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      Small US college towns reel amid Trump immigration crackdown: ‘They need international students’

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      For a town of 20,000 residents a few miles from the Indiana state line in rural Ohio, the city of Oxford boasts an outsized number of international eateries.On High Street, the Phan Shin Chinese restaurant sits a few doors down from the Happy Kitchen, another Chinese food joint, which is next door to the Krishna Indian restaurant. There’s a French bakery and even a Uyghur restaurant selling central Asian fare.The diversity of international restaurants mirrors the student population attending Miami University, which in 2019 had a student body including more than 3,000 international students.But in recent years, the number of international students coming to study at US colleges has plummeted, a trend that could have devastating consequences for small college towns.It was the large number of Chinese students attending Miami University that prompted Fei Yang to open the MImian Chinese restaurant in Oxford, a full 60 miles from his home, in 2018.“There used to be 2,000 to 3,000 [Chinese] students but now there is like 300, 400 maybe,” says Yang. “Covid-19 stopped a lot of people coming. Before we used to make real Chinese food, now we make the American versions.”In fall 2019, Miami University admitted 2,895 international students, mainly from China, Vietnam, India, and elsewhere – last year, the number plummeted to 750. Since international students at Miami University are not receiving scholarships, they typically pay more than $65,000 in tuition, fees, housing and food, according to 2024-25 estimated cost of attendance figures, which represents a potential loss of about $140m for the university, local businesses and the thousands of workers they collectively employ.Across the US, an estimated 150,000 fewer international students are expected to study at US colleges and universities this fall compared to last year, a 40% drop.While the reasons are varied, the Trump administration’s response to protests on campuses against Israel’s war on Gaza has played a major role in fueling the falloff by driving fear of arrest and deportation into many would-be incoming international students.In June, the state department announced more severe screening and vetting processes for international students intending on studying in the US, including ordering applicants to turn their social media profiles public.Students from Turkey, Palestine, and Iran have been detained, imprisoned and deported or self-deported for expressing their first amendment rights, rights that are protected by the US constitution, regardless of whether they are citizens of the country or not. About 6,000 student visas have been revoked this year with some students seeing their visas revoked for alleged minor wrongdoings such as speeding.International student enrolment, however, has been in decline since before the current administration’s crackdown. The tariffs regime initiated on China during the first Trump administration, as well as Covid-19 pandemic travel restrictions in 2020, prompted a massive fall in students traveling to the US for higher education five years ago. In the years since, Chinese students have increasingly chosen to study in the UK and Australia in place of the US.While mid-sized and large cities and wealthy small towns such as Ithaca, New York, – home to Cornell University – can typically take the financial hit from the loss of thousands of international students due to their diversified economies, less affluent towns, whose economies have never fully recovered from the loss of students on-site during the pandemic, remain imperiled.According to the US Department of Commerce, international students are thought to have contributed around $50bn to the US economy in 2023 in tuition, rent, food, taxes and a host of other ways. In Ohio, Kentucky, and Iowa, which rank among the lowest states for GDP growth in the country, and which are Trump strongholds, their economies are set to lose as much as $200m, $45m and nearly $43m respectively. Florida’s economy could see losses reaching as much as $243m.“We tend to think that foreign students only go to big Ivy League schools in big cities. But if you look at a recent Brookings Institution report, it is clear that every school, small, medium and large, in every town or city – small, medium or large need income from international students,” says Tara Sonenshine, Edward R Murrow professor of practice in public diplomacy at Tufts University.In West Lafayette, Indiana, the 50,000 students who attend Purdue University make up the overwhelming majority of the city’s population. Almost one in four of those at Purdue in 2024 were international students, most paying full tuition and board costs. These students, many who attend to learn cutting-edge agriculture practices, help employ more than 10,000 people, making Purdue University the largest employer in the region.It’s a similar story for rural Illinois, where one-quarter of students at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign campus are from overseas – one of the highest ratios of any private or public college in the country. There, an international student studying for a four-year undergraduate degree can net the college and offshoot businesses about $200,000 in tuition and other fees.In Oxford, Ohio, one of the biggest issues international students help local businesses with is providing custom during the six-week period from mid-December to the end of January when there are no classes at Miami University. At that time, other than permanent residents, the only people in town are international students.“Our business community is very dependent on Miami University students. Oxford’s population is about 20,000, of which 17,000 or more are Miami University students,” says Oxford city manager Doug Elliott.“We have a lot of homes that were converted into student housing. That’s typical for small college towns like us.”Elliott notes that aside from the financial benefit, international students bring energy and diversity in the form of festivals and gatherings to parts of the US that would otherwise never get to experience the wider world.“Cutting off visas for international students, combined with demographic shifts in America and the declining enrolment in college, in addition to the general disdain for immigrant populations coming here,” says Sonenshine, “would all add up to chaos and potential closures of small schools who rely on a broader pool on enrolment.” More

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      Mike Johnson hasn’t sworn in this new Democrat. Is it because she wants to release the Epstein files?

