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    In Saginaw, where children are dying of gun violence, local races loom large

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    Tiffany Owens stood before the city council in Saginaw, Michigan, struggling to contain her anguish.“I hate this city because this city took away something that was so precious and dear to me. I’ve been living here all my life and I had to bury two of my kids. They out in Forest Lawn cemetery,” she said, her voice shaking with grief.“We just need y’all to do something. I don’t want another mother to have to stand here where I’m standing. It’s not fair that we all are here but I do not want another parent to have to go through this trauma, go through this pain.”Owens’ eldest son, Tamaris, was 12 years old when he was killed by a stray bullet from a drive-by shooting. Her 26-year-old daughter, Tamarea, met a similar fate nine years later in 2021. Owens fears for the wellbeing of her remaining son.The family tragedy does not stop there. Owens’ niece, Tonquinisha McKinley, was killed outside her home during a family celebration before Tamarea’s high school prom in 2013.Behind Owens, other mothers held photographs of children murdered in one of the most dangerous cities in the US. Saginaw has at times had the highest crime rate of any city in Michigan during recent years, surpassing Detroit, with which it shares many of the same problems of industrial decline, deepening poverty and diminishing population over decades.More than 180 people have been murdered in the city of Saginaw over the past decade, most of them with guns, alongside hundreds of non-fatal shootings. About 20 people have been murdered so far this year.The bereaved mothers were pleading for action from Saginaw’s city council at its last meeting before local elections alongside the presidential ballot on Tuesday. For some, the local race is the more important of the two as they look to reverse their city’s decline while the Saginaw council stands accused of dithering and focusing on the wrong priorities. Others see Saginaw’s fate, and the safety of its families, as also inextricably tied to who gets into the White House.Tamara Tucker also spoke at the council meeting. She was still in high school when her 17-year-old brother was shot dead. Not long afterwards, she joined the support group Parents of Murdered Children to help her mother through a terrible time.Tucker remained a member when a few years later she, too, came to experience the grief of being a parent losing a child after her daughter was murdered.“I thought, my God, how can this be? Not again,” she told the Guardian.View image in fullscreenTucker’s daughter, MoeNeisha Simmons-Ross, was trying to prevent her boyfriend from leaving her Saginaw apartment with a gun. He shot her with it. She was pregnant with their child. The boyfriend was convicted of murder.That wasn’t the end. A few months later, Tucker’s younger sister was killed in Florida, and then her nephew in Saginaw.Tucker blames “selfishness” for the violence and the city’s failure to curb it.“It’s going to take the whole community to turn this around. I keep saying it, and I will say it until I’m blue in the face, it’s going to take the community caring. Apparently, there’s not enough children being murdered for them to actually say we got to do something about this,” she said.Barbara Clark went to college to get a degree in criminal justice in an effort to understand the causes of the violence in Saginaw and what to do about it after her son, Tommie Ford, was murdered at 17 years old by another teenager jealous of Ford talking to his former girlfriend.“I wanted to learn as much about the criminal justice system because I need to be able to talk to them in their language so I can know what you’re talking about when they tell me what you can and can’t do,” she said.Clark said that politicians, the police and people in other parts of Saginaw county were too often willing to blame parenting and gang culture for the killings so as to sidestep the part played by poverty, which runs at about 34% of the city’s population, and lack of resources.She ties the rise in murders, shootings and other crimes to Saginaw’s economic decline as more than a dozen car factories closed since the 1990s and the population fell sharply to about 45,000 today. Abandoned houses and bulldozed lots dot many streets on the lower-income east side of the city. Schools have been closed and consolidated. With a dwindling tax base, the city government cut back on services including recreational facilities.“Everything that was there to help those young people, to go to recreation centres, to do anything, has been shut down, decimated. All the schools here are gone. The schools are now placed on the other side of town so you gotta be commuted to it,” she said.“A lot of people want to say the parents ain’t doing their job. That may be true in some cases but not in all. There are some parents, for instance us, we are doing the best that we can do. But when you have limited funds, there’s only so much you can do. You’re looking at a poverty level of people in the inner city that things are happening to the family. What needs to happen is for the city of Saginaw to bring things back in for these young people to do, give them a chance.”There was plenty of sympathy for the mothers from city council members. One expressed condolences for the family of the latest victim, 14-year-old Keyvon Bentley, who was killed at the end of October.Council member Michael Flores, who is not running for re-election, read the names of some of those killed.View image in fullscreen“The thing that hurts me the most as a public official is that we lose Saginaw’s future constantly throughout every year that I’ve been here,” he said. “And a lot of the murder victims that I just listed off were 15, 16, 17, 18, 19 … It’s the saddest thing that I’ve experienced on council.”But there was little commitment to specific change even from those members up for re-election.Criticism of the council has focused on how it is spending $52m in grants under Joe Biden’s American Rescue Plan Act (Arpa). The council used half of the funds to fill a budget shortfall.The council’s plan for the rest of the money includes $10m to support “community centres, childcare and youth development”. But how that will be spent is still unresolved, to the frustration of campaigners.Flores told the Guardian the city “lacks either the imagination or the ability” to provide opportunities for young people, including initiatives to help those who are otherwise drawn into “a life of crime to be able to produce money for their families”.He said the council was too focused on allocating money to develop upscale housing, in the hope of drawing higher-income residents to the city, at the expense of affordable homes that would improve the lives of lower-income families. He pointed to a recent case where the council spent $3m to upgrade a building only to sell it to a developer for $1,000 to convert it to relatively upscale condos while rejecting a higher offer that would have brought more affordable housing.“The council always has the opportunity to be on the side of the people or be on the side of outside developers that want to come in and get tax abatement or tax credits for developing. We never tend to give it to the people that really need the help,” he said.Carly Hammond is a union organiser running for a seat on the council who is campaigning for more Arpa money to be spent on facilities for young people.“There is a lot that the city council can do to combat youth violence and create youth opportunities. Back in the 1960s, there used to be much more robust after-school youth education programmes, community centres, funded by the city,” she said.View image in fullscreen“A lot of these organisms and concepts were strategically dismantled. Rebuilding them takes a whole lot. Youth development means investing in neighbourhoods.”Hammond accuses the council of hiding behind its own bureaucracy to explain why it is not doing more on affordable housing and support for community organisations. She also accuses the council of leaving some federal money on the table from the community development block grant because it failed to put together the proper documentation.“The lack of investment overall in the community is felt most by the children. They just feel like there’s no future. If you hear parents and young people talk about this, they’re asking for direct action. They’re not asking for sympathy,” she said.The council also heard from Matthew Carpus, president of the Saginaw police union. He said officers on the force long ago lost confidence in the city’s police chief and council to address crime.“Most victims in this city don’t speak out. Either they move out of the city or they suffer in silence. Very few come to these meetings because, like officers, they feel you’re not going to do anything,” he said.“Not only isn’t it being solved, it’s not getting better, it’s trending in the wrong direction. We need to try something different.”Flores wants to see more of the Arpa money spent on policing.“I have done many ride-alongs with police officers. For the amount of area that they have to cover, they’re drastically understaffed,” he said. “There were calls, some of them domestic violence calls and the like, that just weren’t able to be picked up because there were more pressing issues in the moment.”The city has brought in the state police to patrol parts of Saginaw but Clark said that had resulted in little more than racially profiled stop-and-searches of cars.“It’s not helping. Instead of them doing what they were brought in to do, which is community service, they’re targeting. If these young men are blessed to have a nice car with nice rims and dress nice, you’re definitely targeted. If your car is dressed, made up a certain type of way, they’re definitely going to pull you over,” she said.Clark is looking to the new council to change the trajectory. But she said the presidential election would be decisive because while Biden has directed financial support to lower-income communities, she expects Trump to do just the opposite.“Who’s in the White House does affect us because it, I won’t say it trickles down, it starts down and works it way up. They come for our programmes before they do anybody else’s programme. They will cancel our programme before they cancel anybody else’s programmes,” she said. More

