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Democrats condemn Trump after he says they should be punished ‘by death’ over video post
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 November 2025, 19:15
Democrats expressed outrage after Donald Trump accused a group of Democratic lawmakers of being “traitors” and said that they should be arrested and punished “by death” after they posted a video in which they told active service members they should refuse illegal orders.The video, released on Tuesday, features six Democratic lawmakers who have previously served in the military or in intelligence roles, including senators Elissa Slotkin and Mark Kelly, and representatives Maggie Goodlander, Chris Deluzio, Chrissy Houlahan and Jason Crow.“Like us, you all swore an oath to protect and defend this constitution,” the lawmakers said in the 90-second video. “And right now, the threats to our constitution aren’t just coming from abroad, but from right here at home. Our laws are clear, you can refuse illegal orders, you can refuse illegal orders, you must refuse illegal orders. No one has to carry out orders that violate the law or our constitution.”That seemed to prompt a furious response from the US president.On Thursday morning, Trump wrote on Truth Social: “It’s called SEDITIOUS BEHAVIOR AT THE HIGHEST LEVEL. Each one of these traitors to our Country should be ARRESTED AND PUT ON TRIAL.”In another post, he wrote: “This is really bad, and Dangerous to our Country. Their words cannot be allowed to stand. SEDITIOUS BEHAVIOR FROM TRAITORS!!! LOCK THEM UP??? President DJT.” In a third post, he added: “SEDITIOUS BEHAVIOR, punishable by DEATH!” He also reposted a statement that said: “HANG THEM GEORGE WASHINGTON WOULD !!”Following Trump’s statements on Thursday, House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries, Democratic whip Katherine Clark and Democratic caucus chair Pete Aguilar released a joint statement condemning the remarks.“Political violence has no place in America,” they wrote. “Representatives Jason Crow, Chris DeLuzio, Maggie Goodlander and Chrissy Houlahan and Senators Mark Kelly and Elissa Slotkin all served our country with tremendous patriotism and distinction. We unequivocally condemn Donald Trump’s disgusting and dangerous death threats against members of Congress, and call on House Republicans to forcefully do the same.”The Democratic leaders also said that they had been in contact with the House sergeant at arms and the United States Capitol police “to ensure the safety of these members and their families”.“Donald Trump must immediately delete these unhinged social media posts and recant his violent rhetoric before he gets someone killed,” the statement added.The lawmakers who appeared in the video also released a statement.“We are veterans and national security professionals who love this country and swore an oath to protect and defend the constitution of the United States,” they said. “That oath lasts a lifetime, and we intend to keep it. No threat, intimidation, or call for violence will deter us from that sacred obligation.”“What’s most telling is that the president considers it punishable by death for us to restate the law,” they continued. “Our service members should know that we have their backs as they fulfill their oath to the constitution and obligation to follow only lawful orders. It is not only the right thing to do, but also our duty.”They added: “Every American must unite and condemn the president’s calls for our murder and political violence. This is a time for moral clarity.”Chuck Schumer, the Democratic Senate minority leader, also condemned Trump’s remarks and posted on X: “Let’s be crystal clear: the President of the United States is calling for the execution of elected officials.”skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionHe added: “This is an outright THREAT. Every Senator, every Representative, every American – regardless of party – should condemn this immediately and without qualification.”Mike Johnson, the Republican House speaker, defended Trump’s claim that the Democrats had engaged in “sedition”, describing the video as “wildly inappropriate”, adding: “It is very dangerous, you have leading members of Congress telling troops to disobey orders, I think that’s unprecedented in American history.”Johnson also reportedly told the Independent that in what he read of Trump’s posts, Trump was “defining the crime of sedition”.“But obviously attorneys have to parse the language and determine all that. What I’m saying, what I will say unequivocally, that was a wildly inappropriate thing for so-called leaders in Congress to do to encourage young troops to disobey orders,” Johnson added.During a White House press conference on Thursday afternoon, when asked by a reporter, “Does the president want to execute members of Congress?”, Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, responded: “No.”“Let’s be clear about what the president is responding to,” Leavitt said. “You have sitting members of the US Congress who conspired together to orchestrate a video message to members of the US military, to active duty service members encouraging them to defy the president’s lawful orders.She said: “The sanctity of our military rests on the chain of command, and if that chain of command is broken, it can lead to people getting killed, it can lead to chaos, and that’s what these members of Congress … are essentially encouraging.” More
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Republicans warn Bondi not to bury Epstein files after law’s passage
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 November 2025, 18:56
Within hours of Donald Trump signing the Epstein Files Transparency Act into law, Republican senators were on the ground to issue a pointed message to the US attorney general, Pam Bondi: don’t bury these documents.The bill’s passage marked a rare moment of bipartisan support in an otherwise ideologically fractured Congress as it now sets a 30-day deadline for the release of Department of Justice files related to the actions of convicted sex offender of minors and financier Jeffrey Epstein, dubbed by a judge “the most infamous pedophile in American history”.It also marked a rare defeat for Trump, whose own contacts with Epstein have been the subject of intense speculation, along with many other powerful figures who associated with the sex trafficker who killed himself in 2019. Trump had originally been against the passage of the bill, before switching in the face of a rebellion in his own party.The bill passed the House of Representatives with 427 votes and sailed through the Senate by unanimous consent, a level of cross party support rarely seen. Rather than celebrating, many Republican lawmakers spent the week bracing for what they fear may come: a slow drip of information, justified one way or another by Bondi’s justice department.“People who feel very strongly about this will feel like they’ve been duped” if the justice department claims “we can’t release anything because of an active investigation,” said Republican senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. “I don’t think that that will help calm the suspicions many have harbored for a long while on this.”The anxiety stems from the Trump administration’s earlier resistance to transparency, which included months of dismissing public demands – and even insults for those calling for release – before reversing course this week when its passage became inevitable.Now, with Bondi opening investigations into exclusively Democrats mentioned in Epstein’s correspondence, Republicans are watching closely for signs the department might use those probes as a reason to redact or withhold materials as they are now part of an ongoing investigation.