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      Congress’s newest member, Adelita Grijalva, came to Washington DC this week, expecting to be officially sworn in by the speaker of the House, Mike Johnson.Two days later, she returned to her southern Arizona district disappointed, if not a little confused. No swearing-in ceremony had been organized, meaning Grijalva, a Democrat who easily won a special election last month to replace her late father, Raúl M Grijalva, was not able to start her new job.Trapped in the purgatorial status of representative-elect, she had to be escorted around the Capitol building by her soon-to-be-colleagues, like any other member of the public. Her name is on the door of her new office, but she does not have the keys.“I want to get to work and I can’t,” Grijalva said.She thinks she knows the reason why Johnson is in no rush to administer the oath: in addition to co-sponsoring bills on the environment, public education and other issues she campaigned on addressing, Grijalva plans to provide the final signature on a petition that would force a vote on legislation to release files related to accused sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein – which the speaker and Donald Trump oppose.“I can’t think of any other reason. It’s not like my being sworn in changes the majority,” she said.The matter of the Epstein files has for months been a thorn in the side of the president and his allies in Congress. Though Trump has decried it as a “Democrat hoax”, a small group of dissident Republicans have joined with all of the Democrats in the House of Representatives to pursue the legislative maneuver, known as a discharge petition. It just needs the signatures of 218 lawmakers to succeed, and has currently received 217 – Grijalva’s would be the last one.The petition is a rare instance of defiance among congressional Republicans, who have given Trump much of what he wants ever since he returned to the White House. But even if it succeeds and the legislation passes the House, it is unlikely to go far. The Senate’s Republican leaders have shown little interest in the issue, and it is difficult to imagine Trump signing the bill.Another complication, both for the petition and Grijalva’s hopes to taking her seat: the House was out of session all this week. Johnson last month called off planned work days to pressure Senate Democrats into voting for legislation the chamber has approved to fund the government and end the ongoing shutdown.However, the House did hold a three-and-a-half-minute procedural session on Tuesday – one Grijalva attended along with dozens of Democrats, in hopes of getting Johnson to swear her in. No luck, even though Johnson administered the oath to two Republicans who won special elections in Florida during a similar session earlier this year.“That doesn’t make sense, why I wouldn’t be sworn in, in the same pace that they were?” Grijalva said. “And who is losing out are the constituents that need a Congress to work for them.”A spokesperson for Johnson pointed to his comments signaling that Grijalva will be sworn in when the House returns to session, but that will not happen until funding is restored to the government.“The House will come back into session and do its work as soon as Chuck Schumer allows us to reopen the government,” Johnson said today, referring to the top Senate Democrat whom the Republicans blame for the funding lapse.Grijalva along with her family had planned to be in Washington again by Tuesday of next week, in hopes the House would be back to work. On Friday afternoon, Johnson announced that it would take the whole week off.“Now I have to change, blow up all of the travel plans that I made for everybody,” she said. “So, that’s frustrating.” More

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      Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson is trying to warn us about something. Are we listening?