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      10 years of the long read: Farewell to America (2015) – podcast

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      As the Long Read turns 10 we are raiding the archives to bring you a favourite piece from each year since 2014, with new introductions from the authors.
      This week from 2015: After 12 years in the US, Gary Younge is preparing to depart – as the country’s racial frictions seem certain to spark another summer of conflict. By Gary Younge

      How to listen to podcasts: everything you need to know More

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      Illinois governor calls for resignation of sheriff whose deputy killed Sonya Massey

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      JB Pritzker, Illinois governor, has called for the resignation of the sheriff whose deputy fatally shot Sonya Massey in her home last month after the Black woman had called 911 for help.Pritzker, a Democrat, said on Wednesday that the sheriff, Jack Campbell, should step down.“He has failed to explain how he ended up hiring this deputy sheriff who has been fired from other departments,” Pritzker said. “He failed to put forward reforms that clearly need to be made – training and other reforms – and still has failed to meet with the Massey family.”The former sheriff’s deputy, Sean Grayson, who has since been fired, faces three counts of first-degree murder, aggravated battery with a firearm and official misconduct in the 6 July shooting death of Massey.Records have shown that prior to becoming a law enforcement officer, Grayson was kicked out of the army for the first of two drunken driving arrests within a year. Campbell had been aware of Grayson’s drunk driving convictions, though he has said that a record of DUI does not disqualify a candidate.During Grayson’s law enforcement career, he received some reviews that indicated he needed more training and had one disciplinary problem. A psychological evaluation from March 2023 found him fit to serve but noted: “He knows he can move too fast at times. He needs to slow down to make good decisions.”Campbell, who hired Grayson for the Sangamon county sheriff’s department in May 2023, reiterated his intent on Wednesday to stay in the job.“I was overwhelmingly elected to lead the sheriff’s office through both good times and bad,” Campbell said. “I am fully prepared to continue leading my office and serving the residents of Sangamon county through this difficult period, ensuring we learn from this tragedy and work toward a better future.”Pritzker met with Massey’s family two weeks ago, alongside the lieutenant governor, Juliana Stratton, and has faulted Campbell for not meeting with Massey’s family members.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionCampbell has said that he has requested meetings with the family four times through family-designated intermediaries, but none have been accepted, and that he would still like to meet.Joe Biden, the US president, and his vice-president, Kamala Harris, have both reiterated calls for policing reforms following the killing.The Associated Press contributed reporting More

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      Jackson isn’t just Mississippi’s capital. It’s America’s murder capital

