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      Democrats should run on a progressive economic agenda. Americans are ready | Bernie Sanders

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      One of the most extraordinary aspects of our corporate-dominated American political system is the degree to which the needs of working-class people, the majority of our population, are systematically ignored by political and media elites.Americans who are following the 2024 presidential campaign – and the vital campaigns for control of the US Senate and the US House – will see, hear and read a whole lot of rhetoric from political insiders and the corporate media about the “political game”.They’ll hear about horserace polls, how much money the candidates raise, what billionaire “donors” are demanding, who the vice-presidential candidate might be and, of course, the dumb things candidates said or did five years ago. Or 10 years ago. Or 20 years ago.But, in the midst of all the political gossip on TV and in the newspapers, what Americans will not encounter is a serious discussion of the multiple economic crises facing the 60% of our fellow citizens who live paycheck to paycheck – the working class of this country. What you will not hear about is why, in the richest country in the history of the world, so few have so much while so many have so little. What you will not hear about is the pain, the stress, the anxiety that tens of millions of Americans experience on a daily basis, and how governmental decisions can improve their lives.In order to combat a political system which ignores so many of the most important concerns facing the majority of our people, my campaign recently commissioned a poll in the battleground states of Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. It asked some pretty basic questions: what are the major concerns that you and your families have? What would you like your government to do about them?The results of the poll are not surprising, and not unlike other polls done over the years.They show that, at the time of huge income and wealth inequality, unprecedented corporate greed, a failing healthcare system, a grossly unfair tax structure, an extremely high rate of childhood poverty, and too many seniors struggling to pay for their basic necessities, the American people want strong governmental action which addresses the longstanding needs of working families.In other words, it turns out that progressive economic proposals are extremely popular – not only among Democrats but also among independents, Republicans and even the most ardent Trump supporters.One of the key findings of the poll is that, on core economic issues, by a wide margin, voters are more likely to vote for a candidate who favors expanding social security benefits by making the wealthy pay the same tax rate as the working class. They strongly support a candidate who favors expanding Medicare to cover vision, dental and hearing needs, who favors cutting the cost of prescription drugs in half by making sure that Americans pay no more than what they pay in Europe or Canada, and who favors hiking taxes on the rich and multinational corporations so that they pay their fair share.In other words: campaigning on an economic agenda that speaks to the needs of working families is a winning formula for Kamala Harris and Democrats in November. Indeed, it is the formula that could give Harris the sort of victory that sweeps in a Democratic Senate and House and allows her to govern in the best tradition of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal and Joe Biden’s Build Back Better program.In fact, whether a candidate is running for the White House or a city council seat, endorsing policies that support working families is not only the right thing to do, it’s good politics.I don’t usually say that candidates should pay attention to the polls. But, in this instance, Democrats should do just that.Here are some of the key results. The full poll can be read here.Swing-state voters are more likely to vote for a candidate who supports:Expanding Medicare to cover dental, vision and hearing;

      77% overall

      73% independents

      69% Republicans

      67% Trump voters
      Cutting the cost of prescription drugs in half by making sure that Americans pay no more than what they pay in Europe or Canada;

      75% overall

      68% independents

      68% Republicans

      65% Trump voters
      Expanding social security benefits by making the wealthy pay the same tax rate as the working class;

      72% overall

      72% independents

      56% Republicans

      56% Trump voters
      Making the wealthy and large corporations pay their fair share of taxes;

      70% overall

      68% independents

      54% Republicans

      53% Trump voters
      Instituting a cap on rent increases;

      63% overall

      57% independents

      46% Republicans

      46% Trump voters
      Establishing a Medicare for all single-payer healthcare system guaranteeing healthcare to all America;

      62% overall

      62% independents

      39% Republicans

      39% Trump voters
      Eliminating all medical debt;

      62% overall

      59% independents

      43% Republicans

      42% Trump voters
      Building at least 2m units of affordable housing;

      59% overall

      57% independents

      38% Republicans

      42% Trump voters
      Re-establishing the child tax credits;

      58% overall

      55% independents

      43% Republicans

      43% Trump voters
      Capping the amount of money families spend on childcare at 7% of their income;

      54% overall

      49% independents

      37% Republicans

      37% Trump voters
      Raising the minimum wage to $17 an hour;

      51% overall

      49% independents

      47% Republicans

      42% Trump voters
      Making public colleges and universities tuition-free;

      50% Overall

      51% independents

      25% Republicans

      25% Trump voters
      Passing the Pro Act, which would make it easier for Americans to join unions;

      48% overall

      41% independents

      29% Republicans

      28% Trump voters

      Bernie Sanders is a US senator, and chair of the health education labor and pensions committee. He represents the state of Vermont, and is the longest-serving independent in the history of Congress More

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      Oklahoma educators push back on state rule forcing Bible into lesson plans