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      Her sharpest words were not in the body of her opinion. They were tucked away in a footnote.That subtle placement speaks volumes about Ketanji Brown Jackson, the supreme court’s newest member and already its fiercest liberal voice.The footnote in question can be found in Trump v Casa, the June ruling that gave a big boost to Donald Trump by clipping the wings of federal judges and limiting their use of nationwide injunctions to block the president’s worst excesses.Over 21 pages of taut dissent against Casa, Jackson decried the 6-3 ruling as “an existential threat to the rule of law” and a “sad day for America”. The ruling was “profoundly dangerous”, she wrote, because it gives Trump permission “to wield the kind of unchecked, arbitrary power the Founders crafted our Constitution to eradicate”.Looking ahead, she added that the decision would “surely hasten the downfall of our governing institutions, enabling our collective demise”.This is strong medicine. But then there is footnote No 5, which takes her dissent to another level entirely.In it, she cites The Dual State by Ernst Fraenkel, a German Jewish labor lawyer who fled the Nazis in 1938. Fraenkel’s book analysed how the Nazis had created two coexistent legal systems.There was the normative one that kept the economy of Germany running as usual. And then there was the separate legal system that operated alongside it, in which anyone deemed an enemy of the regime was stripped of all rights and subjected to arbitrary violence.In the footnote, Jackson quotes The Dual States’s description of the way unchecked power is incompatible with the rule of law:
      See E Fraenkel, The Dual State, pp xiii, 3, 71 (1941) (describing the way in which the creation of a ‘Prerogative State’ where the Executive ‘exercises unlimited arbitrariness … unchecked by any legal guarantees’ is incompatible with the rule of law)
      The footnote is three and a half lines of small print. But its import is booming.By citing Fraenkel’s work, the justice is drawing a parallel between the drift in jurisprudence that is taking place under the combined actions of Trump and the supreme court, and the legal structure of Nazi Germany.View image in fullscreenAziz Huq, a law professor at the University of Chicago, has studied The Dual State and wrote about it in the Atlantic a month before the Casa decision came down. Pointing to Jackson’s footnote, he said that it was clearly charged.“It’s hard not to see that as a kind of warning,” he said.On Monday, the nine justices of the US’s top court will assemble at the start of a new judicial term. They will share the usual niceties, make congenial small talk, then get down to business.It will be a tough time for Jackson, who has carved out a role as the “great dissenter” and has been challenging the conservative bloc that now controls the court.Outnumbered and outgunned by the rightwing supermajority, she and her two other liberal colleagues have had to watch from the sidelines as critical constitutional laws that have been settled for half a century have been torn up by the very court on which they sit.So far, the list of casualties includes the right to an abortion, affirmative action, environmental protections, voting rights and much more.Over the summer, the majority has also supercharged its shadow docket, in a series of temporary emergency decisions that have overturned lower court rulings and handed Trump almost everything he wants. That includes the ability to mass-fire federal employees, summarily deport migrants to war-torn countries, withhold billions of dollars in funds already approved by Congress and more.The liberal justices have granted us rare glimpses into the hardship of their working lives. Last year, Sonia Sotomayor told an audience at Harvard that there were days after the announcement of a ruling when she retreated to her office, closed the door and cried.Asked about her colleague’s mournful behavior a few weeks later, Elena Kagan said: “I’m not much of a crier. I’m more of a wall-slammer.”Jackson, who is 55, has studiously restrained herself in public. In recent book readings and talks she has come across as invariably cheerful and upbeat.She has reserved her evident frustrations – about the current state of the US, its presidency and its top court – exclusively for her dissents. Of which there have been many.Last term, Jackson wrote 10 dissents, more than any other justice including the ever vociferous far-right Clarence Thomas with nine. In her dissents, Jackson has piercingly criticised the court under the chief justice, John Roberts, for undermining the US’s foundations as a country of rules: no one is above the law and everyone has equal access to justice.In addition to her most searing writing in the Trump v Casa case, with its Fraenkel footnote, there have been a stream of other pointed dissents. In July, she castigated the court’s decision to allow Trump to go ahead with mass firings of federal workers, saying that it was “the wrong decision at the wrong moment”.In August, she lamented the decision by Roberts and his fellow rightwingers to allow Trump to cut almost $800m in federal health grants. She said the majority “bends over backward to accommodate” the administration’s wishes.Like Huq, Franita Tolson, dean of the University of Southern California Gould School of Law, sees Jackson’s dissents as sending a message. She is speaking directly to the American people, as well as to lower court judges who will have to interpret and apply the supreme court’s rulings going forward.View image in fullscreen“It is a warning,” Tolson said. “She is warning us about the state of our democracy, about threats to the rule of law. There’s a lot of unfair criticism, but she’s consistent. She believes what she believes, and she says it bravely.”The billion-dollar question is: amid all the noise, will Jackson’s message be heard?Jackson has paid a heavy price for sticking her neck so high above the parapet. She has been scoffed at for somehow stepping outside normal supreme court decorum by speaking out so forcefully.Some of the most caustic attacks have come from her own fellow justices on the right. The most scathing rebuke was made by Amy Coney Barrett, a Trump appointee, who disdainfully dismissed Jackson’s dissent in Trump v Casa as being untethered to conventional legal thinking or “frankly, to any doctrine whatsoever”.The comment must have stung. But Jackson has been accustomed to being criticised and maligned ever since she was a child.In her memoir Lovely One – the title is a translation of her African name, Ketanji Onyika – she recalls as a teenager asking her grandmother: “Why do they think just because I’m Black I’m going to steal from them?”Her grandmother replied: “Guard your spirit, Ketanji. To dwell on the unfairness of life is to be devoured by it.”She has kept that advice close as she has risen up the judicial ladder. “I rejected self-doubt and self-loathing,” she writes. “Instead I chose possibility. I chose purpose.”She has needed such personal armor. A year into her tenancy on the supreme court, she was targeted by Charlie Kirk, the rightwing activist who was murdered last month, as one of four prominent Black women whom he denigrated as “affirmative-action picks”.“You do not have the brain processing power to otherwise be taken really seriously. You had to go steal a white person’s slot to go be taken somewhat seriously,” he said on his podcast, The Charlie Kirk Show.The attacks coming at Jackson from fellow justices on the conservative wing of the supreme court have not been tainted with such overt racism. But some of the brickbats thrown at her have been bruising.Barrett’s riposte to Jackson in the Casa case was dripping with condescension. “We will not dwell on Justice Jackson’s argument,” Barrett wrote in her majority opinion.View image in fullscreenShe slammed Jackson’s dissent as being at odds with more than 200 years of precedent, “not to mention the Constitution itself”. She went on to accuse her of embracing “an imperial judiciary”.Barrett’s criticism was rooted in a textual approach to the law in which judgments are made up-close and line by line. Jackson, by contrast, is stretching for the bigger picture: she is standing back, widening the frame, and seeking to capture the peril of this singularly dangerous moment.The clash between the two justices raises questions. At a time when democracy and adherence to the rule of law is being tested to the breaking point, when the supreme court is under more pressure to safeguard democracy than at any time in recent history, is there a place for decorum? And if there is, who is breaching it?Is it the justice who is warning about the threat posed by an authoritarian-minded president? Or is it her peers who control the court, whom she argues are emboldening him?Jackson’s determination to sound the alarm can be traced in part to her personal history. She was born in Washington DC on 14 September 1970, just a few years after the civil rights movement achieved its crowning glories: the 1964 Civil Rights Act that ended southern segregation, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act that ensured access to the ballot box for African Americans.In her memoir, Jackson recalls growing up in Miami as the “only dark-skinned girl in rooms full of white kids”. Hard work and success in the high school debating team helped her walk into those rooms “with my head held high”.In her letter of application to Harvard (she was accepted as an undergraduate and went on to study at Harvard Law School), she said her dream was to become “the first Black, female supreme court justice to appear on a Broadway stage”.Audacious perhaps, but she did both. She joined the court as its first Black female justice in June 2022, and in December made a one-night guest appearance in the Broadway musical & Juliet.In Lovely One, she describes how she imbibed fundamental legal principles from the former supreme court justice Stephen Breyer, for whom she clerked (it was his seat on the court that she later assumed). He taught her about the importance of seeing legal theory not as a thing in itself, but as part of the great American experiment, with its commitment to government by and for the people and its rejection of monarchs and dictators.Jackson also articulates her sense of responsibility, as a Black woman standing on the shoulders of those who came before her, to protect the achievements of the civil rights struggle. As she noted the day after she was confirmed as a justice in her speech on the south lawn of the White House: “In my family, it took just one generation to go from segregation to the supreme court of the United States.”“She understands the assignment,” said Tolson, the USC School of Law dean. “She understands that she is standing on a legacy that is built on a constitution that works for everybody, not just some people.”View image in fullscreenThat assignment will be tougher than ever as Jackson enters her fourth year on the court on Monday. The nine-month term that lies ahead has the potential to profoundly affect the state of American democracy and the extent of presidential power.Enormous questions are on the docket, including whether Trump gets away with scrapping birthright citizenship and other blatantly unconstitutional moves. At stake are the future of Trump’s tariffs, the fate of hundreds of thousands of people facing deportation and similar numbers of federal workers who could lose their jobs, and the independence of the Federal Reserve.Voting rights are also on the line. Two cases coming before the justices have the potential to gut the final vestiges of the Voting Rights Act, eviscerating one of those crowning glories of the civil rights movement without which Jackson might not have hoped to climb to the top.The spotlight will be intense. The consequences will be immense.“She’s been preparing for this moment,” Tolson said, anticipating further poignant Jackson dissents in the months to come.“There’s a sadness to her dissents,” she added. “A sadness about where we are, a reflection of our politics. But there’s also a resolve. That we don’t have to be like this.” More