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      Jackson, Mississippi, knows the blues.There’s the old men at sunset carting old amps through a full parking lot to the back of an otherwise nondescript bar, to deliver a fearless late-night symposium in the oldest school of blues.And then there’s the Jackson that wakes up in the morning wondering how many young men got killed somewhere else that night. Jackson isn’t just Mississippi’s capital. It’s America’s murder capital, two years running.Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba is perfectly, painfully aware that his city has a murder problem. And he wants to do something about it.“Our residents aren’t against police,” he said. “Our residents are supportive of having more law enforcement to cover gaps and show presence. But they want a police force that is accountable to them.”But who do those police officers answer to? In a city where 83% of residents are Black and 90% of its voters are Democrats, the only person who lives there with the power to hire or fire the capitol police chief is the white Republican living south of Smith Park in the governor’s mansion. This is a democracy problem. .The response of Mississippi’s predominantly white conservative state legislators and Republican governor, Tate Reeves, to violent crime in the state capital last year was to expand the jurisdiction of the Mississippi capitol police department, a state-controlled agency. House Bill 1020 expanded the footprint of the Capitol Complex Improvement District to much of north-east Jackson, while creating a parallel court system to handle cases brought by the capitol police, bypassing the district attorney and locally elected judges.Jackson’s murder problem is real. The national homicide rate per 100,000 people in the United States was about 5.5 in 2023. Jackson’s high-water mark in 2021 was a staggering 99.5. Last year Jackson’s rate was 78.8..Though violent crime has been falling across the country, Mississippi overall had a homicide rate of 19.4 per 100,000, the highest of any state. Jackson is a fraction of that: only about one out of 20 of Mississippi’s roughly 3 million residents live in Jackson. Take Jackson’s 138 murders out of the state’s 2022 calculation, and Mississippi still has a murder rate of 14.6, about three times the national average.Poverty incubates violence. Mississippi has the highest poverty rate in the country and most of Jackson’s murders are in its poorest neighborhoods.But the section of Jackson covered by the capitol police is not where you find most of Jackson’s murder problem. It is where most of Jackson’s white people live.“If it’s a notion about how we make it safer, then please justify why they are in the areas with the lowest crime?” Lumumba asks rhetorically. He surmises that it is one more extension of white conservative contempt of the state’s largest city, a Black-majority city viewed as unable to act in its own interest on how to operate a police department.“Someone from north Mississippi certainly doesn’t have a greater interest or desire for safety within our communities than we have for ourselves,” Lumumba said. “And so, it’s paternalistic. I think it is underpinned in partisanship. Also quite frankly, and honestly, it reeks of racism.”Over a chicken biscuit and coffee in middle-class north Jackson, Dr Anita DeRouen, a high school English teacher and former college professor, recounted a drive-by shooting at an empty house last year, up the street from her own in midtown.“I was outside packing up my car and I hear what sounds like three pow pow pow,” she said. The city cops responded, eventually, she said. Little came of it; no one had been hurt.Her house is just inside the footprint of the Capitol Complex Improvement District now. She has a doctorate in English and still does a thing that’s characteristic of Black people talking about race in Mississippi. Rather than refer to it directly, she points to the brown skin on the back of her hand when she means Black people.If she has to call the police now, the capitol police respond first. “What I’ve noticed is, I do see more police in my neighborhood when there’s a reason to call the police. Right? Do people feel more confident calling the police? I don’t know. I just see them around.”DeRouen’s concern about the capitol police district is about who they will police, and to whom they will be accountable.“As a person living in Jackson, I was more concerned about the court situation that came along with that. Because we elect our judges, and they weren’t going to be elected judges,” she said. “The thing that struck me about the district as a whole was that it was so carved out to protect as many white people as they can.”The police chiefs of each agency talk to each other regularly, and talk in public about trying to coordinate their efforts. A police officer responding to a call in the CCID in Jackson’s north is one fewer to answer a call in the south, after all.But Joseph Wade, chief of the Jackson police department, has found himself telling the public that his cops haven’t been replaced. “I tell the citizens all the time; we’re still going to maintain a footprint within the CCID,” he said to the Jackson city council in May. “We’re not vacating … but it gives us an opportunity to deploy our resources to higher-crime areas in Jackson.”Wade came to the job less than a year ago with a community-oriented policing strategy to address the city’s violence. He holds regular community meetings where he shares crime data and solicits feedback from the public. The city established an office of violence prevention and trauma recovery last year, which works to intercept people who are likely to commit an act of violence – or to be a victim of violence – before they add to Jackson’s statistics.The Jackson city police department fields about 275 officers. The capitol police have about 200 and are staffing up to get to 225, chief Bo Luckey said in public comments in May.Neither agency is unblemished. Even as the legislature was considering a plan to expand the authority of the capitol police, the department was under scrutiny for a series of questionable shootings. In one case, an officer fired into an apartment building while chasing a suspected car thief, shooting a woman asleep in her bed. In another, police appear to have shot through the windshield of a car, killing 25-year-old Jaylen Lewis.People around Jackson are touchy about policing right now after the revelations of the Goon Squad torture case in neighboring Rankin county. The federal investigation resulted in convictions for six white Rankin county deputies who sexually humiliated and abused two Black men, shooting one in the mouth. The trial surfaced a pattern of misconduct that still has the community reeling.Local law enforcement in Jackson bristles at any comparison between their policing and that of the Rankin sheriff’s office.Jackson police are still digging out from criticism for failing to notify Bettersten Wade that her son Dexter Wade, had been killed by an off-duty police officer and – despite having ID and her phone calls to the coroner’s office – was buried in an anonymous pauper’s grave behind the county jail. The city and county remain at odds over who should take blame; meanwhile Jackson reformed its notification processes in the wake of public scrutiny.View image in fullscreenIn comparison, two years after the Lewis shooting, Mississippi public safety officials have remained unwilling to reveal basic details about the event to Lewis’s family, citing a continuing “investigation”.State officials did not respond to repeated requests for comment for this story.The mayor noted that the city’s clearance rate for homicide investigation’s is above 70%, an indication that the public is willing to work with city police to solve crime. The national average is around 50%.Lumumba insists that the violence in Jackson is not a product of poor policing, drawing a contrast in approach with the capitol police. “But the fact that new problems surface, new interpersonal conflicts take place means that there’s a gap that we’re not filling,” he said. “And I only say that to say that this is absent in the consideration of the state, as they try to approach a safer environment for Jackson from a paternalistic standpoint. They don’t engage community.”Downtown Jackson has been losing population for a generation. You can drive long vacant stretches between buildings before finding signs of life inside. Depopulation isn’t just a Jackson problem – when you look at the list of shrinking communities in America, Mississippi towns like Greenville, Clarksdale and Vicksburg top the list, all expectations of Sun belt growth be damned. People are fleeing poverty.The emptiness creates problems for those who remain: squatters and unobserved spaces nurturing crime. Loss begets a vicious cycle.But people live in this town. Many are thriving.An hour before blues time at Hal and Mal’s, Jackson’s resident drag queen Penny Nickels was finishing up trivia night at the other end of the bar. It’s a monthly event held by Mississippi Capital City Pride. They’re worried about how the police will handle anti-queer harassment.