“If you do a blanket hold, I think that they’re going to have a lot of people angry,” said Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina, a judiciary committee member. “It would just add fuel to the fire if they don’t produce something meaningful” he added later.The legislation mandates release of unclassified materials within 30 days in a searchable format. Yet it contains exemptions for information that could jeopardize active investigations and for material depicting minors – potential escape hatches the Justice Department could exploit.The bill requires disclosure of materials related not only to Epstein but also to his accomplice Ghislaine Maxwell, a British socialite who was convicted in 2021 and sentenced to 20 years in prison for recruiting and grooming underage girls for Epstein to abuse.Bondi acknowledged the congressional mandate on Wednesday, saying the department would “follow the law” while “protecting victims but also providing maximum transparency.”Still, her carefully measured words offered little comfort to some skeptics on Capitol Hill. Tillis pressed for clarity on any redactions. “I think they would do well to figure how to release as much as possible and then have a very well-articulated reason for that which they can’t,” he said.Republican senator John Kennedy of Louisiana, however, was more optimistic. “Congress has spoken. I fully expect the Justice Department to release all the documents. It will take a while, but I believe they’ve started,” he said, adding, “I’m hoping we’ll see the first tranche…after Thanksgiving.”The urgency reflects deep skepticism about how the justice department has handled the case historically.In 2008, then-US attorney Alexander Acosta approved a non-prosecution agreement that allowed Epstein to plead guilty to state prostitution charges, avoiding federal sex-trafficking prosecutions. Epstein served 13 months of an 18-month sentence in a minimum-security facility with work-release privileges. That deal, later ruled to have violated victims’ rights, shielded Epstein from far more serious federal charges for over a decade until his 2019 arrest on federal sex-trafficking charges.Epstein died in federal custody in August of that year, one month after his arrest on sex-trafficking charges. His death was officially ruled a suicide.The Epstein files, so far roughly tens of thousands of pages of emails and correspondence released by the House Oversight Committee, detail the convicted sex offender’s connections across political, academic, and financial elites. Names from both parties appear, though Trump’s comes up over a thousand times, mostly linked to Epstein’s apparent obsession with the presidency.Senate majority leader John Thune, a Republican, weighed in on the side of his colleagues. “I trust the judgment of the justice department to ensure that whatever files they release protect the victims,” he said. Congress had “clear intent” to “get the information out there”, he addedThe near-unanimous support – marred by just one dissenting vote in the House – reflects both public interest and political stakes. The justice department now has 30 days to make the materials available in searchable format. The FBI has indicated its records include more than 300 gigabytes of data and evidence. Content depicting child abuse will remain sealed, and information that could compromise ongoing investigations may be withheld or redacted.The real test is now with Bondi’s department. Republican senators have made it clear they will scrutinize any major delays or broad redactions, so how swiftly and transparently the justice department acts could shape perceptions of the Trump administration’s commitment to accountability on a highly sensitive matter.Republican senator Eric Schmitt of Missouri summed it up: “All the credible information that can be released should be released.” More
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The Guardian view on devastation in Gaza: the world wants to move on, but Palestinians can’t | Editorial
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 November 2025, 18:03
The declaration of a ceasefire in Gaza in October brought initial relief to its inhabitants. Yet officials there said Israeli strikes killed 33 people, including 12 children, on Wednesday; Israel said its troops had come under fire. Another five Palestinians were killed on Thursday. Hundreds have died since the ceasefire was declared. Even if the shelling stops, the destruction of Palestinian life will carry on as Israel continues to throttle aid, and the consequences of two years of war unfold. The World Health Organization warned last month that the health catastrophe would last for generations.Food remains in short supply. While displaced families shiver in flooded makeshift shelters, with many facing a third winter of homelessness, aid organisations say they cannot deliver stockpiles of tents and tarpaulins. Israel, which denies blocking aid, has designated tent poles as “dual-use” items that could potentially be used for a military purpose. Save the Children reports children sleeping on bare ground in sewage-soaked clothing.The Guardian last week revealed US plans for the long-term division of Gaza into a “green zone” under Israeli and international control, to be redeveloped, and a “red zone” left in ruins; a US official described reunion of the strip as “aspirational”. This vision – with international troops essentially propping up Israeli occupation, and Palestinians drawn to those areas to escape squalor and chaos elsewhere – echoes disastrous US policies in Iraq and Afghanistan.This is the grim underpinning of the UN security council resolution this week, endorsing Donald Trump’s peace proposals. The “board of peace” looks like a colonial authority overseen by Mr Trump, and perhaps anchored by Tony Blair. Palestinian technocrats, somehow both domestically credible and acceptable to the US and Israel – a notable feat – would work beneath it. All this would be possible thanks to an international stabilisation force that the US hopes to see deployed by January. That would be a stretch even if countries prove truly willing to commit troops.The resolution improved on a draft text and won backing from the Arab world – and angry rejection from the Israeli right – by including references to a Palestinian state and Israeli withdrawal. Yet those references are couched in the vaguest terms, as an unguaranteed reward for sufficiently good behaviour, rather than as a recognition of inalienable Palestinian rights. If all goes according to plan, “conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood”. Israeli withdrawal would be based on standards and timeframes agreed by the military itself as well as the US and others. Countries have backed not what this text does mean but what it might conceivably mean or become.Some believe that this is the best that can be salvaged from current circumstances, given Mr Trump’s presidency; others hope that it is just possible that this unpromising start could allow something better to be forged. But it is hard not to conclude that for some governments, this is more about conscience-salving and reputation-laundering than the best interests of Palestinians. Germany has already announced that it will resume weapons exports to Israel. For Palestinians, “what looked like a forever war may be metamorphizing into forever misery”, the political scientist Nathan Brown has warned. Countries that were complicit in a genocidal war have all the more duty to demand better. More
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‘I lose my liberty in that moment’: Charlotte shuts down as citizens and noncitizens alike face ICE arrests
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 November 2025, 13:00
On Central Avenue in Charlotte, North Carolina, Manolo’s Bakery has become a focal point for resistance to the expanded immigration raids since border patrol officers descended on the city over the weekend. The owner closed the bakery to prevent his staff from being targeted. Most of the other shops on Charlotte’s busy immigrant-centric street followed suit.Dozens of people have taken up camp in the parking lot to wave signs of support for immigrants. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has been active in the city for months as part of Donald Trump’s mass deportation agenda, but things went up a level when the border patrol arrived. Agents swiftly began buzzing through the place to make an armed show of their presence, followed at times by Charlotteans honking their horns in warning.Gerardo Ortiz is Puerto Rican, which is to say, a born American with a Spanish accent, which was good enough for ICE and the border patrol, it seemed. Protesting with the group, Ortiz said, he was picked up twice by federal agents prowling Charlotte’s streets this week while they looked to capture undocumented immigrants.View image in fullscreen“They got me two times, once Saturday and once Sunday,” he said. “They come out from two vans and they tied my hands behind my back and they was telling me, ‘Give me your ID’ – but I got my hands behind my back.”They carted him 20 blocks away and held him in a parking lot for a while before releasing him. He had never been arrested before, he said.“I felt like I lose my liberty in that moment,” Ortiz said. “I was so nervous when I got home. I was crying like a baby, and it’s so terrible.” Some of his friends have been lost to the enforcement raids, he said.Ortiz waved two huge Puerto Rican flags at cars driving by on Wednesday. One had a frog making off with the star, chiming with the tongue-in-cheek costume themes that have emerged at recent anti-ICE protests.He said he was about ready to walk around with them like a cape in case agents decided to arrest him a third time. The Department of Homeland Security announced “Operation Charlotte’s Web” on Saturday, “surging” officers there and sending parts of the city reeling. The DHS said it had made more than 250 arrests across the state.The agency expanded its efforts to the Raleigh-Durham area on Tuesday, though it continued activities in the Charlotte area. A DHS press release cited the unwillingness of local sheriffs to honor ICE detainers for immigrants in local jails.