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      Every American should read this judge’s stirring rebuke to Trump | Austin Sarat

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      Democracy requires that we do more than look out for our own interests and defend our own rights. Ever since the birth of this nation, its citizens and leaders have echoed Benjamin Franklin’s admonition that “we must all hang together, or, most assuredly, we shall all hang separately.”In Donald Trump’s America, hanging separately seems to be the order of the day. This seems especially true when it comes to his treatment of this country’s millions of non-citizen residents.From the start of his political career, demonizing immigrants has been Trump’s stock in trade. Since his return to office, he has been unusually aggressive in his campaign to round up, detain and deport people whose citizenship status is questionable, and, in some cases, citizens have been caught up in the dragnet.The administration has repeatedly violated the constitution by targeting people because of how they look or the sound of their accents. It has even singled them out because of what they have said or written.On 30 September, Judge William Young of the United States district court of Massachusetts made clear that when it comes to freedom of speech, the constitution does not distinguish between people born in the United States and those who have come here as immigrants. His decision in American Association of University Professors v Rubio offers both a stirring civics lesson and an unusually personal rebuke against the Trump administration. The court found that the Trump administration had violated the right to free speech in its push to detain and deport pro-Palestinian foreign scholars.In his opinion, the judge went beyond the usual bounds of a judicial decision to note that the president “ignores everything … The Constitution, our civil laws, regulations, mores, customs, practices, courtesies – all of it; the President simply ignores it all when he takes it into his head to act”. Young added: “While the President naturally seeks warm cheering and gladsome, welcoming acceptance of his views, in the real world he’ll settle for sullen silence and obedience. What he will not countenance is dissent or disagreement.”The judge also accused the president of “bullying”.Legal purists who might applaud the judge’s reading of the constitution will be offended by seeing that kind of language in a judicial opinion. But what he did helps frame the danger Trump poses to the rights of immigrants in a way that connects them to the rest of us.Bravo, Judge Young.Recall the case of Mahmoud Khalil, a green card holder and graduate of Columbia University. He was arrested and detained in March for participating in pro-Palestinian protests on the Columbia University campus. He was held for more than a hundred days in Louisiana.As his lawyer said on Democracy Now: “If free speech means anything in this country,” he noted, it means “government agents can’t pick you up off the street and throw you into jail because of what you’ve said.” But that is exactly what the administration did, hoping to make an example out of Khalil and send a chilling message to other immigrants.Or how about Rümeysa Öztürk, a Tufts University graduate student, arrested by masked Ice agents for writing an op-ed calling on Tufts to do something to protect human rights in Gaza? As a Washington Post story notes, “Ozturk had committed no crime, yet her detention was a priority for the new Trump administration. US officials used the immigration system in unprecedented ways to covertly research and detain noncitizen students, relying on an investigative arm of the Department of Homeland Security whose work traditionally has focused on crimes such as drug smuggling and human trafficking.”“The effort to deport pro-Palestinian student activists,” the Post reports, “represented the Trump administration’s first major challenge to free-speech norms in the United States.” It had to know that what it was doing violated the First Amendment but went ahead anyway under the pretext that it was acting to prevent or punish terrorist activities.This is not the first time that immigrants have been punished for saying or doing things that an administration labelled dangerous. But since the middle of the 20th century, the supreme court has held that the government cannot deport people because of their views or what they say.At that time, Justice William Douglas explained that “freedom of speech and of the press is accorded aliens residing in this country” and that “the utterances made by … [them] were entitled to that protection”. Justice Frank Murphy joined him and stated: “Once an alien lawfully enters and resides in this country he becomes invested with the rights guaranteed by the Constitution to all people within our borders.”Young cited those views in his own opinion. “Noncitizens’ speech rights are,” he said, “identical to those of citizens.” He argued: “Political speech is not, on its own, a facially legitimate reason for expelling persons from this country.”After laying out in great detail all the things the Trump administration has done to violate that principle, including its mistreatment of Khalil and Öztürk, he called out Trump for ignoring the constitution and acting as if “the First Amendment’s protection of freedom of speech applies to American citizens alone”.Young called the case he was deciding “perhaps the most important ever to fall within the jurisdiction of this district court”.Citing the language of the first amendment – “Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech” – the judge insisted: “‘No law’ means ‘no law.’ The First Amendment does not draw President Trump’s invidious distinction” between citizens and non-citizens, “and it is not to be found in our history”, Young wrote.That reference to “our history” suggests that Trump’s treatment of non-citizens is un-American. But Young was not finished.He added: “Triumphalism is the very essence of the Trump brand. Often this is naught but hollow bragging: ‘my perfect administration,’ wearing a red baseball cap in the presidential oval office emblazoned ‘Trump Was Right About Everything,’ or most recently depicting himself as an officer in the First Cavalry Division.”He criticized Trump for his “triumphal, transactional, imperative, bellicose, and coarse” language that “seeks to persuade – not through marshaling data driven evidence, science, or moral suasion, but through power”.Near the end of his opinion, Young quotes former president Ronald Reagan. “Freedom,” Reagan said, “is a fragile thing and it’s never more than one generation away from extinction. It is not ours by way of inheritance; it must be fought for and defended constantly by each generation, for it comes only once to a people …”Returning to Trump, the judge goes on to say: “I’ve come to believe that President Trump truly understands and appreciates the full import of President Reagan’s inspiring message – yet I fear he has drawn from it a darker, more cynical message … [and that he] believes the American people are so divided that today they will not stand up, fight for, and defend our most precious constitutional values so long as they are lulled into thinking their own personal interests are not affected.”By going beyond the precise issue in this case, the free speech rights of immigrants, and going after Trump, Young’s opinion helps frame threats to the rights of immigrants in a way that connects them to the rest of us. He hopes to rekindle the spirit of Reagan and inspire Americans to prove Trump wrong by showing that they will “stand up, fight for, and defend our most precious constitutional values”.