“I’ve had protesters outside protesting, just me. I’m just one queen,” Nickels said. “I’ll be getting out of the car in the parking lot, and they will be coming out. Like they will be yelling directly after me.”The city’s Pride festival is a major event in Jackson, and has long had administrative support from the city government, said Chris Ellis, chair-elect of Mississippi Capital City Pride.“The governor vacates the premises while we’re around,” Ellis said. “I’m sure if he was there, he would ignore us, pretend we don’t exist, or outright claim that we’re, you know, degenerates, and all that good stuff.”Jackson’s LGBTQ+ activists fought for protections from bullhorn-wielding protesters during Pride, and the city responded with an ordinance limiting how amplified sound can be used in public.Alas, the capitol police do not enforce Jackson city ordinances.That complicates the coordination Jackson’s police department hopes to achieve with the capitol police. For the moment, a single 911 system handles all calls for the city, regardless of type. “When a citizen dials 911, they don’t know if it’s a city ordinance or a state law,” Wade said.The legislature anticipated this problem. Reeves vetoed a bill extending local ordinance enforcement authority to the department, because he doesn’t like the city’s politics.In a Facebook message explaining his veto, Reeves said capitol police should not be obligated to uphold local laws restricting police from pursuing immigration violations, describing Jackson as a so-called sanctuary city.“I believe, if this bill were to become law, the capitol police could not assist ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] in deporting illegal aliens that live in this community,” Reeves said. “Any time or attention – from an already under-resourced police force – on dealing with city ordinances [of which there are hundreds and none of which have been contemplated, much less approved, by the state] and code enforcement is an unnecessary diversion of personnel from their mission of finding and arresting the criminals.”Reeves did sign legislation requiring any protest next to state property in Jackson to obtain the written permission of the Mississippi public safety director or the capitol police chief. That legislation has been blocked in federal court.Jackson’s annual Pride march – which is held in an area that is now covered by the CCID – is nonetheless caught between the governor and his politics, Ellis said.“We’ve always done a march around Jackson as part of our festivities every year,” Ellis said. “And we’re talking about not doing that because it’s in the purview of the capitol police.”“The reason he even stopped me was because I had my white girlfriend in the car.” Just after leaving an arraignment hearing at the Hinds county courthouse in Jackson, a Black man in his 30s nervously, described the reasons he ran from a traffic stop from a capitol police officer in an unmarked car earlier this year. As the Jacksonian talks jackrabbit fast, he’s reliving the event. He requested anonymity to help prevent reprisals.“So he profiled me. I was driving her car,” the young man said, explaining how the officer pulled him over because his girlfriend was with him.“He gets out. I just see him waving the gun.“I instantly take off, police or no police. This is supposed to be a traffic stop. I’m not wanted for anything. And I haven’t did anything. But I’ve been assaulted by the police. I’ve been beat for nothing. They were supposed to be taking me to jail, instead they put gloves on, beat me and they just dropped me off in a neighboring neighborhood.”In his recollection, Jackson city police tuned him up in an alley some years ago. But it was capitol police that went after him recently.Jackson is depressing, he said.“Corrupt politicians, corrupt government system, corrupted … everything is fucked up. The streets have potholes. There are great people, but living under these circumstances, it creates chaos. The poverty contributes to crime, There’s no resources for our kids for anything to do. You can even have a degree, but you still have to know someone. Yeah, and this is being real.“If you can make it here, you can make anywhere. But if you didn’t make it out of here, then really, it was all against you anyway.”An afternoon in a courtroom at the Hinds county courthouse will break your heart. On a random Monday in July, two dozen men and women – mostly men, almost exclusively Black men shackled together – passed before the bench.The state’s initial legislative plan called for the establishment of a parallel court system for cases brought by the capitol police, bypassing Hinds county superior court. Chief justice Michael K Randolph, a white conservative Republican, would have appointed the judge for this court. Its prosecutors would be appointed by the attorney general, Lynn Fitch, also a white conservative Republican.A fifth circuit federal court approved the basic concept in affirming the law last year. But Mississippi’s state supreme court also ruled last year that the court’s judges could not be appointed and hear felonies under the Mississippi constitution.So now the plan is for the court to be restricted to misdemeanor cases, said Hinds county superior court judge Johnnie McDaniels.“The idea was that court was created to alleviate the backlog of cases in Hinds county. But I’m not sure we have a backlog of cases in terms of misdemeanor cases,” he said. “My position has always been that the state legislature should simply fund two other circuit court judges for Hinds county, so that we can address the real backlog of the number of cases we have. We have a a number of murder cases, a number of all types of cases. And our judges work extremely hard.”Almost all of the defendants had court-appointed attorneys because they were too poor to afford private counsel. Most stood accused of relatively minor crimes. Probation violations, because they didn’t want to show up in front of a probation officer without money to pay their fines. Drug possession. Running from the cops.But four faced murder charges.Senior judge Winston Kidd said what came through court that day was fairly normal. The murder problem is real.“And I acknowledged that when [SB] 1020 came out,” he said, referring to the bill that expanded the capitol police department’s power. “I acknowledged this problem. But no one could tell us why do we need this bill? The only thing I could go back to was the fact that all four circuit judges are African American, and in no other jurisdiction in this state had they tried something of that nature.”In 2017, the Mississippi legislature created the Capitol Complex Improvement District as a vehicle to fund infrastructure issues in Jackson. The state and the city have been feuding over control of its ageing water system. Bit by bit, the state’s eye has wandered over other Jackson assets – a baseball field here, the airport over there.Jackson needs the means to alleviate long-term problems of poverty. Instead, the state looks at taking what the city has left.“I’m more than just looking over my shoulder,” Mayor Lumumba says. “I’m anticipating and expecting it … In Mississippi, we’re also dealing with not what they don’t give us right. But an effort to take what we do have away from us.” More