“Americans should be able to live without fear of violent criminal illegal aliens hurting them, their families or their neighbors,” said DHS assistant secretary Tricia McLaughlin. “We are surging DHS law enforcement to Charlotte to ensure Americans are safe and public safety threats are removed. There have been too many victims of criminal illegal aliens. President Trump and [DHS] Secretary [Kristi] Noem will step up to protect Americans when sanctuary politicians won’t.”Local leaders from Charlotte have condemned the enforcement action. Mecklenburg county commissioners passed a resolution of support of the immigrant community on Tuesday night, calling for Customs and Border Protection and ICE to notify the county about any arrests. The Charlotte-Mecklenburg police department released a statement noting that its officers were not authorized to assist with ICE administrative warrants, and does not participate in ICE or CBP operations or help plan or execute federal immigration enforcement activities.Critics in Charlotte describe CBP and ICE’s tactics in the city as indiscriminate at best and deliberately designed to instill fear in the community at worst.On Monday morning, CBP agents attempted to raid OurBridge, an after-school program with children from as far away as Tanzania in Charlotte. “ICE/CBP’s presence at ourBRIDGE had only one goal: instill fear, sending a message to us, our families, and to Charlotte’s immigrant community,” the program’s director posted in an Instagram message. “What happened today was unnecessary, unacceptable and another direct attack on the safety of our community. These actions by ICE, DHS & CBP do not keep ANYONE in Charlotte safe.”The program has halted its services until further notice. Staff said they were no longer going to be available to the media.“Ask me where all my foster kids go to school,” said Beth Clements, who fosters unaccompanied minors who came into the country across the US-Mexico border, in Charlotte. “It’s secret, because of stuff like this.” She described her care as an act of defiance against anti-immigrant heavy-handedness. This wasn’t about enforcement, she said, adding: “It’s about cruelty, from the administration down. This is about hatred, racism and cruelty … I don’t know how we clean this up. I don’t know how anybody looks anybody in the eye and says it’s OK that your family was stolen.”The Charlotte-Mecklenburg school district has more than 141,000 students, the second-largest district in North Carolina. About a quarter are white; more than 30% are Latino. On a normal day, 9,000 to 10,000 students miss school, according to the authorities. On Monday, more than 30,000 were absent, mostly without an excuse.Half of Sandra Speight’s special-needs class missed school, said the Charlotte teacher. “Three of those students out of my six are Hispanic and have told me that they are fearful to come out,” she said.“One mom drives her blind and autistic daughter to and from school, and she will not bring her back to school until she feels safe. I’m hoping that this will die down by the end of the week,” she added.She anticipates people will stay home until after Thanksgiving, saying: “I believe they’re trying to strike fear and intimidate people so that they will be afraid. That’s the only explanation that I have. I can’t explain why else would you do it.”Homeland security’s Atlanta office, which handles North Carolina, referred inquiries to a CBP spokesperson, who asked for questions to be submitted by email for comment.The stretch of closed stores on Central Avenue is a visible sign of deep disruption across the state, as immigrants refuse to leave their homes. The enforcement activity landed in the middle of Charlotte’s global entrepreneurship week, a program for international trade development and social networking.Organizers canceled an event at the Camino church that had been scheduled for Thursday, said Steven Lewis, executive director of the Boost Pad, a non-profit working on Charlotte’s economic mobility problems. Immigration agents had raided another Latino church over the weekend, making an arrest in front of the congregation while people scattered into the woods.“Given what’s going on in Charlotte as it relates to the federal ICE agents being in town, they thought it was in the best interest of everyone to cancel the event,” Lewis said. “I’m interested in the safety of our community and the safety of our citizens, but I want to do it in a way that’s lawful. Charlotte is currently just another city that has had a federal fingerprint on it that isn’t good.”Chef Ammalu Saleh runs Serengeti Kitchen, a Tanzanian restaurant in a popular incubator space for food startups near the University of North Carolina campus in downtown Charlotte. She tried to get halal lamb from Costco a few days ago – her bestseller – to no avail.View image in fullscreen“I went online on Sunday for it to be delivered, but there are not drivers to deliver it,” she said. “I feel most of the drivers are in the targeted population, so that is the issue. It is really impacting not only the targeted population, but even other individuals.”Saleh is an American citizen. “But I am afraid,” she said. “What if they stop me? I’m not walking around with my passport. Or they feel like I’m a threat for some reason. I have a family. I have a business to run, and just for myself as well, it is a concern.”Ezra Rash, a staff attorney at the Charlotte Center for Legal Advocacy, has asked his clients to stay home when they can.“Every single client I’ve spoken to has said they’re staying home,” he said. “They’re not going out. They’re not going to work.” Rash has moved court appearances to the WebEx online platform. “We don’t want them even traveling to the office. It’s really dangerous to be on the road right now.”His clients are often in the legal limbo of immigration law, following the rules for obtaining a visa and permanent status, but without permission to remain permanently in the United States. “They’re following processes. So they’re not undocumented in that they don’t have any kind of status in the United States … But that doesn’t protect them from prolonged detention.”A sense of solidarity is driving local reaction, said Manolo Betancur, owner of Manolo’s Bakery. He has operated the bakery for 28 years, and built a charitable non-profit in tandem with his business.View image in fullscreen“I’m not going to risk the integrity of my customers, my friends, my employees and my own integrity,” said the native Colombian and US citizen. “There are no colors here, man. There’s just one community here. This is the most welcoming side of town. Everybody’s friendly, and I don’t know if there’s another place in the world like east Charlotte, man, but I’m just so blessed, man, and I’m so lucky that we are located here. They’re not messing with me – they’re messing with all of our immigrant community.”Thanksgiving is Betancur’s best time of year, he said, but he’s going to stay closed until his community feels safe again. “Whatever it takes,” he said. “Like I keep telling my son, you know, good people are always the majority, and we can never lose faith in humanity. I’m here to help, to support and to be part of the solution. I love this nation my kids were born in, and I will die for this country.” More
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White nationalist Nick Fuentes is exposing a civil war among US Republicans: ‘We look like clowns’
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 November 2025, 12:00
