly concerned about its impact on the country’s economy and national identity.Though border crossings have plummeted this year following the president’s asylum clampdown, a sense of disorder persists. Voters continue to broadly disapprove of the Biden-Harris administration’s handling of the situation. Trump and his team are confident immigration remains a potent political issue for voters – and one that he has long played to his advantage.When Trump first descended a golden escalator in 2015, he pledged to construct a “great wall” along the south-west border with Mexico to keep out immigrants he disparaged as “rapists” and drug dealers. Now, in the final weeks of his third presidential race, Trump has again escalated his threats against immigrants, but this time he is turning his vitriol inward toward those already here.“The United States is now an occupied country,” Trump claimed recently at a rally in Atlanta. “But on November 5, 2024, that will be liberation day in America.”‘Not just the bad people’Trump has vowed to stage the “largest deportation operation in American history”. The former president repeats the pledge so frequently, it has become a campaign rallying cry. At the Republican national convention in Milwaukee this summer, his supporters waved signs that read “Mass deportations now!” and chanted: “Send them back.”Trump has offered few concrete details about his plans, but in public remarks and interviews, he and his allies, including Stephen Miller, the architect of Trump’s harsh immigration agenda and an influential adviser, have sketched out an expansive vision that dovetails with the plans laid out in Project 2025, a 900-plus page presidential transition blueprint led by the rightwing Heritage Foundation. The strategy, as Trump has described it, may involve the extraordinary use of US troops for immigration enforcement and border security and the application of 18th-century wartime powers.Trump has likened his mass deportation plan to the campaign carried out under President Dwight D Eisenhower in 1954. Known by the ethnic slur “Operation Wetback”, hundreds of thousands of people with Mexican ancestry, including some US citizens, were rounded up and deported. Trump’s ambition is vastly more draconian, immigration advocates say.As he has sought to return to the White House, Trump has pledged to expel “maybe as many as 20 million” people from the US, though he often fails to distinguish between those who are in the country unlawfully and those who have legal residency.There were 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the US as of 2022, the vast majority of whom had been in the country for more than a decade. It is estimated that more than 2 million new arrivals encountered at the southern border since Biden took office remain in the country. Hundreds of thousands of immigrants granted permission to temporarily live and work in the US for humanitarian reasons are also vulnerable and could see their status revoked.“The totality of it is to be so cruel and to make life so hard for immigrants today that they are left with two options: stay in the United States and be subject to presidential demagoguery … or leave their lives here, no matter how long they’ve been here, and go someplace else,” said Todd Schulte, the president of FWD.us, an immigration advocacy group.To speed up the process, Trump has said he could invoke the archaic Alien Enemies Act of 1978, which allows for summary deportation of non-citizens from a foreign country with which the US is at war. In his rationale, he would use it “to target and dismantle every migrant criminal network operating on American soil”, though it remains an open legal question as to whether the supreme court would allow a president to apply the law in this manner. His plans also include the construction of enormous detention camps that Miller, who is expected to serve in a second Trump White House, has declared would be “greater than any national infrastructure project we’ve done to date”.View image in fullscreen“I want everybody to understand this is going to happen,” Miller told rightwing activist Charlie Kirk on his podcast last year. “If President Trump is back in the Oval Office in January, this is going to commence immediately.”Beyond a deportation operation, Trump has vowed to “terminate” every one of Biden’s “open-borders” policies. He says he would reinstate a policy requiring people seeking asylum in the US to remain in Mexico while their claims are processed and would again invoke the emergency health authority, known as Title 42, that allows US officials to turn away asylum seekers at the border.His platform calls for reinstating a version of his controversial ban on travel from several primarily Muslim countries, which Biden called “a stain on our national conscience” and ended on his first day in office.Allies have circulated legal theories to support ending birthright citizenship for the US-born children of undocumented immigrants, a proposal most scholars believe to be unconstitutional. Trump has also stated that he would impose ideological screenings to keep “Christian-hating communists, Marxists and socialists out of America”. The visas of foreign students who participated in anti-Israel or pro-Palestinian protests could be rescinded.Courts have held that presidents have wide latitude to act on immigration. An emboldened Trump, with a deadlocked Congress, could dramatically reshape the immigration system, especially by restricting legal pathways. “The president’s authority there is far more powerful because it is not as much a question of resources as it is a question of policy,” said Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, senior fellow at the American Immigration Council, a non-profit advocacy group.In a statement, Karoline Leavitt, a Trump spokesperson, blamed the Biden-Harris administration for creating an “unprecedented immigration, humanitarian and national security crisis on our southern border”.