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      Biden calls for justice after footage released of police killing Black woman

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      Joe Biden has called on Congress to pass the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, moments after shocking police video was released showing an Illinois officer fatally shooting Sonya Massey after she called police fearing a home intruder.In his first public statement since dropping his bid for re-election, Biden said the shooting of Massey, a 36-year-old Black woman, by white Sangamon county sheriff’s deputy Sean Grayson, in her home in Springfield, after a dispute over a pot of boiling water, “reminds us that all too often Black Americans face fears for their safety in ways many of the rest of us do not”.Biden, who is recovering from Covid at his home in Delaware, said Massey, “a beloved mother, friend, daughter and young Black woman … should be alive today”.“When we call for help, all of us as Americans – regardless of who we are or where we live – should be able to do so without fearing for our lives,” he said in the statement, adding: “Sonya’s family deserves justice.”“While we wait for the case to be prosecuted, let us pray to comfort the grieving,” he continued. “Congress must pass the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act now. Our fundamental commitment to justice is at stake.”The act, known as HR-1280, addresses a range of issues in policing practices, including excessive force and racial bias and increases accountability for law enforcement misconduct. The bill was passed by the House in 2021 but stalled in the Senate.The statement came as a protest march is planned for Monday evening after police bodycam video released showed a rapidly escalating situation.Massey had been retrieving a pot of water from the stove after Grayson told her he did not want a house fire. Massey asked the officers – who visibly distanced themselves from her as she goes to handle the pot – why they moved away from her.“Where you going?” she asks them.“Away from your hot steaming water,” Grayson answers, with a laugh, before Massey responds: “Away from the hot steaming water? Oh, I’ll rebuke you in the name of Jesus.”“You better fucking not. I swear to God I’ll fucking shoot you right in your fucking face,” Grayson warns.Massey can be heard saying, “I’m sorry,” as Grayson continues to advance. “I’m sorry,” she says again as Grayson, with his gun drawn, fires three shots, killing her instantly. After the shooting another deputy said he was going to get his medical kit.“No, a head shot, dude, she’s done,” Grayson responds.Later on in the video, Grayson calls Massey “fucking crazy”.The prominent civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump, who is representing Massey’s family, previously said the video would “shock the conscience of America like the pictures of Emmett Till after he was lynched”, referring to the photograph released after Till was lynched in Mississippi in 1955.Crump also likened the video to the police killing of Laquan McDonald, who was shot 16 times in the back by police in Chicago in 2014, and to the police murder of George Floyd in 2020.“It is that senseless, that unnecessary, that unjustifiable, that unconstitutional,” Crump said at Massey’s funeral on Friday. “This video is tragic in every sense.”Grayson has been charged with three counts of first-degree murder and is being held without bond until his trial is set to begin. Springfield resident Tiara Standage told the Guardian that when she watched the George Floyd tape, “it pissed me off. When I watched this, it pissed me off even further.”Antwaun Readus Sr, a local community activist, criticized city officials for spending money on police equipment but neglecting basic community services.“They militarized the whole police department,” he said, predicting that when the police video of Massey’s death was released, “the whole country can go upside down.” More

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      Revealed: NYPD complaints surge under Adams to reach highest level since 2012