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View image in fullscreenFive days a week, thousands of fans gather online to watch Nick Fuentes hold court about the dangers of non-white immigration, feminism and “organized Jewry”. Usually dressed in a dark suit and tie, he lectures to his far-right followers, known as “Groypers”, about what he argues is the insufficient radicalism of Donald Trump’s Republican party and what he describes as the perfidies of the state of Israel and its American supporters.Fuentes’s fixation with Israel is not rooted in concern about the war in Gaza but a belief, in his telling, that Jews are responsible for most of society’s problems. Fuentes, who is 27 and lives in Illinois, has called Adolf Hitler “really fucking cool” and compared the Holocaust to the baking of cookies.Despite that – and despite having said that the Republican vice-president, JD Vance, is a “race traitor” for marrying an Indian American woman – Fuentes has ascended in recent weeks from the influential but unacknowledged outer dark of the American right to a position within striking distance of the mainstream Republican party. He has been interviewed on several major platforms in rapid succession, culminating in a friendly, two-hour chat last month on Tucker Carlson’s popular online talkshow. He and Carlson discussed a variety of subjects, including their shared dislike of Christian Zionists. Fuentes also said, casually, that he was a fan of Joseph Stalin.The result of that interview has been a bitter and widening civil war within the American right that has exposed longstanding fissures – between conservatives and populists, Zionists and Israel skeptics, mainstream Maga right and far right – as well as revealed the extent to which a Republican party that has been flooded in recent years by extremists now seems unable to contain them, or even agree if it should. A power struggle already under way inside many rightwing organizations, people familiar told me, has now spilled into the open.After Carlson interviewed Fuentes, some Republican politicians, including the senators Mitch McConnell and Ted Cruz, condemned his decision to do so. Pressure also built on the Heritage Foundation, a conservative thinktank with personal and commercial ties to Carlson, to distance itself from him. Instead, the foundation’s president, Kevin Roberts, issued a video statement which noted that while antisemitism “should be condemned”, “conservatives should feel no obligation to reflexively support any foreign government, no matter how loud the pressure becomes from the globalist class”. A “venomous coalition”, he said, was trying to “cancel” Carlson.This delighted Fuentes. The Heritage Foundation was “the brain of the conservative movement”, he correctly told his viewers on a recent evening, whose policy ideas and talking points are “sort of like gospel for [Republicans] in the US Congress. It’s a big deal.” Staff from the Heritage Foundation often go on to work for Republican legislators and draft federal law; Groyperism, he argued, was now “inside the institutions”.View image in fullscreenRoberts soon backtracked. He issued a second statement more explicitly condemning Fuentes. He has also apologized for using the terms “venomous coalition” and “globalist class”, saying he did not realize their antisemitic connotations.But a civil war broke out at the organization, in the form of information leaks, anguished meetings, and fighting on social media. Many current or former employees expressed horror at Roberts’s seeming initial reluctance to distance Heritage from the far right. “I gave my soul to that place …” someone told me, choking up. (Like some others I spoke to, this person asked for anonymity to speak freely and to avoid drawing online harassment.)Not everyone sees it that way, however. Under the slogan “No enemies to the right”, some populists have fiercely defended Carlson, or argued that the controversy is being exploited by “BoomerCons”, “Reagan zombies” and “right liberals” trying to protect a dying conservative establishment from a new right populist tide.The turmoil has engulfed more and more of the right. Earlier this month, two board members of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute (ISI), another influential conservative group, resigned; in a public letter, they alleged that a “cadre” hostile to liberal democracy – with an agenda different from, and more radical than, Trump’s – have “worked together, behind the scenes, to wrest control of conservative institutions from actual conservatives”, in the process infiltrating “white supremacy, antisemitism, eugenics, and bigotry”.They noted that ISI recently unveiled a new podcast whose first guest, Curtis Yarvin, has defended slavery, said that white people have inherently higher IQs than black people and called for the American republic to be replaced with a dictatorship. Conservatism, they argued, was in an “existential” crisis.Coming shortly after Politico revealed that a number of prominent young Maga activists had a racist and antisemitic group chat, and in the aftermath of a poor Republican election showing and rising Maga disappointment in Trump’s second term, this internecine battle has become a referendum on the future of the right – as well as a vivid illustration of how conservative institutions anxious to prove themselves radical enough for the age of Trump are now squeezed between a strident Maga mainstream and a naked far right.No one wants responsibility for creating the monster. Yet everyone I spoke to, when pressed, agreed on at least one thing: that the Fuentes-Carlson-Heritage scandal has exposed a deep schism in the right that will explode open when Trump departs the White House. So far, the person most pleased about that is Fuentes.If you are young, male and spend a lot of time online, you have probably encountered clips of Fuentes – somehow square-jawed and baby-faced simultaneously, and usually either grinning wolfishly or leaning at the viewer with a news anchor’s seriousness.Although Fuentes is banned from YouTube and other platforms for violating hate-speech policies, Elon Musk allowed him back on X last year on freedom-of-expression grounds. Since then, Fuentes’s posts and video clips seem to have become algorithmically turbocharged; on election night, 2024, he took to social media to deride pro-choice women: “Your body, my choice. Forever.” His post was viewed more than 90m times; some schools reported boys taunting female classmates with the phrase. (Fuentes could not be reached for comment.)In October, before it was removed, his podcast briefly became the highest-trending on Spotify, ahead of the podcasts of Joe Rogan, Amy Poehler and Carlson himself. In recent months, Fuentes has appeared on popular shows including Red Scare, the PBD Podcast and System Update with Glenn Greenwald.Fuentes grew up in a middle-class, mostly white, suburb of Chicago, in a Catholic family. Neither of his parents attended college. (His father is of Mexican American descent, hence his Hispanic surname.) He was a debating star in high school and the student body president. His parents – though not his twin sister – may partly share his racist views, according to Patch and Mother Jones.As a teenager, Fuentes adored talk radio, particularly Mark Levin, a rightwing and staunchly Zionist commentator known for his outraged tone and for arguing with callers. Fuentes listened to him “every day” in high school, he told Carlson: “I actually liked how he was kind of obnoxious and mean to his callers, vicious … I thought that was funny. But I’ll never forget one show … he says: ‘America is becoming a majority non-white country. Does anybody think that’s a good idea?’ And I was thinking to myself, yeah, that actually doesn’t sound so good.”When he arrived at Boston University, in 2016, he shocked liberal classmates by wearing a Maga hat and telling a video interviewer that he was voting for Trump. “People were threatening to find him and beat him up,” a student who led a libertarian group at BU at the time told me.The libertarian group decided to hold a public debate between Fuentes and a leftwing student, two days before the presidential election; 400 students turned up. Fuentes attacked multiculturalism, according to a campus newspaper, but denied he was racist. “It has nothing to do with race, everything to do with culture,” he said. “Asia has taken our culture and done well for themselves. The Middle East? Not so much.”View image in fullscreenDespite a hostile crowd, Fuentes was “articulate and confident, and had that air of somebody good at public speaking”, the libertarian-group leader recalled. Fuentes’s politics at that time seemed to be “standard Maga. I mean, there was nothing that Trump himself hadn’t said.”Impressed by his debate performance, some fellow young conservatives got Fuentes a slot on Right Side Broadcasting Network (RSBN), a startup that aspired to be unapologetically Maga at a time when Trump was still polarizing within the right. This would be a pattern: seeing Fuentes’s oratorical gifts, conservatives would elevate him, then regret it.Fuentes soon alienated his new friends by bucking the pro-Israel line standard at many conservative publications. He also exhibited more unsettling behavior. RSBN was forced to apologize when Fuentes, during an anti-Islam rant, called for the “globalists … that run CNN” to be “deported or hanged”. Soon after, a conservative social media account leaked a candid video in which Fuentes described interracial sex as “degenerate” and said that he was harmed in daily life by Jews.The leaker hoped to discredit Fuentes, but only half succeeded. Drummed out of the Maga mainstream, he embraced a new and potent audience. After he was seen in 2017 at the notorious Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, he dropped out of college and became a full-time white nationalist.Fuentes cultivated himself