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      As a new school year looms in Oklahoma, some educators in the state are pushing back against a new state order to incorporate the Bible into their lesson plans.In late June, Oklahoma’s Republican state education superintendent, Ryan Walters, ordered public schools in the state to immediately incorporate the Bible and the Ten Commandments into their curricula, following the passage that month of a law in Louisiana with a similar mandate – and which was quickly challenged on constitutional grounds.Walters appeared at a state education board meeting and called the Bible “one of the most foundational documents used for the constitution and the birth of our country”, though the US’s founders explicitly called for a substantial separation between church and state. And he said that the Bible was a “necessary historical document to teach our kids about the history of this country, to have a complete understanding of western civilization, to have an understanding of the basis of our legal system”.Walters’ policy and remarks not only reignited the conversation about keeping state and church affairs separate. They also drew criticism from civil rights groups and Democratic lawmakers who argued that the order violated federal rights to freely exercise one’s religious faith as well as a constitutional prohibition against the establishment of a state religion.Nonetheless, on 24 July, Walters released guidelines for his new orders, in which he stated – among other directives – that a physical copy of the Bible should be in every classroom, along with copies of the US constitution, the Declaration of Independence and the Ten Commandments.“These documents are mandatory for the holistic education of students in Oklahoma,” Walters wrote, adding that lessons on the Bible should discuss its influence on western civilization, American history, as well as its literary, artistic, and musical significance.Oklahoma law already allows for the Bible to be taught in classrooms, the office of the state attorney general told the Associated Press. But whether to do so is a decision left up to individual districts.Since Walters announced the new guidelines and order, several public school districts have said that they would not – as of now – be amending their curricula. They said they would also adhere to the current set of standards aligned to the Oklahoma academic standards approved by the state’s legislature.Rob Miller, the district superintendent in Bixby, Oklahoma, south of Tulsa, released a memo to his local community in recent days saying that the new guidance “poses more questions than it answers”.Miller pointed out that the new order’s directive to place a physical copy of the Bible in every classroom “provides no clarity on which version” of the tome is required “or how to pay for them”.“There are also legitimate constitutional issues associated with public schools purchasing religious materials with taxpayer dollars,” Miller said, adding that state law calls for local control of the selection and purchase of teaching materials.Miller said that his district would continue to teach the legislatively approved Oklahoma academic standards in classrooms during the upcoming academic year using curricular resources vetted and formally approved by the Bixby education board.Earlier, in a different memo to the school community, Miller also noted how Walters reporedtly boasted about looking forward to lawsuits being filed against his mandate. Miller said he believed that meant Walters realized his directive “may not pass constitutional muster based on current statutes and legal precedent” – and that it might ultimately require a review by the US supreme court.In fact, a parent has already filed a lawsuit against Walters’ order, contending that the directive is unconstitutional.Another public school district which has announced that it would not implement Walters’ order was the one in Owasso, Oklahoma. District officials said “it is crucial that we maintain neutrality and objectivity in our curriculum and instructional practices”. More

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      From RFK Jr’s dead bear to a shot dog, why do US politicians keep throwing us red meat?

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      I had never really engaged with how spooky Robert F Kennedy Jr looked until I saw him describe, in a video, the circumstances in which he ended up driving around with a dead baby bear in his boot. It sounds a lot more like an anxiety dream than a thing that happened, but here you go: the independent US presidential candidate had been taking some people falconing in the Hudson valley, in 2014, when he saw a woman hit and kill a bear with her van.Kennedy decided to skin and eat it, so he picked it up, only remembering later that he didn’t have time to do either of those things, because he was going out for dinner in New York and taking a flight straight after. Can’t take a dead bear cub on a flight. He had bought only hold luggage and this was carrion. Sorry.He dumped the cub in Central Park, New York, putting a bicycle on top of it, hoping to incriminate a mystery cyclist, because that is exactly what would happen if you cycled into a bear – you would place your bike on top of it, then scarper. Even though Central Park is bear-free, and the police quickly determined the bike was a red herring and established the cause of death as a traffic collision, no further action was taken.The story remained buried, with the bear, until the New Yorker got wind of it and smoked out Kennedy’s account while fact-checking a story. By posting the video, he shot their fox, if you like, but would never skin and eat that. Who would eat a metaphorical fox?If anyone would, it would be this guy. Vanity Fair recently published an old picture of Kennedy and an unidentified woman eating what looked a lot like a dog on a spit, verifying with a vet that it matched the canine rib formation. Kennedy denied this, saying that there were three things he would never eat – a person, a monkey or a dog – and that this was goat. Inconveniently, goats also have 13 pairs of ribs.This question – what you are prepared to kill and eat – feels alien to British political discussion, but has cropped up more than once in the US. Kristi Noem, the governor of South Dakota, was a contender for Trump’s ticket until she wrote a memoir about killing a dog and a goat in a single day in horrific circumstances (she had to shoot the goat twice, with an interval while she went back to the truck to get another bullet).God knows, it helps nobody to relitigate the justice of the kills – suffice it to say that the dog’s crime was acting like a dog and the goat’s smelling like a goat. She said explicitly about the revelation that it was just the top line in a book full of “more real, honest and politically incorrect stories that’ll have the media gasping”; it was a blunt bit of message delivery, the message being: “I love guns, I’ll stand up to the kind of do-gooders who bleat on about cruelty and I love attention.” What else could a newly radicalised Republican party want in a vice president?Well, they want the kind of systems change that won’t be delivered by goats, culled ineffectually, one at a time. Get women back in the kitchen, then they will listen.Kennedy, his emphasis all on the eating, none on the killing, is tapping into a different strain of political self-fashioning: “Real men eat meat, only meat, any meat, as long as it’s big meat.” The Canadian culture warrior Jordan Peterson was its poster boy, although his daughter Mikhaila was the true prophet of the meat, salt and water diet, on YouTube and elsewhere. This reflects the broader trend that while meat-only diets generally end with a bit of primal and hypermasculinist philosophising, the box-office meatfluencers are predominantly women. It can’t be “incel”-adjacent if ladies are also into it. Except, don’t be fooled, it can.I’m just dreading the next phase, where the British “popular” “Conservatives” start to ape their American counterparts, as they always do, and the Instagram reel arrives of Liz Truss trapping a squirrel. The RSPCA had better be ready. Zoe Williams is a Guardian columnist

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      Young men in the US used to lean left. Could they now hand Trump the presidency?