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      The New York City police department’s disciplinary issues are coming to a head during the third year of tough-on-crime Mayor Eric Adams’s administration, with complaints at their highest since 2012, stop-and-frisk encounters soaring and displays of impunity by rank-and-file officers, according to interviews and data from the city’s independent police watchdog agency.Disciplinary records and interviews with sources also reveal a persistent problem with instances of NYPD officers wearing morale patches on their bulletproof vests containing possible white supremacist imagery.This is an uncomfortable echo of four years ago, when the NYPD’s riot squad pummeled protesters and cops openly wore pro-Trump imagery, flashed white supremacist symbols while on duty and were discovered in membership lists of extremist militias.The first public clue of the NYPD’s renewed problem with far-right imagery emerged in the civilian complaint review board’s (CCRB) May monthly report. In December 2022, two officers from Staten Island’s 120th precinct responded to a fight between parents at a public school. One cop refused to provide his name to one of the mothers who also observed a patch with a skull image on the other cop’s bulletproof vests.“The skull patch on subject officer 2’s uniform was a specific imagery commonly used by white supremacist groups. Subject officer 2 stated that the patch was a gift, and the skull insignia did not have offensive connotations. The investigation found that the display of the patch on subject officer 2’s uniform was discourteous and offensive,” reads the summary in the CCRB document.According to sources with knowledge of the investigation, the cop with the offensive patch was Sergeant John J Pedersen, a 38-year-old who joined the NYPD in 2011 and has four sustained civilian complaints against him during his career. Pedersen will face a departmental trial for wearing the offensive patch.Pedersen’s conduct was not isolated: the CCRB has sustained complaints against several other cops for wearing the same sort of skull imagery – which resembles the logo of the comic book superhero the Punisher – while on duty, according to sources with knowledge of the matter. The CCRB has investigated at least 19 cases related to improper morale patches – mostly related to the Punisher skull insignia – since 2018, according to an agency spokesperson.There have been earlier indications of the CCRB’s focus on political patches: Sergeant Dana Martillo lost 40 days of pay after she was disciplined for wearing pro-Trump patches on her bulletproof vest during a February 2021 Black Lives Matter protest in Brooklyn, including a Punisher logo fashioned after former president Donald Trump. However, the scope of the watchdog agency’s crackdown and its consideration of the Punisher logo as white supremacist iconography has not been previously made public.“The Punisher symbol has since been adopted by several groups, most prominent among them the US military, white supremacists and law enforcement. Between 2017 and 2021, the Punisher logo has been visible on articles of clothing and weapons held at white supremacy rallies,” reads a passage from a closing report from a 2020 CCRB case in which three officers sporting such patches were sustained for misconduct by the review board.“The Punisher symbol represents a character that engages in criminal behavior and violence and has been adopted by white supremacist groups. The symbol is inconsistent with the mission and values of the NYPD, namely those of enforcing the law, treating citizens with respect and valuing human life. Additionally, the ‘Punisher’ logo’s association with white supremacist groups goes against the requirements of [the patrol guide], which prohibit[s] association with any person or organization advocating hatred, oppression or prejudice based on race,” the report reads.The broader problem with morale patches was formally communicated by the independent watchdog agency to the NYPD’s legal bureau last year in an official “risk management bureau” letter informing the NYPD of a persistent discipline problem involving extremist iconography, according to sources with knowledge of the matter.“The CCRB takes all cases involving extremist imagery on uniforms very seriously, and images that invoke white supremacy are no exception,” a spokesperson for the watchdog agency wrote in an emailed statement. “CCRB investigators used the NYPD patrol guide to determine if the uniform modification in question constitutes misconduct.”The NYPD did not respond to repeated requests for comment.Michael Sisitzky, assistant policy director at the New York Civil Liberties Union, expressed alarm at the extremist imagery issue but noted it fit into a longer pattern. “These complaints are not entirely new, we’ve heard similar reports of officers sporting those patches or making white supremacist gestures at protests. Most recently, our monitors have seen really aggressive activity by the department towards the George Floyd and Palestinian solidarity protests,” Sisitzky said.More alarmingly, Sisitzky said, the NYPD’s command staff under Mayor Adams’s term has taken a hard turn to the right.“The adversarial and hostile tone and rhetoric towards New Yorkers from the command staff have been really troubling – figures like [Chief of Department] Jonathan Chell and [Assistant Commissioner] Kaz Daughtry have been using social media to attack members of the city council and judges, recently called out protesters as ‘anti-American’, and are slurring folks as supporters of terrorism.”The behavior of senior NYPD officials like Chell and Daughtry has provoked rebukes from the city council and prompted New York City’s department of investigation to open an inquiry into the use of social media by the police department.Adams, for his part, unequivocally supports the NYPD’s new aggressive approach towards its political opponents.The CCRB, which is the external investigative agency for complaints of NYPD misconduct, is staring down precipitous budget cuts: the current budget calls for a $25.7m cut to the watchdog agency’s budget. In response to prior rounds of cuts, the CCRB has ceased investigating whole categories of complaints if they are isolated incidents, including failure of officers to provide their name and shield number, threats by a member of service, discourtesy, refusal to process a civilian complaint, property seizures, forced hospitalizations or untruthfulness.Yet some 2,355 complaints were made against NYPD personnel as of 1 June, according to CCRB data. That is the highest total number at this point in the year since 2012, when 2,374 complaints were logged against police.Before 2023, complaints against NYPD officers had dropped steadily since 2019, but the Adams administration’s return to stress policing tactics last seen under Mayor Michael Bloomberg and police commissioner Ray Kelly resulted in a huge spike in misconduct allegations last year, as the Guardian first reported last fall. Vehicle stops have skyrocketed 50% as well, without a commensurate increase in seized contraband, arrests, summonses or other legal actions.What’s more, NYPD line officers are not accurately documenting the true number of stop-and-frisk encounters with New Yorkers and appear to face no accountability for this lapse, according to a letter filed at the end of 2023 by the court monitor overseeing a consent decree that ostensibly reins in the NYPD’s conduct on the street per a 2013 settlement agreement.The letter singled out “neighborhood safety teams” and “precinct safety teams”, the terms used by the Adams administration to rebrand the NYPD’s notorious, aggressive anti-crime units that were behind the huge rise in stop-and-frisk encounters during the Bloomberg administration, when hundreds of thousands of mostly Black and Latino New Yorkers were stopped and searched.Lupe Aguirre, a staff attorney at the NYCLU, criticized the budget cuts to the CCRB.“Transparency remains a real issue with the NYPD, and the CCRB is a critical source of insight into the agency’s disciplinary system,” Aguirre said. “Without it, we don’t really have a sense of how the NYPD’s internal accountability systems are working and how problematic cops remain on the force and are held accountable.” More

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      Virginia home of mother of January 6 police officer swatted