“President Trump will restore his effective immigration policies, implement brand-new crackdowns that will send shockwaves to all the world’s criminal smugglers, and marshal every federal and state power necessary to institute the largest deportation operation of illegal criminals, drug dealers and human traffickers in American history,” she said.Trump recently previewed aspects of his sprawling agenda at a rally held in Aurora, Colorado – hardly a presidential battleground but a convenient backdrop to stoke fears of suburban America under siege. 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    Flanked by mugshots on stage, Trump announced “Operation Aurora”. The crowd roared. A second Trump administration would unleash “elite squads” of federal law enforcement officers to “hunt down, arrest and deport every last illegal alien gang member until there is not a single one left in this country”. He also called for the death penalty for “any migrant” who kills an American.But the dragnet would be turned on anyone in the country unlawfully. JD Vance, his running mate, has suggested a “sequential approach” beginning with people who have committed crimes, before expanding to all undocumented immigrants, and even those with legal but temporary status designated for people fleeing war, violence and other crises in their home countries.At a campaign stop in Arizona this month, Vance deflected a question about whether a future administration would deport Dreamers – young adults who arrived in the US as children, hundreds of thousands of whom are currently shielded from deportation by the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (Daca) program that Trump attempted to terminate during his first term.“We also have to deport people, not just the bad people who came into our country, but people who violated the law coming into this country,” Vance told reporters. “We’ve got to be willing to deport them.”Logistical and economic challengesAnalysts say such an operation would face enormous logistical, legal and bureaucratic challenges, making it virtually impossible to achieve in the span of a four-year presidential term.“Any president who dreams of one grand operation to round up 11 million people is probably fooling themselves,” Reichlin-Melnick said.View image in fullscreenCarrying out 1m deportations per year, as Vance has suggested, could cost $967.9bn over a decade, according to an analysis by the American Immigration Council published this month. Congress would have to provide a major infusion of resources, to hire tens of thousands of new government employees and law enforcement officers and greatly expand the capacity of detention facilities and immigration courts, Reichlin-Melnick said.Assuming a Republican-controlled Congress was willing to allocate the funds, the new cases would land in an already-overwhelmed immigration court system: there is currently a backlog of nearly 3.7m unresolved cases, according to Trac, a research group at Syracuse University.Sudden, large-scale deportations would fracture families – both citizens and noncitizens – deeply rooted in their communities. As many as 4.4 million children who are US citizens live with a parent who is undocumented, according to the Pew Research Center.Lisa Sherman Luna, executive director of the Tennessee Immigrant and Refugee Rights Coalition, recalls children returning home from school to empty homes after their parents had been arrested in the 2018 workplace raid. The following day, more than 500 students were reported absent from school, as fear and confusion spread.“It was like a bomb had gone off in this little community,” she said. Teachers scrambled to comfort students, as advocates and faith leaders scrambled to set up a crisis response center. Sherman Luna recalled a sense of shock, even among residents whose families had not been directly affected.