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      View image in fullscreenA chill wind swept through Europe this summer. On the continent, far-right parties rose triumphantly in the EU elections, hoisted not just by the grumbles of older xenophobes but on the shoulders of young men. When news crews went out on the streets to train their cameras on these extremists in France, Germany, Finland and the Netherlands, they found no blackshirts, just barbershop trims and Zara chinos worn by young men, enthralled by dreams of ethnonationalism and a return to the values of the 1980s or the 1940s or some other period long before their birth. Then, in Britain this weekend, gangs of mostly young far-right men marauded through northern towns, attacking mosques and accommodation for asylum seekers. The nationalist right is rising once more on the tides of gelled-backed hair and Nike swooshes.A similar transformation could befall America in November. Until now, twentysomething voters were a thorn in Donald Trump’s side, opposing him robustly in previous elections and making their resistance corporeal as leaders in the Women’s March, Black Lives Matter protests and climate movement. Yet recent election polls suggest that while young women remain committed to the cause, there has been a tremulous withdrawal from young men. In 2016, 51% of young men identified with or leaned toward the Democratic party. By last year, it was down to 39%. Young men now favor Republican control of Congress and their support for Trump has grown since 2020.The Democratic strategist James Carville (he who told Bill Clinton “it’s the economy, stupid”) has been warning Democrats that the party’s eroding numbers among young men and young people of color are “horrifying”: “We’re not shedding them; they’re leaving in droves.”Of course, many of these fears were emerging when Joe Biden, an octogenarian white man, was still the presumptive Democratic nominee. But while early polling suggests that overall, gen Z is excited by Kamala Harris’s likely nomination, she hasn’t made much impact on gen Z men. Research by the Young Men Research Initiative (YMRI), a group set up in recent months to observe this unexpected drift, shows that men aged 18-29 are split 32% for Harris and 33% for Donald Trump, with Robert F Kennedy Jr taking 15%. This is an almost identical split to when Biden was the frontrunner.Young men used to vote more like young people: left. Now they might start voting like men: right. What changed?View image in fullscreenSome pollsters believe we are witnessing a new politics of resentment – that young men feel #MeToo has gone too far, that feminism has left them behind, and that they can only see a home for themselves in a testosterone-fuelled Republican party.Others – including Richard Reeves, head of the recently founded and influential American Institute for Boys and Men – say this isn’t a cultural issue. While a small, loud minority of men might have become more extreme in their views on feminism, most are responding to other economic and social factors that have meant they have lagged behind women for some time. Young men statistically are more depressed, financially worse off and less educated than young women, and looking for electoral answers. “This is less about young men being pulled towards the right than it is about them being pushed away from the left,” Reeves says.Blue-collar workers, Hispanic voters in Florida, white married women: Democrats have blundered before in assuming they had certain demographics locked up only to find they had taken them for granted. Unless the party can work out why it’s losing young men and how to win them back, Democrats may wake up to a cold new dawn in November, as Europe did in June.‘A very scary time’: the politics of resentmentIn 2018, a gaggle of the White House press corps asked Trump for his opinion on the allegations that Brett Kavanaugh, his nominee for the supreme court, had sexually assaulted Christine Blasey Ford when she was 15 years old. Trump, almost drowned out by the whirring blades of Marine One, could only offer superlatives in response. “High quality”, “top student”, “a great judge”. The reporters sounded desperate: what does it say to boys that someone facing such a serious accusation is still being considered for the supreme court?“Well, I say it’s a very scary time for young men in America,” Trump replied. “You could be somebody that was perfect your entire life and somebody could accuse you of something … and you’re automatically guilty.”Trump had dismissed his own boasts of sexual assault as “locker room talk” during his 2016 campaign, but now he was making his pitch directly to the locker room. Having harnessed the racial resentment of white voters who felt society had become too diverse, could he do the same with young men who felt society had become too feminized?View image in fullscreenThe answer was a resounding no. One month later, in the midterms, the Democrats won 72% of young people’s votes overall, including at least 57% of young male voters. In 2020, Biden only won the popular vote narrowly but among young people (men and women aged 18-29), it was another landslide: a 24-point win. Time Magazine declared that young voters had reshaped “the contours of American politics” – if you were young, you were a Democrat.The feeling was that members of gen Z share a unique set of economic circumstances (a lifetime of renting, high student loans), will suffer most from environmental catastrophe, and are racially diverse and socially aware. A 2022 Gallup poll in the US found that more young people aged 18-29 had a favorable view of socialism than of capitalism. These sentiments have filtered into our cultural image of young people, too. Google images of gen Z and you’ll see groups of gender-ambiguous, ethnically diverse, septum-pierced activists clutching a smartphone in one hand and a protest sign in the other.Yet Trump’s dog whistles and Kavanaugh’s eventual appointment to the supreme court led to an embryonic neo-chauvinism. Kavanaugh, describing his confirmation hearing “as a national disgrace”, seemed to support Trump’s read that he was a victim of his gender and nod towards a politics of grievance.A few years later, Kavanaugh was instrumental in overturning Roe v Wade, destroying the hard-won freedoms of women and transforming the Democratic party – and its sometimes reluctant, whispered pro-choice position – into an explicitly pro-abortion-rights party. It also entrenched a situation in which young women passionately hated Trump; about 74% of young women had a negative view of him immediately after Kavanaugh’s confirmation, compared with 57% of young men.So if Democrats were clearly the party of young women, Republicans tried to take advantage of being the de facto party of young men.Tucker Carlson, the most powerful commentator on the right at the time, monologued nightly on Fox News about their plight.“[Young men] know that their lives will not be better than their parents, they’ll be worse,” he said. “Yet the authorities in their lives, mostly women, never stop lecturing them about their so-called privilege. ‘You’re male! You’re privileged.’ Imagine that. Try to imagine an unhealthier, unhappier life than that. So a lot of young men in America are going nuts. Are you surprised?”It was the night after the Highland Park Independence Day parade shooting, and Carlson was explaining why a 21-year-old man like Robert Crimo might want to murder seven people at random.View image in fullscreenThe Republican senator Josh Hawley, who raised his fist in salute to rioters at the US Capitol on January 6, picked up the baton in Congress and in his book Manhood: The Masculine Virtues America Needs. “Why don’t you turn off the computer and log off the porn and go ask a real woman on a date – how about that?” the senator yelled at the rightwing Turning Point USA conference.The message was amplified by Trump-supporting figures outside the party too, chief among them Andrew Tate, the misogynist podcaster with a huge following among teenage boys.