as a suited-and-tied pundit dedicated to the Maga-adjacent slogan “America first”. In 2021, he held the inaugural America First Political Action Conference (AFPAC) as a far-right response to the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), which he is barred from attending. He was also present at the 2021 riot at the US Capitol, though he did not enter the building.Fuentes also began embracing the rhetoric of Christian nationalism, casting himself as a traditionalist Catholic, decrying feminism and using crucifixes as props – although a rival white nationalist who lived with Fuentes for a time has said that he rarely attended mass and loved HBO shows such as Euphoria and The Sex Lives of College Girls. Fuentes has also argued that many women “want to be raped” and has claimed, perhaps facetiously, that “the only really straight heterosexual position is to be an asexual incel”.Around 2022, Fuentes became friendly with the rapper Kanye West, whose own views had grown antisemitic and conspiratorial. That relationship climaxed, that year, with Fuentes and West dining with Trump at Mar-a-Lago. (Trump later said he did not know who Fuentes was.) Trump’s agreement to meet them was widely criticized, but did not incite nearly the outrage on the right that Carlson’s interview has now.That is because Trump is “he-who-must-not-be-critiqued”, David French, the conservative New York Times columnist, told me. “We’ve seen this a lot in the second Trump term. People feel free to get angry at Pam Bondi over the Epstein files, or at Pete Hegseth, or at Robert F Kennedy Jr, but Trump is always left out of it.”Yet Fuentes’s mainstreaming is forcing open a bloody ideological divide that only Trump’s cult of personality has so far kept scabbed over. “This anger,” French said, “is a preview of the fractiousness we’re going to see when Trump is no longer the superhero of the new right.”Today, Fuentes’s main media outlet is his nightly live stream on Rumble, an online broadcasting platform. He is often hours late to his own show. While they wait for “Nicker”, fans with usernames such as “CruiseBasher”, “ShekelSnatcher” and “BadGoy74” argue with each other and trade racist jokes. Sometimes users spam the chat with false information that the evening’s program has been cancelled, leading others to wonder if they are spies of the Mossad.Once he’s on air, Fuentes’s show is much the same each night. He attacks the Maga right from the further right – forcing mainstream populists to either engage with him, thereby letting Groyperism into the tent, or refuse and be painted as centrist sellouts. The late Maga activist Charlie Kirk, founder of Turning Point USA, was one of his biggest quarries; in 2019 Groypers began harassing Turning Point events and heckling Kirk for supporting Israel.“My job,” Fuentes said in 2021, “is to keep pushing things further … We’re going to get called racist, sexist, antisemitic, bigoted, whatever. When the party is where we are, two years later, we’re not going to get the credit.” But “that’s OK … We are the rightwing flank of the Republican party.”Part of Fuentes’s power is that he is also a free agent – an enfant terrible who can react to events in a way that others on the right cannot. He can criticize Trump (“tired”, with an administration that “is cooked”), or Vance (“a dork”), or mock Maga conspiracy theories that others are reluctant to acknowledge are silly. And he can attack what was until recently one of the right’s last true sacred cows: Israel.For years modern conservatism was defined by rules set down by its intellectual architect, William F Buckley. Starting in the second half of the 20th century, the right “fused” three seemingly unrelated tenets – social conservatism, foreign policy hawkishness and free-market libertarianism – into the united front of the Reagan revolution.That coalition endured for decades. It also came to adopt a reflexively pro-Israel stance, particularly as evangelical Protestants, some of whom believe that Christians are biblically required to support modern Israel, became a key Republican voting bloc. Rightwing Israelis also cultivated a close relationship with the American right because they believed that conservative evangelicals would prove more reliable Zionists than liberal Jewish Americans.In the eyes of many conservatives, Buckley’s equally important legacy was practicing “hygiene” by ejecting cranks and bigots from the movement. He exiled a number of writers – such as Peter Brimelow, Sam Francis, John Derbyshire and Joseph Sobran – for racist or fringe thinking, and in 1991, he accused the conservative writer and politician Pat Buchanan, who was known for fulminating against Israel and its US supporters in terms that seemed to single out Jews, of rhetoric “amount[ing] to antisemitism”.Buchanan was also a hardline immigration restrictionist, isolationist and advocate for tariffs to protect American workers – views that were out of step with the right of the 1990s, but which now look like an uncanny prediction of Maga populism.Today a critical mass of people at conservative organizations, including many younger staff, are more sympathetic to Buchanan’s vision than to Buckley’s or Reagan’s. Many view US institutions as irredeemably decadent and corrupt, and are less interested in “conserving” them than burning them to the ground. In some cases they are hostile not just to progressivism, but to liberal democracy itself.This turn has been more radical than many older conservatives “have been willing to admit to themselves, and a lot more radical than I think the American electorate really understands”, Laura K Field, a political theorist and the author of Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right, told me. Her book charts how the ideas of a small group of reactionary intellectuals influenced the Trumpian right.In the process of this turn, she said, Buckley’s cordon sanitaire against the far right – which some skeptics say was overstated to begin with – ha “completely broken down”. Parts of the new right are eager to rehabilitate Buchanan and others expelled from conservatism decades ago, as well as mainstream newer figures such as Fuentes and Yarvin.At the same time, populist Maga views that were once controversial in the Republican party – on tariffs or immigration, for example – have become standard positions, meaning that firebrand pundits who like to frame themselves as radical outsiders (Carlson, Steve Bannon) are keen for new ways to differentiate themselves from the establishment.“There’s a constant yearning for something more and more radical,” Field said. “Rightwing support for Israel is almost like the last thing standing.”And cracks are showing in that support. The most radical and influential rightwing intellectuals today tend to be Catholic, not Protestant, without older evangelical Protestants’ historical investment in Israel. At the same time, younger evangelical Protestants increasingly regard Christian Zionism as a bizarre and embarrassingly dated tic of their boomer parents.Those demographic changes coincide with rising public anger, across the political spectrum, at the US’s role in a grinding foreign war that has killed thousands of civilians to no apparent end, and with the rise of a Christian nationalism that has replaced the earnest philosemitism of older Christian conservatives with a religious fervor that views Jews with polite distance or even suspicion.All of which contributed to the Heritage Foundation – caught between a historically pro-Israel, hawkish older right and a radical new one – walking right into disaster. Founded in 1973, the thinktank is a fundraising powerhouse with a staff of 400 and a budget of $100m. Among the major right-of-center thinktanks, it is known as the most political and perhaps least intellectual, and as a wobbly weather vane that has often, in recent years, seemed to be trying to “catch up” to Maga populism and prove a slavish loyalty to Trump.In 2023, the Heritage Foundation released Project 2025, a 900-page manifesto for the incoming second Trump administration that proposed, among other things, criminalizing pornography and loyalty-testing civil servants. Democrats successfully seized on the document as a talking point. Angry at the fallout, and at Heritage’s presumptuousness, Trump temporarily distanced himself from the organization.In 2021, Kevin Roberts became the new president of the Heritage Foundation – taking over from Kay Cole James, a black woman and former George W Bush official whom Carlson had attacked on Fox for being too sympathetic to the George Floyd protests.In contrast, Roberts is an ardent culture warrior who wears cowboy boots, drives a diesel Ford F-150 with a “Don’t Tread on Me” license plate, and idolizes Buchanan. He was previously the president of a tiny conservative Catholic college in Wyoming whose students learn Latin and horseback riding and can attend Byzantine mass. The stageplay Heroes of the Fourth Turning, shortlisted for a 2020 Pulitzer, is set at a thinly fictionalized version of the college. (Roberts and Heritage did not respond to requests for comment.)Roberts is part of a circle of radical new right intellectuals who call themselves “post-liberals”, Catholic integralists or “national conservatives”. Many are traditionalist Catholics (or Eastern Orthodox), often converts, and, like Roberts, have ties to Opus Dei, the ultraconservative Catholic order. They believe that the consensus that Buckley upheld was not true conservatism, but merely a right-leaning liberal capitalism that sacrificed America to globalization, mass immigration, consumerism, foreign misadventure and secular decadence. The group are close to Vance, who has described himself as post-liberal. (Vance did not respond to a request for comment.)