“What we discovered in Morristown was that the local community, including many non-immigrant, native Tennesseans, were really appalled by what happened,” she said. “I remember clearly one of the women who had lived in Tennessee her whole life said: ‘You know, I voted for Trump, but I never imagined that this would be the impact of that.’”The economic toll could also be jarring. Researchers say mass deportations at the scale Trump is proposing risk exacerbating labor shortages and driving up inflation. The American Immigration Council report estimated that his mass deportation plan would shrink the country’s gross domestic product by 4.2% to 6.8% – a level not seen since the Great Recession. Tax collections would also fall: in 2022, undocumented immigrants contributed nearly $100bn in federal, state and local taxes.About 8.3 million US workers were unauthorized immigrants as of 2022, according to Pew, roughly 5% of the overall workforce. They contribute to the economy by creating demand for goods and services such as cars, food and haircuts. In a study of the labor market impact of more than 450,000 deportations between 2008 and 2013, the researchers found that scaling up enforcement did not improve the overall employment share and wages of US-born workers. Rather, it reduced them, particularly for low-skilled Americans.“The idea that large-scale deportation is good for Americans has proven to be an illusion in the past and is an illusion now,” Michael Ettlinger, a senior fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire, told reporters.View image in fullscreenUndocumented people often fill low-wage jobs that native-born workers won’t take, particularly in industries such as construction, agriculture, caregiving and service. Americans were especially grateful for their contributions during the pandemic, as millions of undocumented people worked frontline jobs, risking their health to provide essential services.During an hour-long Univision town hall with undecided Latino voters earlier this month, Trump fielded a question from Jorge Velázquez, a farmworker from California who said he had spent years picking strawberries and cutting broccoli in the fields. Many of those workers were undocumented, he said. He wanted to know Trump’s plan to fill those jobs if those workers were deported, and what that might mean for food prices.After a stream of falsehoods about immigrants coming from countries that were “emptying out” jails and “mental institutions” – and no mention of his mass deportation plan – Trump stated that he supported legal immigration.“We want workers, and we want them to come in, but they have to come in legally, and they have to love our country,” Trump said. His campaign did not provide details on how he might do so.Fear-inducing rhetoric and ‘chilling effects’In the final weeks of the presidential campaign, Trump’s nakedly xenophobic rhetoric has grown ever more menacing and nativist. Impervious to facts, he has falsely blamed undocumented people for the country’s woes, including inflation, urban crime and a dearth of federal funding for disaster response. “They’re ruining the fabric of our country,” Trump said at a rally in Walker, Michigan, presenting mass deportations as a cure-all.He has even pre-emptively identified non-citizens as the culprit if he doesn’t win in November, amplifying baseless claims that noncitizens are voting en masse. It is part of broader rightwing conspiracy theory that Democrats are allowing immigrants to flow into the country unlawfully so that they will vote and steal the election from him. (Noncitizen voting is illegal and extremely rare.)Last month, Trump said removing undocumented immigrants from the country “will be a bloody story”. He had previously echoed Adolf Hitler, when he said undocumented immigrants were “poisoning the blood of the country”.In a recent interview, Trump accused those who have come to the US of having “bad genes” that predispose them to commit violent acts, distorting a federal statistic in service of a groundless claim that undocumented people have driven up crime rates. And at a rally in Arizona last week, Trump likened the US to a “garbage can for the world” as he railed against a “migrant invasion” of the country.“We have got to get those animals out of here fast,” he said of immigrants who have committed crimes. (Many studies have found that immigrants – whether they have legal status or not – tend to be more law-abiding than US-born citizens.)“Trump has managed to dehumanize us on such a scale that people forget – when they think about immigration, they don’t think of a person anymore. They think of a wall,” Michelle Ming, the political director of United We Dream Action, a youth-led immigrant rights group.In recent months, Trump has targeted local communities such as Aurora. But perhaps no community has been more affected by Trump’s latest campaign to demonize immigrants than Springfield, Ohio. From the presidential debate stage, he repeated a debunked conspiracy theory about Haitian immigrants stealing and eating their neighbors’ pets. Almost immediately, threats began pouring in, leading to school closures and forced evacuations. The city canceled its annual celebration of cultural diversity due to safety concerns.Ohio’s Republican governor pleaded with Trump to stop spewing the meritless claim, but the Republican ticket doubled down. Vance, the state’s senator, said he would not stop referring to the Haitian immigrants as “illegal aliens” even though most of them are in the country lawfully, having escaped political turmoil and repression.View image in fullscreen“They have no values to unite Americans, no policies to move the nation forward,” said Patrick Gaspard, the chief executive of the Cap Action Fund, the political arm of the liberal thinktank the Center for American Progress, who is Haitian-American. “So instead they rely on the oldest play in the book – the play that authoritarians always summon, which is hatred, fear, division and terrorism.”Fear was central to Trump’s first term. Advocates say even just the threat can lead to broad “chilling effects”. After his election in 2016, households with undocumented family members began to carefully plan routine outings, said Wendy Cervantes, the director of immigration and immigrant families at the Center for Law and Social Policy (Clasp). A person with legal status would grocery shop for the entire family. Undocumented parents agonized over whether to take their children to a doctor’s appointment. Some immigrants disenrolled from public benefits they or their US-citizen children were eligible for, wary it could lead to their removal.