“Tate’s telling men that they are in a worse position than they should be because of feminism,” says Matt Shea, the journalist and documentary director who spent four years with Tate and hundreds of his young fans for two BBC documentaries and a new book, Clown World.He says Tate’s skill is in linking a feeling of incompetence in the dating world with a political impotence. Tate promotes the myth that the “sexual marketplace is dominated by a small number of alpha males, and that other men are sexually starved – and the reason for that is that women have more choice now”, says Shea.While there have always been sexually frustrated men, Shea believes that “now those men feel that they’re owed sex and have coagulated into a political movement that lays the blame on society for denying it to them”.Daniel Cox, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a free-market thinktank, agrees we need to look “upstream from politics” to relationships to see why men are becoming less progressive. “Women are less willing to overlook the same kinds of qualities that maybe their mothers and grandmothers were … in terms of what [men] need to contribute to a romantic partnership, the emotional labor that they need to do. Some young men have a kind of zero-sum mentality where if women are gaining, they’re losing.”In Germany, far-right candidates are already trying to capitalize on men’s supposed dating woes. The controversial AfD candidate Maximilian Krah posted on TikTok saying: “One in three young men in Germany has never had a girlfriend. Are you one of them? … Don’t watch porn, don’t vote green, go outside into the fresh air … Real men stand on the far right … That’s the way to find a girlfriend!”Within days of being re-elected to the European parliament this year, he was expelled from his party after making sympathetic comments about the SS.Unease about gender roles is reflected in polling. A July poll by YMRI found that 65% of young men aged 18-29 agreed that “guys can have their reputation destroyed just for speaking their minds these days” – an eerie refrain of Trump’s Kavanaugh statement – and 52% of men under 30 agreed that “things are generally better when men bring in money and women take care of the home and kids”.Armed with this sort of feedback, it seems Trump has been heavily courting the young, resentful male vote. He has attended Ultimate Fighting Championship bouts until the early hours, walking out to Kid Rock’s American Badass. He has lately worked hard to position himself as the crypto candidate and is heavily promoting himself on TikTok. When Kid Rock, Hulk Hogan and Dana White, CEO of UFC, introduced him at the Republican convention, Kid Rock screamed at everyone to put their fists in the air and shout “fight!” as Trump had done after the attempt on his life. Trump even attended a sneaker conference to launch his own golden hi-tops.There are millions of progressive young men who won’t be interested in his proposition. LGBTQ+ men, for example, remain solidly progressive, as do young Asian American voters. But for others, Cox says Trump’s effort could work. “Logan Paul just had Trump on his show. He’s got over 7 million followers. Some young men who are not very political might say, ‘Oh, hey, you know, Trump showing up, he’s talking, he’s engaging. I kind of like this.’”View image in fullscreen‘Shrugging shoulders, not raising fists’Fortunately for Harris, for all the many headlines about Trump’s successful overtures to young men, the polls are laden with caveats. Harris’s support jumps dramatically when pollsters measure only young men who are registered to vote (from 38% to 52% in a head-to-head matchup, according to the YMRI poll), suggesting that if Republicans want to capitalize on their popularity with this group, they will have to get them registered to vote (something they have made much harder over the past 20 years). She also takes a lead over Trump among all young male voters if RFK Jr isn’t offered as an option.The way in which age and gender overlap with race is also contested. Polling suggests a stark drop in support for Democrats in the past five years from both young Black men and young Hispanic men, with YMRI data showing both groups preferred Trump to Biden by a two-point and 19-point margin respectively. Harris changes things somewhat, but support for Trump remains high. “Young men, including men of color, are drifting away from the Democratic party,” says Shauna Daly, co-founder of YMRI, who conducted the research. “It’s just not reality if we don’t acknowledge that.”But Mondale Robinson, founder of Black Male Voter Project, which exclusively works with Black men who haven’t voted in previous elections, is dubious. He says that before every election, some polls say Black men are becoming less progressive, and yet in the elections it never comes to pass. He points to Black men in Ohio voting in 2023 on women’s right to abortion “more than anybody, 88%, even by eight points more than Black women”.What we do know is that women are becoming much more liberal. While the number of young men who identify as liberal has held pretty much steady around 25%, the number of young women who do soared in the space of a decade to almost 45%. A major Gallup poll unveiled by the Financial Times in January revealed that “women aged 18 to 30 are now 30 percentage points more liberal than their male contemporaries” in the US – a gap that opened up in just the last six years. (Polling found kindred patterns in the UK, Germany, South Korea and China.) Young women have become easily the most progressive generation in history – on abortion, healthcare, taxation and trans rights.But the shift in young men’s political attitudes can’t be explained simply by young women moving leftwards. Nor is it simply a story about young men resenting them for it.Richard Reeves – whose 2022 book, Of Boys and Men, has become a foundational text on what has gone wrong for young men in the country – is damning of framing that puts young men’s rightward turn in terms of UFC fights and incels, when he believes it’s about deep-seated inequalities of outcome in education, mental health and employment.“I want to talk about why only 60% of Black boys graduate high school on time in Michigan, or the fact that the share of male teachers has gone from 33% to 23%. Or that we’ve lost more than half the men who work in social work and psychology,” he says. “I’d want to talk about that rather than, for example, whether the Barbie movie was unfair on Ken.”View image in fullscreenHe says people are misinterpreting the polling. “It’s not enthusiasm for the reactionary right, it’s a sense of being taken for granted by the left. There are more young men shrugging their shoulders than raising their fists.”It’s true that there is now a growing gender gap in education; for every 100 bachelor’s degrees awarded to women, 74 are awarded to men. In many US cities, young women are earning more than young men and moving out of parents’ homes earlier than them.Reeves is careful to say that improving conditions for men and boys should not mean slowing down similar efforts for women and girls. But he says that government institutions do have a tendency to purposefully avoid naming the problems young men face. Suicide is one of the clearest areas in which there is a huge gender divide – there’s a fourfold gender gap in rates for young people – and yet, says Reeves, “the CDC website breaks down suicide rates by every demographic except gender. Why? Why don’t the Democrats have a taskforce on male suicide when there are 40,000 deaths a year?”He gives other compelling examples of how Democrats have failed to signpost their achievements to young men. Biden’s infrastructure bill – his key piece of legislative success – was a huge jobs creator for working-class men, “but the administration tied itself in knots not to say so”. Instead, it focused on the million women in construction initiative to ensure women got some of the funding. “That’s amazing. Now, er, where’s the million men into teaching initiative? … There are so many initiatives for women in Stem; why not one for men in teaching? Who is going to attack that?”On the Democrats’ own website is a page titled “who we serve” that lists 14 different groups. Men are not among them.Reeves believes there are some simple solutions – although he acknowledges they are “pallid” in terms of “the vividness” of Trump’s trips to UFC fights.