“I think you’ll never get on the board of Heritage, ISI, or whatever unless you’re part of this true believer circle – a real post-liberal, and a hardcore traditionalist Catholic or Orthodox,” someone close to those organizations told me.View image in fullscreenRoberts is indulgent of friends and allies. In 2022, the Dispatch exposed a young conservative writer who had previously criticized Groyperism, Nate Hochman, for participating in a private online debate with Fuentes in which he had criticized Fuentes’s tactics but told him: “I respect some of what you’re doing.” (“In an attempt to get him to engage,” Hochman said at the time, “I said some really stupid things, which I don’t actually believe.”) Roberts later had Hochman on his podcast, in what seemed like an effort to rehabilitate someone he considered unfairly treated. Hochman then got a job with the Florida governor, Ron DeSantis, before being fired in 2023 after creating an unauthorized campaign video containing Nazi symbolism. (Hochman, who now works for Senator Eric Schmitt, could not be reached for comment.)Despite Roberts’s bona fides, some observers told me, he has a fatal flaw common to leaders on the new right: he is ideologically insecure, and anxious to be perceived as sufficiently hardcore in a movement where moderation is viewed as cowardice and transgression signals that one is strong enough to battle for civilization.“We are in the process of the second American revolution, which will remain bloodless if the left allows it to be,” Roberts said last year. On another occasion, he said: “The future won’t belong to soft men chasing comfort. It will belong to those who risk safety to defend their homeland, their families, and their faith.” (Roberts has denied that his views are extreme, suggesting elsewhere that international elites who “erase borders, criminalize faith, and preach globalism” are the extremists.)In a scathing essay, Oren Cass, a policy commentator whose economic ideas have been popular in some Maga circles, recently described Roberts as someone who had tried to hold a day job as a “credible conservative leader” while moonlighting as a “cheerleader for fever-swamp extremism”.Roberts plays with “divisive, nonsensical gasoline, aimed at impressing a narrow constituency”, Cass argued – and last month that gasoline finally met “a sufficiently hot and prominent surface that it blew up in his face”.Since being fired from Fox News in 2023, Carlson has started an independent online talkshow that has quickly become one of the most popular in America. Embracing a longform conversational format similar to Joe Rogan’s, he has interviewed a variety of guests that would have been outre at Fox, including the podcaster Darryl Cooper, who argued that Winston Churchill, not Hitler, was the “chief villain” of the second world war. As a source for his claims, Cooper later cited the work of the Holocaust denier David Irving.Carlson’s show has also devoted an extraordinary amount of coverage to the US’s relationship with Israel – raising legitimate concerns about US foreign policy and the war in Gaza, but with a fervor and unevenhandedness that made some conservatives uneasy.When Carlson’s Fuentes interview debuted, on 27 October, it hit the conservative world like a meteor. Speaking on Megyn Kelly’s show, Carlson said that he was trying to gently moderate Fuentes’s views. A piece in the Federalist argued, similarly, that Carlson was trying to “offer Fuentes some fatherly correction and redirection”. (Carlson declined to comment for this article, saying in a text message that he gave his “full views” to Kelly.)Many conservatives were less persuaded – and the Heritage Foundation was in the meteor’s blast radius. Roberts was well-known friends with Carlson, and until earlier this year Heritage sponsored episodes of Carlson’s show. Soon after the Fuentes interview, a blurb from Carlson disappeared from the Heritage website. Staff wondered if Roberts would do anything to draw further distance, or simply take the prudent course of saying nothing. Instead, he issued the video defending Carlson.The situation exploded. Angry staffers began posting the phrase “NAZIS ARE BAD” on social media. Robert George, a Princeton legal scholar on Heritage’s board of trustees, tried to build a board majority to oust Roberts, according to the New York Post, and has since resigned. A number of conservatives on a Heritage antisemitism taskforce also quit in protest.“Any tent that’s big enough to include Groypers and neo-Nazis shouldn’t be called conservative,” Mark Goldfeder, who resigned, told me. “It’s something else entirely.”On 5 November, Heritage had a long, emotional, all-hands meeting, footage of which leaked online. Roberts apologized for his handling of the controversy. “I made a mistake,” he told staff, adding: “You can say you’re not going to participate in canceling someone … while also being clear you’re not endorsing everything they’ve said, you’re not endorsing softball interviews.”Roberts also said that he had not understood who Fuentes was. Although he is the leader of one of the most important political thinktanks in the US, and paid more than $800,000 a year, he said that he mainly watched “sports”, and did not “consume a lot of news”.After he spoke, staff gave questions and remarks. These exchanges illuminate a fascinating generational divide at the organization; at times the meeting seemed like a rightwing answer to the kinds of confrontations that swept left-leaning institutions around five years ago, when older liberals at newsrooms, non-profits and educational organizations seemed to speak a different language from their more radical younger colleagues.Many of the most veteran employees spoke first, some with voices trembling with emotion, to decry antisemitism and white nationalism. Asking why now would be any different, a staffer who had worked at Heritage for 47 years invoked Buckley’s purging of the far right: “Did we ‘cancel’ David Duke? Yes. Did we ‘cancel’ the John Birch Society? Yes … Because they were harmful. Because if they’re in your movement, you look like clowns.”On the other hand, “a handful of young colleagues and I had no issue with the points you made in the original video,” a young female staffer said. “Gen Z has an [increasingly] unfavorable view of Israel, and it’s not because millions of Americans are antisemitic. It’s because we are Catholic and Orthodox and believe that Christian Zionism is a modern heresy.”Referring to a proposal by some Jewish conservatives to host Shabbat dinners for Heritage staff as an intercultural exercise, Evan Myers, an adviser to Roberts, said: “For many Christians, Friday is a special day of prayer and abstinence to commemorate the death of Christ … I assume that no staff will be required to attend the Shabbat dinners.” He was concerned, he said, that the dinners might be a “litmus test”.During the meeting, Roberts said that his chief of staff, Ryan Neuhaus, had ghostwritten the video defending Carlson, and implied that Neuhaus had misled him into thinking that other staff had approved it. (Neuhaus, who has since resigned, could not be reached for comment.)Around the time of the video, Neuhaus also began retweeting posts on X defending Carlson and arguing that the right would be better off today if conservatives had never “cancelled” Pat Buchanan, John Derbyshire and Sam Francis. One was a photo of Buchanan holding an antique revolver, captioned: “Slowly but surely he will be vindicated.”On 7 November, two days after the Heritage Foundation meeting, the board of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute (ISI) convened for its own tense meeting.In August, ISI unveiled a new podcast, Project Cosmos, whose first guests were Patrick Deneen, a post-liberal political theorist, and Yarvin, the neo-monarchist. Although there had been two ISI board meetings since Project Cosmos entered production, two members of the board, Christopher Long and Thomas Lynch, have alleged that they were never told the podcast existed.At the meeting, they confronted the other members with things Yarvin has said – such as, “If Americans want to change their government, they’re going to have to get over their dictator-phobia” and “Although I am not a white nationalist, I am not exactly allergic to the stuff” – and argued against platforming him.They were overruled. When they called a vote of no confidence in John Burtka, ISI’s president, they lost 13-2. Lynch and Long then resigned. They were replaced on the spot by Jordan Teti, a Los Angeles attorney, and Susan Hanssen, a professor of history at the University of Dallas. (Hanssen’s father appears to be the FBI agent Robert Hanssen, who pleaded guilty in 2001 to spying for the Soviet Union and Russia.)