“I saw families putting signs up on the front door at the kids’ eye-level saying: ‘Don’t open the door,’” Cervantes recalled. “The climate of fear creates toxic stress, which is harmful for the entire family and in particular children.”During Trump’s term, his immigration policies were broadly unpalatable. But advocates worry in a noisy election cycle with voters concerned about border security, the sheer intensity of Trump’s immigration agenda has been dulled.Surveys have found increasing public support for mass deportation of undocumented people. A national Scripps News/Ipsos poll showed that 54% of respondents agreed either “strongly” or “somewhat” with Trump’s plan, including a quarter of Democrats.View image in fullscreenBut when provided with details about Trump’s plans, especially as they relate to long-settled undocumented people, a survey by the University of Maryland’s Program for Public Consultation (PPC) found that majorities of voters in six swing states and nationally strongly preferred offering them an earned path to citizenship to mass deportations.“If large-scale removals of undocumented immigrants, in fact, begins to happen, it will affect all Americans because, inconveniently, undocumented people do not live in an apartment building all by themselves,” said Angela Kelley, a senior policy adviser with the American Immigration Lawyers Association. She added: “It’s a warning that really all Americans should take seriously.”As Kamala Harris seeks the presidency, she has attempted to project toughness on the southern border while making the case that a second Trump term would inflict even more harm on immigrant communities.At a Venezuelan restaurant in Doral, Florida, earlier this month, the Harris campaign held an event with children who had been separated from their parents under a Trump-era deterrence policy that came to define what many advocates said was the cruelty at the heart of his hardline agenda. (Trump has not ruled out reinstating the policy.)Billy was just nine years old in 2018 when US immigration officials separated him from his father in an experience he said “no kids should go through”. Now 16, Billy said he was speaking out in advance of the election because he didn’t want this to happen again.“We still fear,” he said, standing beside his father at the event. “I go to therapists, but I still have the fear of Trump being re-elected, and that same thing happening to me or other kids.”Should Trump return to power, immigrant advocates and leaders say they are better prepared and more organized. As part of a contingency planning effort, groups such as the ACLU are already contemplating legal action against key pieces of his immigration agenda. Activists say they have learned how to quickly harness public outrage. And Dreamers say they will continue to share their stories, refusing to be pushed back into the shadows.After the 2018 Trump-era raid in Tennessee, local and national immigration leaders joined forces to develop an emergency toolkit to help advocates respond to workplace raids.With the presidential election looming, those affected by Trump’s policies hope Americans consider the stakes in November – not just for immigrants such as Nayeli, who has built a life in the rolling hills of east Tennessee – but for their communities and for the entire country.“The community continues to organize and tries to raise awareness about their rights,” Nayeli said. “But I think at the end of the day, those who can vote should support the working class who want to stay in this country and who only need opportunities that an administration could bring about.” More

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    Biden administration doubles down on asylum restrictions at southern border