      Austin Sarat, William Nelson Cromwell professor of jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College, is the author or editor of more than 100 books, including Gruesome Spectacles: Botched Executions and America’s Death Penalty More

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      How Maga cheerleaders have infiltrated the White House press corps

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      “I’ve often said: Trump could cure cancer and people would still criticise him,” observed Brian Glenn, a rightwing reporter standing in the Oval Office.“It’s true,” replied a gratified Donald Trump, sitting behind the Resolute desk.A few minutes later, as the US president discussed crime in Washington DC, he returned the compliment. “Brian, you got mugged here a long time ago, and the mugger must have felt some pain because you’re a tough cookie,” he said.The pair shared some banter and then, just as Trump was poised to call on a reporter from the Guardian, Glenn interjected and suggested they listen to cancer survivors present at Tuesday’s executive order signing. In a stroke the informal press conference – hours after a pair of incendiary speeches to military generals and before a government shutdown – was effectively over.It was not the first time that Glenn, who works for the Real America’s Voice platform and is the boyfriend of Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican congresswoman, has played the role of Trump sidekick, a useful foil guaranteed to lighten the atmosphere. It was also a small but telling example of how the White House press corps has changed between Trump’s first and second terms.Seasoned reporters from mainstream media outlets are still asking tough questions. But in the Oval Office, on Air Force One or in the press briefing room, there is no way to avoid the new contingent of Maga (Make America great again) reporters, influencers and podcasters lobbing toothless queries or fawning comments at their favourite president.“They’re hand-picked to protect him and once again it’s another emulation of authoritarian leaders around the world who suppress the free press in order to avoid accountability,” said Tara Setmayer, a former Republican communications director on Capitol Hill. “[Trump] surrounds himself with sycophants who ask softball questions that allow him to drone on about nonsense and propaganda and disinformation.”The White House press corps has been trying to hold presidents accountable without fear or favour since the late 19th century, sometimes with more success than others. It was accused of being too deferential to the George W Bush administration during the Iraq war. But it has also proved dogged, for example, in grilling Barack Obama’s White House over the disastrous rollout of healthcare.gov and a terrorist attack on a US diplomatic compound in Benghazi, Libya.Trump’s first term featured combative exchanges with journalists such as Jim Acosta of CNN, who was temporarily banned from the White House only for his access to be restored following a lawsuit. Some rightwing outlets did appear in the briefing room, but the presidential pool of reporters remained under control of the White House Correspondents’ Association (WHCA).The second Trump administration, however, has used a variety of tactics to change the tone, tenor and pace of media interactions. The president prefers to use the Oval Office rather than bigger venues like the East Room, “in part because the acoustics are better and he is not forced to stand for long periods”, the New York Times reported.View image in fullscreenIn this setting, he takes questions from a pool of reporters no longer selected by the WHCA, but decided by the White House itself. This has led to the exclusion of news wire agencies but the inclusion of fringe rightwing voices, many of whom are openly supportive of the president.Matt Gertz, a senior fellow at the watchdog Media Matters for America, said: “I don’t want to be too glowing about the performance of the White House press corps and the way that they interacted with administrations in years past. But I think there was an understanding of sorts that reporters were on one side and the government was on the other and the purpose of the reporters was to try to get information from the government and bring it back to their audience through tough questioning.“What you have now is effectively an infiltration of the press corps by people who are more interested in helping the administration than they are in trying to get information out of it.”Media Matters has been tracking examples of reporter sycophancy. In February, when the Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited Trump in the Oval Office, Glenn demanded: “Why don’t you wear a suit? You’re at the highest level in this country’s office, and you refuse to wear a suit. Do you own a suit?” (When Zelenskyy returned to the Oval Office last month in more formal attire, Glenn quipped, “You look fabulous in that suit,” and the pair made peace.)At the same infamous meeting, Daniel Baldwin, chief White House correspondent for the One America News Network, asked Trump about peace negotiations with Russia: “What gave you the moral courage and conviction to step forward and lead that?”Trump replied: “I love this guy … One America News does a great job. I like the question.”In April, Jordan Conradson, a reporter at The Gateway Pundit, said to Trump: “I want to get your response on the leftist media. They’re trying to hide the mugshots that are featured on the front lawn of rapists, murderers, paedophiles. What do you think of that? Aren’t they proving to be the enemy of the people?” For good measure, he said of Trump’s “Gulf of America” cap: “I like your hat, by the way.”There are similarly ostentatious displays in the briefing room. In January Glenn told Karoline Leavitt, the press secretary: “You look great. You’re doing a great job.”In April, Cara Castronuova, a former boxer who works for a media network run by the MyPillow chief executive and election conspiracy theorist Mike Lindell, paid tribute to the president’s physical fitness.She asked Leavitt: “Will you guys also consider releasing the president’s fitness plan? He actually looks healthier than ever before, healthier than he did eight years ago, and I’m sure everyone in this room could agree. Is he working out with Bobby Kennedy and is he eating less McDonald’s?”View image in fullscreenThe second Trump administration has added a seat in the briefing room for “new media”, referring to professional journalists, podcasters and influencers. The person in this seat is always called on first by Leavitt and is often a Maga cheerleader.Among the recent examples was social media personality Benny Johnson, who described his personal experience of crime in Washington and railed against “any reporter that says, and lies, that DC is a safe place to live and work”. He told Leavitt: “Thank you for making the city safe.”Johnson also asked if a so-called “department of government efficiency” (Doge) staffer known as “Big Balls”, who was recently assaulted in the District, would be awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom.A Media Matters review of the 16 press briefings held from 20 January to 22 April found that Leavitt called on rightwing outlets 41% of the time (110 out of 267) – still less than half but a significant increase from past administrations. Four of the five reporters called on most were from rightwing outlets: the Daily Caller’s Reagan Reese, Fox News’s Peter Doocy, the Daily Wire’s Mary Margaret Olohan and the New York Post’s Diana Glebova.The research also showed that the White House promoted smaller, far-right media over many established outlets, calling on the One America News Network (five times) and the Gateway Pundit (five) more than the Washington Post (four) and Associated Press (three) over that period.View image in fullscreenGertz added: “There’s no question that Donald Trump and other people who speak from the podium do not have a problem saying things that are not true in response to tough questions from reporters. But now they have an outlet. They can always turn to people they know are going to ask these sycophantic questions when they need a breather or want to change the subject.”This new calculus has enabled Trump and his spokespeople to change the rhythm of media interactions, blunting the momentum of difficult questions by turning to a known administration ally.Bill Galston, a former domestic policy adviser to the former president Bill Clinton, said: “It gives the press secretary a chance to change the entire dynamic of daily briefings because she is always free to interrupt the flow of negativity by calling on known cheerleaders in the room.”Galston suspects that the shift in the centre of gravity has some effect on the entire press corps. “They may feel a little bit more intimidated about asking questions in the toughest way if they think that, if they go too far, they’re going to get a tongue lashing from the press secretary rather than an answer and she’s going to seize the opportunity to do a Trump-like joust. I have to believe, at least at the margin, that has some effect.”Yet the stalwarts of the US media continue to do the work. TV correspondents such as Yamiche Alcindor and Peter Alexander of NBC News have riled the president – and prompted insults – with their sharp, persistent questions. Maggie Haberman of the New York Times skewered Leavitt over Trump’s birthday letter to sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.Jon Decker, senior national editor for Gray Television and member of the White House press corps for 30 years, said: “Regardless of whether it’s a Republican administration or a Democratic administration, I’m still going to ask tough but fair questions. I’ve personally worked with 17 White House press secretaries and every one of them calls on me because they recognise that I’m always going to be fair. That is something that any reporter should keep in mind if they want longevity on this beat.” More