“This group … don’t care about the law, and don’t believe in restraints on power,” a person familiar with ISI said. Some “are self-proclaimed ‘neo-monarchists’. It’s hard to believe, right? But that’s what they say they are.”ISI and Burtka did not respond to interview requests, though some activists and intellectuals on the new right have disputed the characterization of recent events. They argue that Reaganite conservatives unhappy at the direction of the right are trying to use the Carlson controversy to smear isolationism and Israel skepticism by associating them with Fuentes’s antisemitism – thereby hindering Vance, who is considered sympathetic to the new right, from succeeding Trump as the leader of the Republican party.The old right are “panicking [about] losing their once total monopoly on conservative institutions”, Chad “CC” Pecknold, a professor of theology at the Catholic University of America, said in an email. They “want to demonstrate that they still have power, and have chosen the run-up to the midterms as the time to do maximum damage on new right opponents. They are looking for scalps, and will take any opportunity to smear leaders who have usurped what they regard as their rightful place.”Even conservatives on the other side acknowledge that they do not represent the zeitgeist. People like Fuentes and Yarvin, French said, “are extraordinarily popular – far more popular, in many ways, than the people critiquing them”.View image in fullscreenTrump and Vance have mostly remained out of the fray so far, though Trump told a reporter on Sunday that “you can’t tell [Carlson] who to interview” and on 5 November Vance wrote on X that “infighting is stupid.” Vance is in a difficult spot: Carlson helped get him selected as Trump’s running mate, and Carlson’s son, Buckley Carlson, works for Vance.Vance spoke at a Turning Point event in Mississippi, two weeks ago, where a man in the audience had a question for him: “I’m a Christian man, and I’m just confused,” the man said. “There’s this notion that we … owe Israel something, or that they’re our greatest ally, or that we have to support this [foreign aid package] to Israel to cover … ethnic cleansing in Gaza. I’m just confused why this idea has come around, considering the fact that not only does their religion not agree with ours, but also openly supports the prosecution of ours.”The man’s reference to “prosecution”, or persecution, may have been describing recent attacks on Palestinian Christians, but Vance’s answer was also odd; he seemed to discuss Judaism with the conciliatory tact with which an American vice-president might normally describe a foreign nation: “Jews do not believe that Jesus Christ is the messiah; obviously, Christians do believe that,” he said. “There are some significant theological disagreements between Christians and Jews. My attitude is, let’s have those conversations.”Some of the conservatives I spoke to seemed like they were grappling with a dissonance – that they had spent so long in political battle with the left that they were having trouble, psychically, coming to terms with the idea that the call might be coming from inside their own house.“Perhaps Roberts made a bad leadership decision – he shouldn’t have released the video, or they shouldn’t have had a relationship with Tucker,” someone tied to Heritage said despairingly. “But if we look at the root, underlying thing, is it really about Tucker? About Fuentes? About the video? Or is it about this” – the speaker searched for the right word – “undercurrent that’s pushing all of this?” More
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Telling a reporter ‘quiet, piggy’ was shocking – even for Trump | Margaret Sullivan
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 November 2025, 11:00
Catherine Lucey, who covers the White House for Bloomberg News, was doing what reporters are supposed to do: asking germane questions.Her query to Donald Trump a few days ago during a “gaggle” aboard Air Force One was reasonable as it had to do with the release of the Epstein files, certainly a subject of great public interest. Why had Trump been stonewalling, she asked, “if there’s nothing incriminating in the files”.His response, though, was anything but reasonable.It was demeaning, insulting and misogynistic.He pointed straight at Lucey and told her to stop doing her job.“Quiet. Quiet, piggy,” said the president of the United States.From what I could tell, none of her colleagues in the press corps immediately rose to her defense. Things just moved on – business as usual, in a sense.And yet, if I were making a timeline of Trump’s use of the press as a punching bag, this moment would deserve a place on it. Maybe it was his pointing. Maybe it was his direct command, as if he were in charge of what a reporter is allowed to ask.Maybe – probably – it was the nasty name-calling, which is meant to put a reporter in her place in front of the world. Maybe – probably – it was the lack of protest from other reporters.This, after all, is life in Trump’s America. Consider just the past day or so.Trump celebrated the Saudi crown prince, who, according to a 2021 US intelligence report, approved the killing of a Washington Post journalist, Jamal Khashoggi. (The crown prince has denied involvement in the killing.) The US president gave him a hero’s welcome to the White House.Trump insulted and threatened ABC News and its fine reporter Mary Bruce, who also asked germane questions, about Khashoggi as well as the Epstein files. “I think you are a terrible reporter. It’s the way you ask these questions,” he said. He called ABC a “crappy company” and said its license “should be taken away from ABC because your news is so fake and it’s so wrong”.We’re supposed to be used to this by now.Clearly, the president’s fervid supporters must approve of this sort of thing; they seem to see it as a way the president is using his power and position to diminish the “elite”, who he has taught them to despise.But getting used to it is dangerous. We all get worn down. “What can you do?” shrug even the caring among us.But, for me, “quiet, piggy” somehow breaks through. It should be a bridge too far, not business as usual.Wouldn’t it have been something to see the entire press corps shout back at Trump, in defense of their colleague? Wouldn’t it have been something to see them walk away from the gaggle?Why didn’t they?“Because access beats out solidarity, every day of the week,” Bill Grueskin, a former Miami Herald and Wall Street Journal editor who is a professor at Columbia Journalism School, posted on Bluesky. If any members of the press corps had somehow managed to push back and defend their colleague, they undoubtedly would have been punished by exclusion from these press briefings.So, yes, the access problem.And I’m sorry to say, they also don’t push back because they’re so used to it. After all, it’s nothing new. It’s just an especially egregious example of what’s been going on for years.I’ve been watching these moves of Trump’s for a long time. I was the Washington Post’s media columnist during the entire first Trump term, so I got an up-close look at how he constantly disparaged the press and its representatives – especially women, and even more especially, women of color.He often clashed, for example, with Yamiche Alcindor, who then covered the White House for the PBS NewsHour, condemning her supposedly “nasty” questions. This year, he called Alcindor, who now works for NBC, “second rate” and demanded that she, too, “be quiet”. He publicly called April Ryan, a longtime White House reporter, “a loser”.Nothing changes – it only worsens – because Trump gets away with it. His stalwart supporters don’t seem to care. The members of the press corps may write a sternly worded letter (or not), but they normalize it, too, by their inaction.Will this “quiet, piggy” moment make a difference? Only for those who care about decency in public officials and in American society.Maybe that’s an old-fashioned notion. And I’m not sure there are enough of us who remember that it matters.