    The Biden administration said on Monday it was making asylum restrictions at the southern border even tougher, as it is increasingly eager to show voters uneasy over immigration that it is taking a hard stance on border security.The new rules, which toughen restrictions announced in June, bar people from being granted asylum when US officials deem that the southern border is overwhelmed.Under the previous rules, the US could restrict asylum access when the number of people trying to enter the country between the official border crossings hits 2,500 a day. The daily numbers had to average below 1,500 a day for a week in order for the restrictions to be lifted.The version rolled out on Monday says the daily numbers will have to be below 1,500 for nearly a month before the restrictions can be lifted. And the administration is now counting all children toward that number, whereas previously only migrant children from Mexico were counted.These changes, which go into effect on Tuesday, will make it much more difficult to lift the restrictions and allow people entering the country between the official border crossings eventually to apply for asylum in the US.But the restrictions implemented in June have never been lifted because the numbers of border encounters have never gotten low enough for long enough, raising the question of why the administration felt the need to make them even tougher now. The seven-day average has gotten down to about 1,800 migrant encounters a day, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) said.A senior administration official said on Monday that the longer timeline was necessary to make sure that drops in immigration are sustained and not due to a one-time event. The official spoke on condition of anonymity to brief reporters about the tighter restrictions before they were made public.Immigration advocates already had harshly criticized the restrictions announced in June, saying the administration was slashing away at vital protections for people fleeing persecution. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU and other groups are challenging the restrictions in court, saying that they differs little from a similar move by the Trump administration that was blocked by the courts. They argue that by law people who cross the border with a credible fear of persecution or harm deserve due process.The ACLU posted on the social media platform X on Monday: “The asylum law Congress enacted recognizes that people fleeing danger should not be forced to wait and try to secure an appointment to seek asylum. This restrictive rule is not just immoral but illegal.”The administration has touted its asylum restrictions, saying they have led to serious drops in the number of people coming to the southern border. The DHS said on Monday that since the changes were announced in June, the daily number of people encountered by border patrol between the legal border crossings had fallen over 50%.In a statement announcing the new rules, the DHS called on Congress to do more to solve immigration problems.Border security and immigration are a key weakness for the Biden administration and Kamala Harris, the Democratic presidential nominee.The Republican presidential nominee, Donald Trump, and others from his party have hammered away at the high numbers of people who have come to the southern border under the Biden administration, saying the White House and the vice-president have not done enough to restrict migration and secure the border.Harris visited a border region of Arizona on Friday, her first visit as the Democratic nominee. She walked alongside the tall metal fence separating the US from Mexico and called for a tightening of asylum rules while pushing for a better way to welcome immigrants legally.“I reject the false choice that suggests we must choose either between securing our border and creating a system that is orderly, safe and humane,” Harris said. “We can and we must do both.”The restrictions do allow some exceptions. Victims of a severe form of trafficking, for example, would still be allowed to apply for asylum.The administration also allows people using its CBP One appointment system to apply for asylum, but those people must schedule an appointment on the app to come to an official border crossing point.The administration has tried to encourage people to use that app instead of crossing the border illegally.But demand far exceeds the 1,450 appointments available daily, and the administration has not indicated that it will increase the number of appointments. More

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    Harris accuses Trump of playing ‘political games’ during US border visit

    Kamala Harris accused Donald Trump of “playing political games” on immigration – his signature issue – as the vice-president sought to turn one of her biggest vulnerabilities into a political strength during a visit to the US-Mexico border on Friday.Speaking in the Arizona border town of Douglas, Harris declared the US both a “sovereign nation” and a “country of immigrants” and said as president, she would strengthen controls at the southern border, while working “to fix our broken system of immigration”.“I reject the false choice that suggests we must choose either between securing our border and creating a system that is orderly, safe and humane,” Harris said. “We can and we must do both.”She hammered Trump for derailing a sweeping bipartisan package that would have overhauled the federal immigration system, while providing additional resources to help hire more border patrol agents.