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      California measure brings rideshare drivers one step closer to unionizing

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      More than 800,000 ride-hailing drivers in California will soon be able to join a union and negotiate for higher wages and better benefits under a measure signed Friday by the governor, Gavin Newsom.Supporters said the new law will open a path for the largest expansion of private-sector collective bargaining rights in the state’s history. The legislation is a significant compromise in the years-long battle between labor unions and tech companies.California is the second state where Uber and Lyft drivers can unionize as independent contractors; Massachusetts voters passed a ballot referendum in November allowing unionization, while drivers in Illinois and Minnesota are pushing for similar rights.“Donald Trump is holding the government hostage and stripping away worker protections,” Newsom said in a statement, referring to the estimated 750,000 federal employees who are furloughed as a result of the first federal government shutdown since 2018, with the administration planning to implement another sweeping wave of cuts.“In California, we’re doing the opposite: proving government can deliver – giving drivers the power to unionize while we continue our work to lower costs for families. That’s the difference between chaos and competence,” he added.The new law is part of an agreement made in September among Newsom, state lawmakers and the Service Employees International Union, along with rideshare companies Uber and Lyft. In exchange, Newsom is expected to sign a measure supported by Uber and Lyft to significantly cut the companies’ insurance requirements for accidents caused by underinsured drivers.Lyft CEO David Risher said in September that the new insurance rates are expected to save the company $200m and could help reduce fares.Uber and Lyft fares in California are consistently higher than in other parts of the US because of insurance requirements, the companies say. Uber has said that nearly one-third of every ride fare in the state goes toward paying for state-mandated insurance.Labor unions and tech companies have fought for years over drivers’ rights. In July of last year, the California supreme court ruled that app-based ride-hailing and delivery services like Uber and Lyft can continue treating their drivers as independent contractors not entitled to benefits like overtime pay, paid sick leave and unemployment insurance.A 2019 law mandated that Uber and Lyft provide drivers with benefits, but voters reversed it at the ballot box in 2020 with a measure known as Proposition 22. Uber and Lyft spent more than $200m in their efforts to bar app-based workers from being classified as traditional employees. Drivers and labor groups opposed Prop 22, saying it would allow companies to sidestep their obligations to provide benefits and standard minimum wages to their workers even as they make billions.The collective bargaining measure now allows rideshare workers in California to join a union while still being classified as independent contractors and requires gig companies to bargain in good faith over issues such as driver deactivations, paid leave and earnings. The new law doesn’t apply to drivers for delivery apps like DoorDash.“Trump is gutting workers’ fundamental right to come together and demand fair pay and treatment,” said Tia Orr, executive director of SEIU California. “But here in California, we are sending a different message: when workers are empowered and valued, everyone wins. Shared prosperity starts with unions for all workers.”The insurance measure will reduce the coverage requirement for accidents caused by uninsured or underinsured drivers from $1m to $60,000 per individual and $300,000 per accident.The two measures “together represent a compromise that lowers costs for riders while creating stronger voices for drivers – demonstrating how industry, labor, and lawmakers can work together to deliver real solutions,” Ramona Prieto, head of public policy for California at Uber, said in a statement.The new law arrives as Uber and Lyft continue negotiating a settlement with California and the cities of San Francisco, Los Angeles and San Diego, which sued the companies for allegedly withholding wages from thousands of drivers before Proposition 22 took effect.Rideshare Drivers United, a Los Angeles-based advocacy group of 20,000 drivers, said the collective bargaining law isn’t strong enough to give workers a fair contract. The group wanted to require the companies to report their data on pay to the state.New York City drivers’ pay increased after the city started requiring the companies to report how much an average driver earns, the group said.“Drivers really need the backing of the state to ensure that not only is a wage proposal actually going to help drivers, but that there is progress in drivers’ pay over the years,” said Nicole Moore, president of Rideshare Drivers United. More