“I’ve been thinking about writing the speech Biden should give,” he said before Harris became the likely Democratic nominee. “It would talk about vocational training, technical high schools, all things that are massively pro-men. And rather than apologizing for it, he could just say, ‘These would be particularly helpful for young men even though of course we want more women to do it too.’ Then I would want him to say, ‘I’ve asked the White House gender policy council to stop only focusing on women and girls’ issues, but also focus on some issues of boys and men, starting with issues of Black men, education, mental health.”Message testing by YMRI bears this out. Researchers asked two groups of men about the same hypothetical infrastructure bill, calling it “the Democratic Agenda for America” in one group and “the Democratic Agenda for Men” in the other. In another poll, they asked about a hypothetical female presidential candidate who promised one group to make history as the first female president, and the other group to focus on progressive policies like affordable housing and healthcare. There was “a 5-7 point swing in support, either an increase if you centered the policy agenda around men or a decrease if you focused on the historic nature of the candidate”, says Daly.View image in fullscreenPerhaps the “white dudes for Kamala” and “Black men for Kamala” fundraising calls are early steps towards Democrats acknowledging men as an important voting bloc in 2024 (even if those calls were mostly for rich donors). Biden’s attempt at masculine swagger, telling Trump to “man up” and debate Harris, could be seen as a sop towards that kind of messaging too.It’s not just about the message, though; it’s also about trusted messengers, says Robinson of Black Male Voter Project: “These young men don’t take marching orders from anyone.” He says turnout is a real issue, especially among non-college-educated Black men, among whom the distrust in both parties is so high that even having a Black candidate in Harris won’t make a difference. He says higher turnout can only come with grassroots organization – earning trust – that goes beyond election years.“[Our organization] doesn’t do that ‘Washington DC told us this is what works’ shit with Black men. Black men are suffering from not having their basic needs met … The Black men we engage with have no delusion that their vote is going to fix everything that’s plaguing them. But they do understand that when a vote becomes the tool to address the hunger, it starts yielding fruit.” Or, as he later put it, “if they’ve got a racist police chief, they can unelect the fucking mayor.”Reeves, however, says it almost doesn’t matter what the message is – the mere fact of someone from the Democratic party standing up and acknowledging men would be a huge shift. “Take someone like Jordan Peterson. His appeal does not lie in the brilliance of his policy proposals, or his advice. His appeal is simply in allowing a lot of young men to be heard. He says ‘I get it, you’re hurting’ and he fills stadiums with that message.”Can Democrats win men without losing women?Men, overall, are not the ones who are being legislated against. Over the past eight years, the Republican party, remade in Trump’s image, has cruelly gutted women’s right to abortion. It has decimated female representation at every level of government. It has given unwavering support to the police, even as police sexual assault against women reaches epidemic levels and police routinely murder Black women. They have emboldened the most misogynistic corners of the internet by putting forward a presidential nominee who has been found liable for sexual abuse, has bragged about sexual assault and rates women on a 1-10 scale (“in the same way that we do”, wrote the pick-up artist and alt-right blogger Roosh V after Trump won in 2016).View image in fullscreen“The messaging of the Republican convention was a message of male supremacy, of female submission. Women are afterthoughts in reproductive policy, health policy, the proposed marriage policy of no divorce,” says Bonnie Honig, professor of culture, media and political science at Brown University and author of Shell Shocked: Feminist Criticism After Trump.When women’s very safety is at stake, should the Democrats really be worrying about how to appeal to disaffected men?First, Honig says, it’s a mistake to think of abortion purely as a women’s issue: “The loss of women’s rights is a loss for men.” She suggests that Democrats should start using the line “women’s health is not a women’s issue”, adding that “women who don’t have choices, in my opinion anyway, are not fun to live with”.More broadly, she feels that the Democrats need to avoid falling into the young men v young women dichotomy laid out by the Republicans – and pollsters. “To over-extrapolate from these polls risks feminizing the Democratic party, which is what Republicans want to do, so that they can claim to embody a kind of masculinity that is fascist-forward.”Republicans have used this gendered messaging before. “They made Obama into a representative of a kind of feminized liberal man,” Honig says. “With Biden, there was an objective fact of his age, but that was turned into saying he had aged out of any masculinity he might once have had. They did something quite similar to John Kerry, who was a war hero, but by the time they were done with him, he was just a guy who was married to a wealthy woman.”Rather than trying to appeal to young men as an aggrieved demographic group, she suggests, Democrats should try to think beyond gender to the other economic, class and community groups young men are part of: unions, professions, students, parents. “I think by supporting the United Auto Workers, for example, [Democrats] are supporting men between the ages of 18 and 30.”Three months out from the election, the political reality remains that Republicans have nothing to offer men legislatively, but lots to offer in messaging. The Democrats have lots to offer in policy but are afraid to say the “m” word.But things can change quickly. After the far right performed so well in the European elections, Emmanuel Macron called snap French parliamentary elections – an incredibly risky strategy that paid off. Among voters 18-24, the far-right National Rally still did well, with 33% of first round votes. But the leftwing New Popular Front fared even better, winning 48%. It did so by promising to invest in public services, freeze prices, raise the minimum wage and embargo arms to Israel.America is not in the same political reality as France, but its election is not a done deal either. Young men’s votes are still up for grabs. “Democrats are missing a huge opportunity to say that they see and hear the issues of a certain kind of young man,” Reeves says, “and that they are at least open to acknowledging them.” More