“It should be in effect today, producing results, in real time right now,” Harris said, speaking on a stage framed by American flags and large blue posters that read “border security and stability”. “He prefers to run on a problem instead of fixing a problem.”After that bill collapsed, the Biden administration announced new rules to temporarily halt asylum processing at the US southern border. Since then, arrests for border crossings between ports of entry have plummeted. In July, arrests dipped below levels not seen since Trump’s final months in office in 2020, though they ticked up slightly in August.As president, Harris said, she would take “further action to keep the border closed”, including stiffening the punishments for those who cross between ports of entry. She emphasized her support for “humane” and “orderly” policies, reminding Arizonans of the measures Trump took during his first term to curb illegal immigration.“He separated families, he ripped toddlers out of their mothers’ arms, put children in cages and tried to end protection of Dreamers,” she said in Douglas, a blue dot in the overwhelmingly red Cochise county.Before her remarks, Harris walked a stretch of barrier constructed during the Obama administration. In the sweltering triple-degree heat, she received a briefing from customs and border protection officials on efforts to stop the flow of fentanyl across the border.She also stopped by the Raul H Castro port of entry in Douglas, across from Agua Prieta, Mexico, which is slated to be expanded and modernized with grants from the bipartisan infrastructure bill signed into law by Joe Biden.“They’ve got a tough job and they need, rightly, support to do their job,” Harris said afterward.Speaking to supporters at a manufacturing plant in Walker, Michigan, Trump boasted that Harris was “getting killed on the border” and blamed the Biden administration’s border policies for fueling high levels of migration during the first three years of his presidency.“It’s a crime what she did,” he said. “There’s no greater act of disloyalty than to extinguish the sovereignty of your own nation.”In her remarks, Harris said she understood the unique challenges and needs facing border communities like the one in Douglas, having served as the attorney general of neighboring California. She recalled touring trafficking tunnels used by smugglers and touted her work prosecuting international gangs and criminal organizations that smuggle guns, drugs and people across the border.Republicans would rather discuss her more recent assignment, as vice-president during a period of record migration when she was officially tasked with addressing the root causes of people coming north from Central America. On Friday, Republicans misleadingly accused her of being an absentee “border tsar” whose policies led to the situation at the border.Voters in Arizona consistently rank immigration – Trump’s signature issue – as a top concern this election cycle, often second only to the economy. A sizeable share of voters trust Trump more on immigration and border security, but Harris’s campaign believes it has made progress softening Democrats’ deficit on an issue seen as one of their biggest electoral vulnerabilities.The campaign has blanketed the airwaves with ads designed to blunt Trump’s attacks over her immigration record. On Friday, it launched a new ad in Arizona and other battleground states highlighting her pledge to hire thousands more border agents and stop fentanyl trafficking and human smuggling. “We need a leader with a real plan to fix the border,” a voiceover says.Less than six weeks before election day, polls show a tight race in Arizona, one of seven battleground states that will likely decide the election and the only one that touches the southern border.A Bloomberg News/Morning Consult poll of swing states found Harris with a small lead in Arizona, while a New York Times/Siena College poll released on Monday found Trump opening a five-percentage point lead over Harris, marking a significant improvement from August when he trailed the vice-president by the same margin.Biden won Arizona by just over 10,400 votes in 2020, becoming the first Democrat to win the south-west state since Bill Clinton in 1996.Kris Mayes, the attorney general, who accompanied Harris throughout her visit on Friday, urged Arizonans not to sit the election out.“Races in Arizona can be close, take it from me,” Mayes said. In 2022, the Democrat won her race by 280 votes. More

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    Harris backed by major Latino voter group: ‘She understands immigrants’

    The immigrant rights group Make the Road Action is backing Kamala Harris in its first-ever general election presidential endorsement.The 15-year-old organisation dedicated to Latino voter engagement in key swing states including Nevada and Pennsylvania, had previously supported Bernie Sanders in the 2020 presidential primaries but has otherwise avoided endorsing any presidential candidates. The voter mobilization group’s endorsement on Thursday, provided first to the Guardian, comes amid a rush of enthusiasm for Harris’s nascent campaign.