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      Trump news at a glance: Hamas says it has approved parts of Donald Trump’s ultimatum to end war in Gaza

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      Hamas said on Friday it approved parts of Donald Trump’s ultimatum to end the war in Gaza, agreeing to a hostage exchange and to surrender governing power in the Gaza Strip, but insisted on further negotiations over aspects of the plan.The group did not say whether it would lay down its arms – a key part of Trump’s proposal – and kept its response vague to other parts of the 20-part proposal unveiled on Monday.Nevertheless Trump welcomed its statement and ordered Israel to “immediately” stop bombing Gaza. “Based on the Statement just issued by Hamas, I believe they are ready for a lasting PEACE,” he wrote in a post on his Truth Social platform.The unprecedented order from Trump underlined that Israel and Hamas are the closest they have been in two years to achieving an end to the war in Gaza.Hamas agrees to release all Israeli hostages as it accepts part of Trump’s planIn a statement, Hamas said it was giving its “approval of releasing all occupation prisoners – both living and remains – according to the exchange formula contained in President Trump’s proposal, with the necessary field conditions for implementing the exchange”.Hamas also said it was prepared to turn over “the administration of the Gaza Strip to a Palestinian body of independent technocrats based on Palestinian national consensus and supported by Arab and Islamic backing”.Read the full storyUS government shutdown continues as Senate funding bills again fail to passThe US government remained shut down for a third straight day on Friday, with no signs that congressional leaders had made progress on reaching an agreement to restart operations.Senators convened in the afternoon to vote for a fourth time on competing Democratic and Republican proposals to restart funding. Neither bill won enough support to cross the 60-vote threshold for advancement, and no lawmakers changed their votes from recent days.Read the full storyHegseth says four killed in US strike on alleged drug boat off Venezuelan coastThe United States carried out a strike against an alleged drug-trafficking boat on Friday that killed four people, the US defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, said, a day after the Trump administration told Congress it was entering a new “non-international armed conflict” with cartels.Read the full storyApple removes Ice tracking apps after pressure from Trump administrationApple has removed an app from its App Store that uses crowdsourcing to flag sightings of US immigration agents after facing pressure from Donald Trump’s administration.IceBlock, a free iPhone-only app that lets users anonymously report and monitor activity by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) officers, was no longer available on Friday. The app’s developer said last month that it had more than 1 million users.Read the full storyUS supreme court allows Trump to strip temporary status from VenezuelansThe US supreme court on Friday allowed Donald Trump’s administration to strip legal protections from more than 300,000 Venezuelan migrants.Read the full storyFBI cuts ties with two advocacy groups that track US extremism after rightwing backlashKash Patel, the FBI director, says the agency is cutting ties with two organizations that for decades have tracked domestic extremism and racial and religious bias, a move that follows complaints about the groups from some conservatives and prominent allies of Donald Trump.Read the full storyWhat else happened today:

      The US government has put $2.1bn in funding for infrastructure projects in Chicago on hold, Russ Vought, the office of management and budget director, said on Friday, in another jab at a Democratic-led city.

      To commemorate the 250th anniversary of the US’s independence, the treasury department is mulling production of a $1 coin displaying Donald Trump with a clenched first under an American flag and the words “fight, fight, fight”.

      A California resident who admitted trying to assassinate the US supreme court justice Brett Kavanaugh in 2022 was sentenced on Friday to eight years and one month in federal prison.