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      Ashwin Ramaswami takes on a fake elector for a Georgia state senate seat

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      The top of a ticket might normally be expected to have a profound impact on local races, especially with new vigor thanks to Kamala Harris replacing Joe Biden. The problem in Georgia is that there are almost no local races worth discussing because the state is gerrymandered to microscopic proportions.There is exactly one state senate race that’s predictably competitive for a Democratic pick-up in Georgia. And that one race is spicy.The Republican state senator Shawn Still will face trial in the Fulton county election interference case along with Donald Trump and 17 other co-defendants. He is accused of being one of the so-called fake electors in the scheme.Facing Still in November for the suburban Atlanta seat is Ashwin Ramaswami, a 25-year-old techie graduate of Forsyth county’s renowned public schools, impossibly earnest, unusually young, reflective of this district’s increasingly diverse demography, and utterly indefatigable. He is everywhere all at once and – perhaps unintentionally – wearing people down with high-end nerd glam and the zeal of a challenger.Ramaswami is a computer science graduate from Stanford University with a law degree from Georgetown, which he somehow managed to obtain while bouncing between startups and Google internships and fellowships with venture capital outfits and work for the federal government on election cybersecurity.He turned 25 at the end of July, four months ahead of the cutoff where he would have been too young to run for the Georgia senate.Most people on his trajectory end up in a 70-hour-a-week consulting job, earning a salary that reads like a phone number that they don’t have time to spend.“I just soon realized that just going off into tech and making money that way wasn’t really for me,” he told the Guardian. “It wasn’t that interesting, to be honest, because there are so many bigger issues going on, right?”If a devoutly Hindu candidate who is young enough to be on his parent’s health insurance does not sound like the profile of a Georgia politician, it is because politics is playing catchup with Atlanta’s rapid demographic changes and its increasingly international character.Georgia’s 48th state senate district crosses north Fulton, Forsyth and Gwinnett counties and is in the heart of the region’s affluent tech community. Nearly a third of its residents are foreign born. Ramaswami’s parents are from the same part of India as Kamala Harris’s mother, he said. (He is not related to Vivek Ramaswamy, former Republican presidential candidate and conservative firecracker.)Politically the district has been a purple mosaic of longtime Republican voters increasingly competing with newer, younger, Democratic transplants. The former Georgia GOP chairman David Shafer – one of the defendants in the Trump case here – held this seat when he was a state senator. It passed to Democrat Michelle Au, an Asian American physician, before the legislature carved it up in redistricting. Still won it by 11 points in 2022.The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee believes Still’s seat has a 7-point Republican lean now, discounting the effects of the indictment on the race. Two senate seats held by Democrats are within striking distance of a Republican. All of Georgia’s remaining senate districts require a wipeout wave election to be seriously competitive.Still, 52, owner of a swimming pool subcontracting company and a former finance chairman for the Georgia Republican party, did not return calls or emails asking for comment. But he has presented himself as a relatively moderate Republican and maintains his innocence in the case, describing his role as necessary to preserve legal challenges to the 2020 election in Georgia.View image in fullscreen“We went to the meeting. We listened to the attorneys. We signed our names exactly as we were prescribed,” he said on the Alan Sanders Show last month. “I never thought for a moment I had anything to hide.” Still characterizes the Fulton county district attorney, Fani Willis, as “corrupt” for bringing charges, and said he would go to court immediately to clear his name if he could. An appellate court hearing to see if the case moves forward is scheduled for October.Twenty years ago, most people who lived in the district were white. Not so now, Still said.“We are in a minority to majority state,” Still told Sanders. “If people think that we can keep doing things the way that we’ve always done it, we are going to be in for a pretty rude awakening and wake up one day and never be able to win office again.”Still has campaigned aggressively to hold his seat, including and especially in the Indian community, which has a significant number of Republican supporters. “They’ve been very welcoming, because we share the same values, about family, about public safety, about education,” Still said. “If they see that you share their values, it’s OK if you don’t look like them, or worship like them, right.“In the past, I think a lot of Republicans have just kind of written off smaller groups like that. And we can’t afford to do that any more.”Education is a key component of Ramaswami’s pitch. The high school Ramaswami attended in the district – from which he graduated second in his class – is now majority students of color and 28% Asian.Ramaswami speaks often about the value of a product of these schools representing the community in the legislature. He can speak authentically and with authority about the somewhat absurd expectations parents in this part of Georgia place on their children’s achievements. Ramaswami is the kid that blows the grading curve.Up until recently, he also sounded like it.Constant campaigning has started to scrape the geek off of him, a bit. Conversations with voters and donors – and anyone he can corral – has that effect over time, he said.“You do it over and over again and then you get better, right?” he said. “Like, I wasn’t good at this when I was starting, but I figured I need to get better at it. I want to actually, you know, serve my community.”Ramaswami’s campaign has been relentless, even by the heightened standards of swing state politics. He has become a fixture in public in the north metro area, knocking on doors and showing up to churches and mosques and synagogues and temples and perhaps backyard pool parties and pickup basketball games. That retail politicking has been coupled with an intense social media and digital media campaign, fueled by more than $400,000 in fundraising – more than double that of his opponent.“I didn’t know him at the time, but the first thing I ever heard about him was from other people who do politics in north Fulton and Johns Creek talking about how often they’re getting texts and campaign emails from him,” said Alex Vanden Heuvel, a 27-year-old political consultant with FTR Political Strategies. “Anytime we bring it up, that’s the first thing out of anybody’s mouth is his digital game, like he’s always in your inbox, always in your texts.”Sara Henderson, a Georgia-based political consultant, knows Ramaswami and likened the persistence of his campaigning to being sold an extended warranty.“Every second of the day. It doesn’t turn it off,” she said. “Twenty-four seven. I think that it’s good in a way, to see that excitement and that, like, ‘I’m in it for the right reasons.’ But there’s also some learning that needs to happen about political nuance and knowing the right timing … Sometimes the squeaky wheel gets the grease, but it doesn’t always get the grease it needs.”But the goal is name recognition, Ramaswami said. His internal polling suggests he is now more recognizable than Still is.“It has actually been the case for a lot of my career, where I feel like I’m just doing normal things and then somehow that’s, like, 10 times more than what everyone else does,” Ramaswami said. “So, you know, I’m glad that it’s setting a new standard. I don’t feel overworked.” More