“Harris taking on the nomination has added a new kind of energy,” said Theo Oshiro, executive director at Make the Road New York. “Our members are excited. Harris is a woman of colour, and a person who comes from an immigrant family. So they see their children or themselves in this candidate. They feel that she is someone who at least understands where we are coming from.”The decision to make this first-ever general election endorsement came after two meetings with more than 250 members, who debated the stakes of the election before ultimately agreeing to publicly support Harris.The group is concerned about issues including housing affordability, the climate crisis and the US government’s role in Israel’s war on Gaza. But immigration rights were the main focus of deliberations.Painful memories from the Trump administration’s immigration policies, as well as his amped-up anti-immigrant rhetoric and his legally dubious plans for mass deportations and vast detention camps for migrants had upped the pressure. “We are hungry, and ready to fight back,” Oshiro said. “This was one of those moments in history where we had to come together to beat Donald Trump.”Harris will need to shore up support from Latinx communities in swing states, including Pennsylvania and Nevada where Make the Road has a presence, to secure a victory in November. The organisation is on track to knock about 1m doors this election cycle – including half a million in Pennsylvania, and 330,000 in Nevada.Members agreed that Harris has a complicated record on immigration, starting with her warning during her first foreign trip as vice-president to would-be Guatemalan immigrants: “Do not come” across the US-Mexico border. Harris will also have to answer for the Biden administration’s decision to severely restrict asylum at the US southern border.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionBut Harris has also shown that she is someone who is willing to work with immigrant rights activists and push for much-needed reforms, Oshiro said. Shortly after the Biden administration announced his asylum restrictions, infuriating many Democrats and Latino leaders who likened them to Trump-era policies, the administration also unveiled a new plan to provide a pathway to citizenship for undocumented spouses of US citizens.“We talked about this deeply, because the Biden administration, and by extension, Kamala Harris as Biden’s vice-president, have not been perfect on immigration,” Oshiro said. “When we’re doing endorsements, we’re not picking a saviour. We’re picking someone we think we can move and push to the right direction.” More

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    This Texas border city is tired of being a ‘pawn’ in Trump’s ‘political games’

    Just a few blocks from a riverbank park in Eagle Pass that’s been turned into a no-go militarized zone by Texas troops, local pastor Javier Leyva was attempting a normal Sunday.He was cultivating fellowship with congregants of his First United Methodist church and other residents downtown, on the US-Mexico border. But, as so often, events were to intrude. A fringe, rightwing group was headed to town.His small city is under unwanted global scrutiny because of people migrating here and the forces that want to stop them.People sporadically cross the Rio Grande from Mexico after being denied legal entry into the US because of tight government restrictions. Sometimes there are tragic consequences, sometimes migrants are detained by US federal agents, other times they run afoul of the $11bn Texas border security plan known as Operation Lone Star, designed to deter migration.Leyva is tired of the heavy-handed and expensive law enforcement presence, that has transformed the picturesque riverbank and not only skews perceptions of Eagle Pass but is costly, while he sees local services suffer.“It’s all a political show and they’re using Eagle Pass as a pawn for their political games,” Leyva said. “I’m for border security, but if they would use that money for the infrastructure here, we’d be in hog heaven,” he said.About 23% of Eagle Pass residents are estimated to live below the federal poverty line, more than double the national rate, according to the US Census Bureau.Colonias, a Spanish word to describe low-income neighborhoods, are found along the border and often have street drainage issues or lack running water and sewer connections.Leyva says more infrastructure investments in the colonias are one of the ways the community would greatly benefit from taxpayer funds being spent by the Texas governor, Greg Abbott, on Operation Lone Star, which has blighted Eagle Pass and caused a clash with the federal government.The border town with a population of 28,000 has experienced many ups and downs in the spotlight of immigration issues.View image in fullscreenMigrants seek asylum sometimes in large numbers, but recently in very low numbers. At times, dozens of journalists descend upon the remote town 140 miles south-west of San Antonio. Year round, hundreds of military and law enforcement officers are deployed to the city from in-state and around the US.And within the last year, far-right groups have homed in on Eagle Pass as a destination for aggressive demonstrations against immigration and in favor of Donald Trump.While Leyva was delivering his sermon at church last weekend, a so-called Take Our Border Back Convoy was en route from Dripping Springs, Texas, to Eagle Pass, roughly a 200-mile (322km) drive, aiming to protest on both sides of the border.In response, the local police, Texas department of public safety (DPS) troopers and national guard soldiers deployed by Texas were on high alert and prominent in the quiet streets of Eagle Pass.A previous convoy by the same group