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      The home of the mother of Michael Fanone, a Washington DC police officer who nearly died in the 6 January 2021 attack on the US Capitol, was “swatted” on Tuesday night.An unnamed person who had written a manifesto seen by NBC falsely claimed they had killed Fanone’s mother and would go to Fanone’s old high school on Wednesday and shoot people. The manifesto listed Fanone’s mother’s address in Virginia.Fanone’s father was also targeted in the manifesto but was out of the country at the time. He called swatting calls like the one aimed at his parents “incredibly fucking dangerous”.Fanone told NBC News: “How dangerous is it to send law enforcement to an address in which you essentially are describing an active shooter, in which the only person present is a 78-year-old fucking woman.”Fanone spoke of how horrified his mother was that night to open the door and be met with Swat team officers while in her nightgown.Fairfax county police assisted in an investigation into the swatting call.Fanone said the swatting incident likely happened as a “direct result” of the public appearances he makes speaking out against Donald Trump.Speaking at a Biden campaign event earlier on Tuesday outside the courthouse where Trump’s hush-money trial was taking place alongside the Capitol police officer Harry Dunn and the actor Robert De Niro, Fanone said Trump was an “authoritarian who answers to and serves only himself”.Fanone voted for Trump in 2016 but has since thrown his support behind Biden, and blames the Capitol attack on “Trump’s lies”.At the Tuesday press conference, Fanone said: “These supporters were fueled by Trump’s lies and the lies of his surrogates, lies that the 2020 election was stolen. Those same lies have been spewed by Donald Trump and his surrogates about what happened to me and so many other police officers on January 6, 2021 – that day, I was brutally assaulted.”Recounting the attack on the Capitol during which he was on duty, Fanone said he was pulled by the “violent mob” and beaten, almost stripped of his firearm and tasered on his neck.He was assigned a desk job for his safety after leaving the Metropolitan police department later in 2021.The swatting incident involving Fanone’s mother is one of several targeted at high-profile individuals in politics. Others have been aimed at the former UN ambassador and South Carolina governor Nikki Haley, the House Republican Marjorie Taylor Greene, the Florida senator Rick Scott, the Maine secretary of state Shenna Bellows, and the former House Republican from Wisconsin Mike Gallagher, who stepped down because of the threats against him and his family.Amid the spike in these types of threats, Merrick Garland, the US attorney general, said in January: “These threats of violence are unacceptable. They threaten the fabric of our democracy.” More

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      The Democrats lost the White House in 1968 amid anti-war protests. What will 2024 bring?

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      When student Lauren Brown first heard the commotion, including firecrackers, she assumed the sounds were coming from nearby frat houses. Then, at about four in the morning, she heard helicopters. Later, she awoke to news and footage of a violent attack by pro-Israeli protesters on an encampment set up to oppose the war in Gaza.“It was hard to watch,” said Brown, 19, a freshman at the University of California, Los Angeles, whose dorm was near the encampment. “And I wondered where the police were. I saw posts from people talking about them being teargassed and maced and campus security was just watching.”Eventually, a large police contingent did arrive and forcibly cleared the sprawling encampment early on Thursday morning. Flash-bangs were launched to disperse crowds gathered outside and more than 200 people were arrested. Afterward, campus facility workers could be seen picking up flattened tents and pieces of spray-painted plywood, and throwing them into grey dumpsters.Similar scenes of tumult have played out this week at about 40 universities and colleges in America, resulting in clashes with police, mass arrests and a directive from Joe Biden to restore order. The unrest has unfolded from coast to coast on a scale not seen since the Vietnam war protests of the 1960s and 1970s.The president has cause for concern as the issue threatens his youth vote, divides his Democratic party and gives Donald Trump’s Republicans an opening to push allegations of antisemitism and depict Biden’s America as spiralling out of control.There are inescapable parallels with 1968, a tumultuous year of assassinations and anti-war demonstrations that led to chaos at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Democrats lost the White House to Republican “law and order” candidate Richard Nixon.Now, there are fears that history will repeat itself as anti-war protests again convulse university campuses, and the Democratic National Convention again heads to Chicago. Biden faces Republican “law and order” candidate Donald Trump in November’s presidential election.Bernie Sanders, an independent US senator from Vermont, told CNN this week: “I am thinking back and other people are making this reference that this may be Biden’s Vietnam.”Drawing parallels with President Lyndon Johnson, whose considerable domestic achievements were overshadowed by the Vietnam war and who did not seek reelection in 1968, Sanders added: “I worry very much that President Biden is putting himself in a position where he has alienated not just young people but a lot of the Democratic base, in terms of his views on Israel and this war.”The Gaza war started when Hamas militants attacked Israel on 7 October last year, killing about 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and taking about 240 hostage. Israel’s retaliatory offensive has killed more than 34,600 people in Gaza, mostly women and children.The ferocity of that response, and America’s “ironclad” support for Israel, ignited protests by students at Columbia University in New York that rapidly spread to other campuses across the country. Students built encampments in solidarity with Gaza, demanding a ceasefire and that universities divest from Israel. The demonstrations have been mostly peaceful, although some protesters have been caught on camera making antisemitic remarks and violent threats.University administrators, who have tried to balance the right to protest and complaints of violence and hate speech, have increasingly called on police to clear out the demonstrators before year-end exams and graduation ceremonies. More than 2,300 arrests have been made in the past two weeks, some during violent confrontations with police, giving rise to accusations of use of excessive force.View image in fullscreenBiden, who has faced pressure from all political sides over the conflict in Gaza, attempted to thread the needle on Thursday, saying: “We are not an authoritarian nation where we silence people or squash dissent. But neither are we a lawless country. We’re a civil society, and order must prevail.”The president faces opposition in his own party for his strong support for Israel’s military offensive. Hundreds of thousands of people registered versions of “uncommitted” protest votes against him in the Democratic presidential primary.Yaya Anantanang, a student organiser at George Washington University in Washington, told the Politico website: “My message is that we do not support Biden. We do not capitulate to the liberal electoral politics, because, quite frankly, the liberation of Palestinians will not come through a Democratic president but by organizing and ensuring that there is full divestment within all of these institutions.”Such views ring alarm bells for those who fear that even a small dip in support from Biden’s coalition could make all the difference in a tight election.Kerry Kennedy, the daughter of Robert F Kennedy, who was gunned down while running for president in 1968, urged the protesters to support Biden despite their misgivings. “We need their votes now,” she said. “They might not love Joe Biden’s policies but the choice is not between Joe Biden and their ideal. The choice is between Joe Biden and Donald Trump, who’s going to institute the Muslim ban on day one.”skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionRepublicans, meanwhile, are seeking to exploit the unrest for political gain. They have accused Biden of being soft on what they say is antisemitic sentiment among the protesters and Democrats of indulging “wokeness” in America’s education system.Chris Sununu, the Republican governor of New Hampshire, said: “The crisis you’re seeing on college campuses is a result of the colleges themselves not having and pushing the right education, the right discussion in the classrooms, in the right way. They play this woke game where they don’t want to touch an issue.“They create a vacuum of information. The students get bad information and propaganda. They’re effectively being used by terrorist organisations overseas to push an anti-American, anti-Israeli message, which is just awful. It’s not a difference of opinion. It’s complete misinformation.”Images of disarray on campus have played endlessly on Fox News and in other rightwing media, feeding a narrative of instability and lawlessness under Biden while conveniently sucking political oxygen away from Trump’s own negatives.On Tuesday, for example, the Republican nominee was in court for his hush-money trial; Time magazine published an interview in which Trump set out an extremist vision of an imperial presidency; and Florida introduced a six-week abortion ban after Trump helped overturn Roe v Wade. But TV screens were dominated by the protests.Ezra Levin, co-founder and co-executive director of the progressive movement Indivisible, said: “All of those stories – any individual one would have been possibly disqualifying for a presidential candidate in a previous election – received a fraction of the coverage of the protests against [the Israeli prime minister Benjamin] Netanyahu’s massacre of Gazans.View image in fullscreen“That’s problematic for those of us who want to see Joe Biden re-elected and want to see Democrats win because every day that we spend talking about this immoral war that US tax dollars are supporting is a day we’re not talking about the dangerous, creeping fascism presented by the Republican party.”Still, Democrats hope that, with the academic year soon drawing to a close, students will head home for the summer and the energy will disperse. Donna Brazile, a former interim chair of the Democratic National Committee, doubts that the issue will be decisive in November.“We’re going to have an October surprise every month, and we cannot predict which of the many surprises will actually drive the election.” she said. “A month ago, it was abortion was going drive the election. Now it’s the campus protesters. Next month it’ll be something else.”Brazile also defended the students’ right to protest as past generations have against the Vietnam war, South African apartheid, the Iraq war and, during the most recent election campaign, police brutality. “I’ve been on several college campuses and the majority of them are quite peaceful,” she said.“These are students who are using their first amendment right to advocate for change in the Middle East, and everyone has to be clear that there are rules. Just a handful have gotten out of control because if you violate the rules or break the law, you you have no right to do that. That is forbidden.” More