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      Harris helped pass one of the strongest climate laws. Her policies don’t stop there | Leah C Stokes

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      Two years ago this week, I watched as Kamala Harris cast the tie-breaking vote for the largest climate investment in American history. It was an emotional moment. After decades of inaction, the US had finally passed a climate law – one of the strongest climate laws in the world.I didn’t know it then, but a month later I would get a call asking if I would like to interview the vice-president about climate policy.When we spoke, Harris demonstrated a depth I didn’t expect – she geeked out over heat pumps, confessed her love of electric school buses and described the heavy burdens poorer communities face from air pollution. The more I learned about her background, the more I found a clear pattern: policy ideas that she championed became central to federal legislation. Our nation’s landmark climate law, which is turning two years old this month, has Harris’s signature all over it.You can trace her influence by looking at her earliest days as a politician, then following the bills she sponsored as a senator, and finally examining her 2020 presidential campaign platform. During the earliest days of the Biden-Harris administration, when the Build Back Better agenda was coming together, Harris made sure that her priorities stayed on the list: electric school buses, cleaner water and investments for communities.While she hasn’t been given the credit, as vice-president, Harris has worked behind the scenes to champion her climate policies. And she’s managed to get a long list of her ideas signed into law.Earlier this year, Harris announced a $20bn investment in green banks that will reduce pollution in communities across the country. This was no coincidence – she was a key advocate for the idea well before it was written into law. In 2020, she was just one of five senators who backed a national climate bank.Harris was also an early supporter of a plan to ensure clean energy workers had higher unionization rates. And sure enough, the climate law gives funding bonuses to projects that pay workers prevailing wages.Similarly, when she was running for president in 2020, Harris argued that electric vehicle incentives should be targeted to low- and middle-income families. Up to that point, it was overwhelmingly wealthier Americans who were using government incentives to buy an electric vehicle. Now, thanks to the climate law, low- and middle-income Americans can get up to $7,500 off a new electric vehicle, and $4,000 off a used one.Throughout her career, Harris has been a vocal advocate for environmental justice. Two decades ago, when she was district attorney for San Francisco, Harris set up the state’s first environmental crimes unit. As she said back in 2005: “Crimes against the environment are crimes against communities.”It’s not surprising, then, that Harris continued to focus on protecting communities. Back in 2011, when Harris was California’s attorney general, she filed a lawsuit against cargo terminals in the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports for polluting nearby communities through diesel exhaust. Months later, she reached a settlement, requiring the terminals to protect nearby communities. This idea also became part of the big federal climate law, with $3bn to cut pollution from ports. In total, that landmark law includes more than $40bn in investments for disadvantaged communities – the largest investment in environmental justice in American history.In policy after policy, Biden’s signature climate bill bears the marks of Harris’s influence.And it’s not just one climate law that Harris has shaped. The bipartisan infrastructure package also included billions in funding for programs she championed.As a senator, Harris introduced a bill in 2019 that would electrify school buses, and just two years later, Congress committed $5bn to the effort. Today, almost 200,000 kids are riding clean buses to school every day – a very fast change for a legislative body that’s known for taking decades to get policies passed.The water investments in the bipartisan package were also Harris’ ideas. She was the lead author on legislation that would replace lead pipes. Today, $15bn is being spent on this effort across the country, and the Biden-Harris administration is on track to replace 1.7m lead pipes. And she was particularly vocal on drought funding, traveling to Lake Mead to drum up media coverage and get the bill passed.If she hadn’t focused on these investments, making over 150 calls to legislators as they negotiated the bipartisan bill, they likely would have fallen out of the package. It’s not as if Republican senators had co-sponsored legislation with Harris on electric school buses or lead pipes.When it comes to protecting people and the planet, Harris has been ahead of her time. After decades of effort, her vision for a cleaner environment has slowly but surely made its way into law.Every single one of the last 13 months has broken a global heat record. The climate crisis isn’t stopping, and we can’t afford for federal climate policy to stop either. While the federal climate laws passed during the Biden-Harris administration will help us cut pollution at an unprecedented pace, they will not hit our goals without further action.Missing our climate goals is all but guaranteed if Trump wins. In his own words, Trump has said he would be a “dictator” on day one to “drill, drill, drill”.The planet will bear the scars of Trump’s first term for decades. And that was under a Republican administration that was ill prepared to govern. This time, there are extensive plans to dismantle federal climate policy if Republicans retake the White House. Project 2025 – a Republican manifesto authored by several Trump insiders – is a detailed vision to demolish the Environmental Protection Agency, eliminate the National Weather Service and roll back our federal climate laws.This year’s presidential election could not have higher stakes. Whoever wins will run the White House until early 2029. And scientists are clear: we have to cut carbon pollution in half by 2030 to meet our climate goals. The next president will hold power during these crucial years. It’s not surprising, then, that 350 climate leaders have come out in support of Harris.A couple weeks ago, when I learned that Harris would be running for president, I was out with my three-year-old daughters, picking raspberries on yet another unseasonably hot day. I thought back to my interview with the vice-president, remembered how her eyes lit up when she talked about climate action and felt something strange: hope. I knew that if Harris became president, the world would be safer for my daughters to grow up in.At the end of our conversation two years ago, I asked Harris about the future of climate action, and she surprised me by talking about her role heading up the National Space Council. She said that astronauts can see how fragile the Earth is when they see it from space. That perspective gives them a vision that we must protect the only planet we call home.“We must act with a sense of urgency. We must be swift,” Harris told me. “We still have so much more to do.”