      An Arkansas man, who was detained for a month by Ice after authorities mistook his bottle of perfume for opium, is seeking to have his visa status restored after the charges were dropped.
      Catching up? Here’s what happened 2 October 2025. More

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      Trump administration to offer unaccompanied minors $2,500 to self-deport, memo reveals

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      The Trump administration wants to offer immigrant children $2,500 to self-deport, according to a memo obtained by the Guardian.The memo, sent by the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to legal providers representing unaccompanied children and reviewed by the Guardian, says that immigration officials have identified unaccompanied immigrant children 14 years of age and older in government custody who have expressed interest in voluntarily departing the US.The government “will provide a one-time resettlement support stipend of $2,500” to these children in exchange for their voluntary departure, the memo states. It notes that unaccompanied minors from Mexico will not be eligible.DHS confirmed the details of the memo and its plans to offer children money in a statement to the Guardian on Friday.The effort by the administration is a significant departure from longstanding immigration policy related to minors in US custody, according to experts. Although voluntary departure for unaccompanied immigrant children has always been an option, it typically requires consultation with attorneys and approval by a judge. The administration’s decision to incentivize children to engage in self-removal is new.The administration’s “message is confusing and seems to fly in the face of established laws and protocols that Congress passed to protect children from cyclical trafficking risks”, said Shaina Aber, executive director of the Acacia Center for Justice, in a statement. “We are concerned by messaging from the Department of Homeland Security that suggests children who were trafficked against their will into the US by cartels will be part of an incentive program aimed at getting children to waive their legal rights under the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act.”Immigration lawyers and advocates have expressed alarm at the potential ramifications for children and their families. “We are mindful that this $2,500 incentive being offered to children in exchange for giving up their legal claims and accepting voluntary departure has the potential to exploit their unique vulnerabilities as unaccompanied minors in government custody,” said Marion “Mickey” Donovan-Kaloust at the Los Angeles-based legal aid group Immigrant Defenders Law Center, or ImmDef.“This policy pressures children to abandon their legal claims and return to a life of fear and danger without ever receiving a fair hearing,” said Murad Awawdeh, president of the New York Immigration Coalition. “The chaos built into this policy will devastate families and communities – and it is targeted to hurt children.”Children who arrive in the US or at a border without a parent or guardian are classified as unaccompanied minors, and are placed in the custody of the office of refugee resettlement (ORR), which is under HHS. Children are placed in federal government-run shelters until they can be reunited with family members vetted by the ORR, or with foster families, a process outlined in federal law.Since the Trump administration came into office, it has engaged in efforts to remove immigrant children from the US. The administration has attempted to roll back legal representation for minors, cutting back a federally funded program that provided legal aid for unaccompanied children.In late August, the administration prepared to hastily deport dozens of Guatemalan children. Many of the children had pending immigration cases and had not elected to leave the US, according to their lawyers.Dozens of children were roused from their beds at shelters and taken to an airport in the early morning hours and ushered onto flights – and were only released after a judge temporarily blocked the deportations.“We urge the public not to lose sight of the broader context in which this program is unfolding: a sustained assault on children’s access to legal counsel, dramatically prolonged detention periods, the expedited processing of deportation cases, and, most disturbingly, children being dragged from their beds in the middle of the night last month and threatened with deportation,” said Donovan-Kaloust.Members of Congress also have expressed concern about the treatment of immigrant children in US government custody. This week, led by the representative Delia Ramirez, those members wrote a letter to DHS opposing efforts to return immigrant children to their countries of origin.The letter, which has not previously been reported on, was submitted before the newest Trump administration memo incentivizing children to voluntarily return to their countries of origin. The members of Congress requested that DHS provide information on its push to return immigrant children to their home countries.“Given that we know the Trump Administration has no concern for keeping families together, we expect that DHS’s new policy will deprive children of due process and place them in grave danger of trafficking and other harm,” the members wrote.The newest directive was sent to ORR legal service providers on Friday morning, four days after the congressional letter.Dina Francesca Haynes, executive director of the Orville H Schell Jr Center for International Human Rights at Yale, said she questioned how children who are not old enough to enter into contracts on their own could be expected to consent to a legally complicated immigration decision.She said she is also concerned that the program will fuel family separations. Already, the Trump administration has issued stringent new restrictions on who can take custody of unaccompanied minors, requiring US identification, proof of income and in many cases a DNA test of family members seeking to reunite with children in ORR shelters or foster care. The new limits have made it especially difficult for immigrant families, and undocumented immigrants, to take custody of children.Haynes said she worries that children would feel pressured to accept a voluntary departure in order to protect their family members from being targeted or deported.“It’s just so astonishing that this is something that [the US] would be doing as a policy,” she said. “It’s coercing children who are already traumatized.”Earlier on Friday, rumors began spreading regarding the administration’s efforts to target children and incentivize them with money to voluntarily depart.According to a statement from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the “voluntary option gives UACs [unaccompanied children] a choice and allows them to make an informed decision about their future. Any payment to support a return home would be provided after an immigration judge grants the request and the individual arrives in their country of origin.”The offer is being made to 17-year-old unaccompanied children first, DHS said, despite the memo outlining that the deal is being offered to children as young as 14.The stipend program to urge children to depart the US echoes a similar scheme that the government devised to incentivize adults to self-deport. In May, the administration announced it would offer a $1,000 incentive to immigrants who “self-deport” using a government-designed app.Following the launch of that self-deportation program, it was unclear how many people partook in the scheme and whether any of them actually received the promised $1,000, Haynes said. “So I don’t know that the funds would actually be an incentive,” she said.Advocates have also raised alarm that children are increasingly being used as pawns in an effort to locate and deport their family members. Earlier this year, the Guardian reported that DHS was beginning to seek out unaccompanied immigrant children in operations nationwide in an attempt to deport them or pursue criminal cases against them or their adult sponsors.A recent Guardian investigation found that immigrant families are being threatened with separation from their children in order to coerce immigrants and asylum seekers to leave the US. In several cases, officials have forcibly separated immigrant children from their parents, and misclassified the children as “unaccompanied minors”, in an apparent effort to retaliate against families who have challenged deportation orders or insisted on their right to seek asylum. More