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      I remember the 1960s crackdowns against war protesters. This is a repeat | Robert Reich

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      I’ve been spending the last several weeks trying to find out what’s really going on with the campus protests.I’ve met with students at Berkeley, where I teach. I’ve visited with faculty at Columbia University. I’ve spoken by phone with young people and professors at many other universities.My conclusion: while protest movements are often ignited by many different things and attract an assortment of people with a range of motives, this one is centered on one thing: moral outrage at the slaughter of tens of thousands of innocent people – most of them women and children – in Gaza.To interpret these protests as anything else – as antisemitic or anti-Zionist or anti-American or pro-Palestinian – is to miss the essence of what’s going on and why.Most of the students and faculty I’ve spoken with found Hamas’s attack on October 7 odious. They also find Israel’s current government morally bankrupt, in that its response to Hamas’s attack has been disproportionate.Some protesters focus their anger on Israel, some on the Israeli government of Benjamin Netanyahu, some on Joe Biden for failing to stand up to Netanyahu, for giving Israel additional armaments, and for what they perceive as Biden’s patronizing response to the protests.Like any protest movement, the actions have attracted a few on the fringe. I’ve heard scattered reports of antisemitism, although I haven’t witnessed or heard anything that might be interpreted as antisemitic. In fact, a significant number of the protesters are Jewish.To describe the protesters as “pro-Palestinian” is also inaccurate. Most do not support Palestine as such; they do not know enough about the history of Israel and Palestine to pass moral judgment.But they have a deep and abiding sense that what is happening in Gaza is morally wrong, and that the United States is complicit in that immorality.Many tell me they are planning not to vote this coming November – a clear danger to Biden’s re-election campaign, which in turn increases the odds of a Trump presidency.When I tell them that a failure to vote for Biden is in effect a vote for Trump, they say they cannot in good conscience vote for either candidate.Quite a number tell me that “the lesser of two evils is still evil”. I tell them Trump would be far worse for the world – truly evil. Many remain unconvinced.I have sharp memories of the anti-Vietnam war demonstrations, in which I participated some 55 years ago.I remember being appalled at the unnecessary carnage in Vietnam. I was incensed that the first world, white and rich, was randomly killing people in the third world, mostly non-white and poor. As an American, I felt morally complicit.I was angry at college administrators who summoned police to clear protesters – using teargas, stun guns and mass arrests. The response only added fuel to the flames.The anti-Vietnam war movement became fodder for rightwing politicians like Richard Nixon, demanding “law and order”. The spectacle also appalled many non-college, working-class people who viewed the students as pampered, selfish, anti-American, unpatriotic.I vividly recall the anti war demonstrations at the 1968 Democratic convention in Chicago, and the brutality of the Chicago police and Illinois national guard – later described by the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence as a “police riot”.As the anti-war protesters chanted “The whole world is watching”, network television conveyed the riotous scene to what seemed like the whole world.I had spent months working for the anti-war presidential candidate Eugene McCarthy. The convention nominated Hubert Humphrey. That November, the nation voted in Richard Nixon as president.History, as it is said, doesn’t repeat itself. It only rhymes.The mistakes made at one point in time have an eerie way of re-emerging two generations later, as memories fade.
      Robert Reich, a former US secretary of labor, is a professor of public policy at the University of California, Berkeley, and the author of Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few and The Common Good. His newest book, The System: Who Rigged It, How We Fix It, is out now. He is a Guardian US columnist. His newsletter is at robertreich.substack.com More