      Leah C Stokes is an associate professor at University of California, Santa Barbara and the author of Short Circuiting Policy More

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      Nancy Pelosi reveals struggle with guilt after husband’s attack: ‘I was the target’

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      The former US House speaker Nancy Pelosi has revealed that she has been struggling with guilt ever since a man wielding a hammer invaded her home and gave her husband a near fatal beating that had been meant for her ahead of the fall 2022 elections.“He was looking for me. Imagine the guilt of all of that,” the California Democratic congresswoman said in an interview aired on CBS News Sunday Morning, which contained some of her most extensive remarks to date about the attack that badly injured Paul Pelosi. “It’s just a horrible thing.“I was the target.”Pelosi was in Washington DC when a man named David DePape broke into her San Francisco home through the back door in the early hours of 28 October 2022. Less than two weeks before that year’s federal midterm elections, DePape planned to kidnap the then-speaker, question her and post footage of the purported interrogation online. DePape was motivated by a far-right conspiracy theory falsely claiming Donald Trump is locked in secret, mortal combat with a cabal of elite Democratic pedophiles trying to take out the Republican former president.But instead DePape only encountered Paul Pelosi – aged 82 at the time – in his bedroom. Holding a hammer and zip ties, DePape demanded: “Where’s Nancy? Where’s Nancy?”Paul Pelosi managed to call the police for help. Before officers arrived, DePape used the hammer to repeatedly batter Paul Pelosi in the head and knock him unconscious.Pelosi needed surgery for a fractured skull as well as injuries to his arm and hands. In addition to having a metal plate placed in his head, Pelosi has since grappled with dizziness, balance problems and permanent nerve damage in his left hand, according to a letter filed in federal court.Juries convicted DePape on both state and federal charges connected to the violent home intrusion. He was sentenced to 30 years in prison.In her new book, The Art of Power, Pelosi explained how her daughter – documentary film-maker Alexandra Pelosi – told her, “You have to give … up … everything in your public life” following the break-in.But Pelosi told CBS that her family did not blame her as much as “certain elements of the Republican party who had been demonizing” her for years.She seemingly alluded to a speech Trump delivered at the California Republican party’s convention last September during which he mockingly asked: “How’s [Pelosi’s] husband doing by the way? Anybody know?”“The sad thing about my husband’s assault was that they just made a joke of it – they thought it was funny, and people laughed,” said Pelosi, whose book is scheduled for a Tuesday release.The feelings of guilt that Pelosi described on Sunday in her conversation with CBS’s Lesley Stahl are common among people whose loved ones experience a traumatic situation, whether or not they are public figures, according to experts.Pelosi, 84, joined Congress in 1987. She served two four-year stints as House speaker, beginning in 2007 and 2019.One of her party’s most influential voices on Capitol Hill, Pelosi reportedly played a key role in passing on messages to Joe Biden about their fellow Democrats’ concerns over his ability to retain the Oval Office in November.The president ultimately quit his re-election campaign on 21 July, making way for his vice-president, Kamala Harris, to become the Democratic nominee to face Trump in November’s race for the White House.As of Sunday, polls suggested the lead that Trump had built against Biden in vital swing states had vanished, and he and Harris were locked in a close contest that many believe could decide the future of American democracy.Pelosi on Sunday declined to answer when asked if it was true that Biden was furious at her over the looming end of his presidency. She also declared “No, I wasn’t a leader of any pressure” campaign for Biden to step down.“He knows that I love him very much,” Pelosi said to Stahl. “Let me say the things that I didn’t do. I didn’t call one person. I did not call one person. I could always say to him: ‘I never called anybody.’“What I’m saying is – I had confidence that the president would make the proper choice for our country, whatever that would be. And I said, … ‘Whatever that is, we’ll go with.’” More

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      Trump ally calls GOP attack on Harris’s racial identity a ‘phony controversy’

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      Donald Trump ally Byron Donalds and ABC host George Stephanopoulos sparred on Sunday over Republicans’ attack line questioning Kamala Harris’s racial identity.During an interview on ABC’s This Week, the Republican Florida representative called the issue a “phony controversy” and said “I don’t really care.” He then proceeded to double down on the issues – which the former president brought up earlier this week at the NABJ conference – by saying: “When Kamala Harris went into the United States Senate, it was AP that said she was the first Indian American United States senator … Now she’s running nationally, obviously the campaign has shifted. They’re talking much more about her father’s heritage and her Black identity.”Donalds then added: “It doesn’t really matter.”In response, Stephanopoulos said: “If it doesn’t matter, why do you all keep questioning her again? She’s always identified as a Black woman. She’s biracial. She has a Jamaican father and Indian mother she’s always identified as both. Why are you questioning that?”“Well George, first of all, this is something that’s actually a conversation all throughout social media right now. There are a lot of people trying to figure this out. But again, that’s a side issue, not the main issue,” Donalds replied.Stephanopoulos followed up, saying: “Sir, one second. You just did it again. Why do you insist on questioning her racial identity?” to which Donalds said: “You want me to talk?”“I want you to answer my question,” Stephanopoulos replied.Donalds’ comments come despite some Republican figures including South Carolina senator Lindsey Graham and House speaker Mike Johnson saying their party should avoid that kind of attack.In an interview with Fox News on Sunday, Graham said: “Every day we’re talking about her heritage and not her … record … is a good day for her and a bad day for us.”skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionMeanwhile, Axios last month reported Johnson encouraging Republican members to take aim at Harris’s policies instead of her heritage. The outlet further reports that during a closed-door meeting, Donalds himself “encouraged members in the meeting to ‘hold off on editorializing’ on Kamala. Just stick to her disastrous record,” according to a Republican lawmaker who was present.The attacks against the vice-president’s racial identity also come as Trump says he would debate her on Fox News while Harris insists on ABC, the original network chosen for the second presidential debate.In a post on Truth Social, Trump wrote: “The Debate was previously scheduled against … Biden on ABC, but has been terminated in that Biden will no longer be a participant, and I am in litigation against ABC Network and George Slopadopoulos, thereby creating a conflict of interest.”Harris’s team has not agreed to Trump’s request to carry out the debate on the Republican-friendly network, with campaign spokesperson Michael Tyler saying: “Donald Trump is running scared and trying to back out of the debate he already agreed to and running straight to Fox News to bail him out.” More