in February rolled dozens of trucks and hundreds of outsiders into town, many armed, and led to a border patrol facility being evacuated after extremist threats.Last weekend, police once again set up roadblocks leading to Shelby Park, the municipal park on the Rio Grande that has been taken over by Operation Lone Star and militarized. And the city braced as several police and trooper units were called in to stake out different parts of downtown or to patrol, in a city that is already policed out of proportion to the local population.But, in the event, fewer than 10 vehicles arrived, with US flags flying and Trump bumper stickers, and stopped in a pawn shop parking lot.One participant told the Guardian they had come “to pray on both sides of the border”. In fact, the small group of about 20 people walked across the international bridge on to the Mexican side and used a megaphone to shout in the general direction of Mexico: “We don’t want the illegals coming across our border destroying America,” and: “We declare these borders closed in the name of Jesus Christ.”View image in fullscreenThe group’s flyer features a picture of retired army officer Michael Flynn. But there was no sign of him in Eagle Pass last Sunday. He was then president Trump’s first national security adviser, who was disgraced and pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about contacts with a Russian official. Trump pardoned him and Flynn said Trump should deploy the military to “re-run the 2020 election” in the swing states Joe Biden won.Despite the small turnout this time the uninvited visitors heightened the sense for ordinary residents that their city has become a battleground and that Christian faith is being usurped.“The convoy has been deceived,” Leyva said. “God didn’t send you here, you sent yourself using God as justification.”He added: “They think they’re trying to do the right thing, the patriotic thing. But they’re taking the law into their own hands and that’s not how this country runs.”Locals typically spend weekends shopping with family, dining at restaurants, and attending church services. Residents from the Mexican sister city, Piedras Negras, regularly cross the international bridge to shop downtown. People talk of experiencing peace in border living – a reality that the wider world doesn’t see or hear much about.Several blocks away from the Methodist church is immigration attorney Cesar Lozano’s law office where he specializes in cases dealing with asylum and deportation. Lozano is an immigrant himself and came to the US with his family from Durango, Mexico, as a child. He recalled the natural anxiety and nervousness that immigrating to a new country brings and is something he relates to among clients.With Eagle Pass in the spotlight, he said: “One side says it’s attention for us and there’s a lot of people that have benefited from the economic activity” – brought by multiple law enforcement agencies basing themselves in the area.“On the other side, it’s sad to see that we are on the map for the wrong reasons. We are used as props, no one used to care about us until now, we continue to be a venue for marches and convoys,” he said.Safety is the ultimate concern for residents whenever anti-immigrant groups or hostile individuals target the region, Lozano said, rather than when migrants arrive.A Tennessee man affiliated with a militia was arrested earlier this year by the FBI for plotting to travel to Eagle Pass while aspiring to kill both migrants and federal agents.During the February convoy, a friend of Lozano’s who works for the Mexican consulate in Eagle Pass was told to go home early because the authorities didn’t know what to expect from all of the people descending upon the region.Trump and his supporters talk of “open borders” and migration as spreading crime. Meanwhile, gaining entry to the US is difficult on many levels, whether people are undocumented or not.View image in fullscreen“The borders are not open and this is just political rhetoric,” Lozano said. “That’s ridiculous and insulting because my clients are going through a system where they’re vetted, must have a sponsor, have to go through background checks, and all the info submitted on applications is verified.”He questioned Operation Lone Star’s legality, as immigration enforcement is the exclusive responsibility of the federal government, which is in a long legal battle with the state.Meanwhile, downtown, Yocelyn Riojas is leading a group exhibition in Eagle Pass of more than 40 artists who have created works on the theme of “The Border is Beautiful.”“It’s meant to connect us with different perspectives of what our lives are like at the border,” Riojas said. “A lot of the artwork is nostalgic of earlier days, before this militarization.”Riojas said locals dislike the city’s lack of willingness to openly discuss political issues concerning things like the controversial buoys placed by Texas in the river and the mayor in effect signing away Shelby Park to the state.And she added: “If you don’t live here, then you have no understanding of what’s going on. Before anybody speaks for the community, they need to come learn and educate themselves on what is actually happening and how locals actually feel about the issues.” More