Margaret Sullivan is a Guardian US columnist writing on media, politics and culture More
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In Tennessee, Democrats hope a ‘coalition of the pissed off’ will flip a red district
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 November 2025, 10:00
Republicans have controlled Tennessee’s seventh congressional district for four decades. The party finished about 21 points ahead of the Democrats when the seat was last contested, alongside Donald Trump’s victory in the presidential election last November.Twelve months on, that lead has narrowed dramatically, according to opinion polls – and a challenger is attempting to build a “coalition of the pissed off” to overturn it altogether.With a special election scheduled for next month, Democrats have nominated Aftyn Behn, a progressive state representative in the district, as their candidate. As Trump’s approval rating continues to fall amid cost-of-living concerns, she is attempting to stage the biggest challenge in a generation to Republicans in the district, and flip the seat for the first time since 1983.“If you are dissatisfied, if you are not OK with what’s going on, then I’m your candidate,” Behn said. “If you think things are fine, I am not your candidate. If you are upset with the cost and chaos, I am your candidate.“We have been working to build a coalition of the disenchanted, a coalition of the pissed off, and I think it’s working to our favor.”After the resignation of the Republican representative Mark Green earlier this year, the party tapped Matt Van Epps, an army veteran supported by several billionaires and publicly backed by Trump. Two separate polls put Van Epps just eight points ahead of his Democratic rival.Van Epps did not respond to multiple requests for comment on the race, which amounts to a key test for the Democratic party and its ability to tap into voters’ indignation toward Trump amid persistent inflation and affordability concerns.Voters in Tennessee’s seventh congressional district seat, which comprises parts of Nashville, and middle and west Tennessee, will head to the polls on 2 December. Early voting has begun.Ken Martin, the Democratic National Committee chair, has campaigned with Behn, and the DNC has been providing volunteers and phone bank support. Kamala Harris made a surprise appearance at an event for Behn this week, her first event as a campaign surrogate since leaving office. Trump, meanwhile, hosted a tele-rally with Van Epps last week, and the Republican National Committee has devoted similar resources and funding to his campaign.‘Epicenter of the crisis’“Tennessee is a state that has bought and sold to the highest bidder, and politicians are doing that bidding,” said Behn. “My campaign doesn’t accept corporate Pac [political action committee] money. We are not bankrolled by special interests. Unfortunately, that is the legacy right now, which I’m trying to break.”Under Trump, the federal government “has not delivered on their promise of affordability”, said Behn. “And Tennessee is at the epicenter of the affordability crisis.“We have some of the most expensive housing and rent. It is one of the worst places for workers in the country. We’re hitting all these metrics that are making it nearly impossible to survive in the state, which is why I’m running.”Tennessee is 10th in the US states in Consumer Affairs’ grocery cost burden rankings, which measure the share of income consumers in each state are required to spend on groceries. Housing has meanwhile become increasingly expensive across the state, according to the non-partisan policy research center Sycamore Institute, which attributed this to growing population, the Covid-19 pandemic, and a lag in home construction.Behn recently led a campaign against a push by Elon Musk’s Boring Company to build a high-speed underground tunnel for Tesla vehicles from downtown Nashville to the city’s airport. Despite vast local opposition, state Republicans circumvented local officials to unanimously provide the firm with access to state-owned land at no cost. Construction began last month.“Unfortunately, our government right now works clandestinely for the puppet masters rather than the people,” added Behn. “It’s a fight that I was willing to take, and I think it can be extrapolated to the broader resentment towards the billionaire boys’ club, and these multinational greedy corporations, selling us out and rigging the system in favor of themselves.”In Tennessee, Medicaid cuts under Trump and the expiration of Affordable Care Act subsidies are estimated to increase the uninsured population in the state by 210,000 people by 2034, according to analysis by the Kaiser Family Foundation.At the same time, Trump’s tariffs are hitting the state hard, with a report by Pew Research finding last month that Tennessee is one of the states most vulnerable to tariffs, as global products contributed 21.9% of its gross domestic product in 2024.Van Epps has refused to participate in a debate with Behn ahead of the election. Her campaign has sought to create entry points for voters curious, or willing, to cross party lines. Behn has appeared on conservative talk radio shows and run a field campaign designed to knock on doors throughout the district, prioritizing voter contact in a state where turnout consistently ranks among the lowest in the US.“We’re running one of the most competitive races the state has ever seen, and I think people really appreciate that,” claimed Behn. “As a state legislator, I have organized the most town halls of any one of my colleagues. I have open communication. I’m highly accessible and that is how I’ll be as this district’s next congresswoman.“Whereas you have my opponent who is hiding from the press, hiding from the people, and only speaking to select closed-door cadres of people,” she continued. “I think it speaks to the moment – how you have a fighter for government, transparency, accountability, who believes in everyone participating in our democracy, versus a closed-door, special-interest candidate, who only is beholden to a special group of people, of which most folks don’t have access to.” More
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Trump’s ‘affordability’ efforts are a mess of absurdity and magical thinking | Steven Greenhouse
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 November 2025, 10:00
When running for president last year, Donald Trump wooed and wowed voters by vowing to reduce prices “starting on day one”. But once he was inaugurated, he seemed to pay precious little attention to prices and affordability.All that changed, however, when inflation-weary voters thrashed Trump and the GOP on election day this month – within days, the Trump administration launched a slapdash effort to focus on affordability. Unfortunately, the campaign is a hot mess: a pile of absurdity, contradictions, magical thinking, scapegoating and good ol’ Trumpian dishonesty, with Trump repeatedly blaring that “prices are down”.Two days after election day, Trump got his administration’s affordability drive off to a disastrous start when he said, “Our groceries are way down. Everything is way down … So I don’t want to hear about the affordability.”With those words, billionaire Trump – who spends a lot of time palling around with fellow billionaires – showed utter contempt for the millions of Americans who struggle with affordability every time they go the grocery store. Trump told them they got it all wrong. He told them that they shouldn’t bother him about the trivial issue of affordability when he has bigger things to worry about, such as, perhaps, his obsession with winning the Nobel peace prize. Trump in effect said: I don’t feel your pain.Trump’s statement about everything being “way down” was absurdly obtuse and dishonest. How in the world could every price be way down when his cherished tariffs were pushing up prices? Banana prices are up 6.9% over the past year, beef is up 14.7% and coffee up 18.9% (in part because of the huge, punitive tariffs Trump placed on Brazil’s coffee and beef). Between January and September, prices rose in five of the six main grocery groups tracked in the Consumer Price Index, including meats, poultry and fish (up 4.5%); non-alcoholic beverages (up 2.8%); and fruits and vegetables (up 1.3%).Despite these numbers, Trump keeps pushing his big lie about affordability. Since election day, he has said there’s “virtually no inflation”, “prices are way down” and “it is far less expensive under Trump than it was under sleepy Joe Biden”. Trump said all this even though prices overall have unarguably risen since Biden left office. Right now, inflation is running at a 3% annual clip, which is 50% higher than the Federal Reserve’s 2% goal. In another falsehood, Trump boasted that gas prices have fallen to nearly $2 a gallon, even though his Department of Energy says they average $3.19.Hit in the head by reality (and declining opinion polls), some Trump aides evidently told the Maga king that his “prices are down” rhetoric made him sound dangerously out of touch with typical Americans, many of whom are angry about prices continuing to climb after Trump promised to bring them down. Trump’s advisers seized on one quick fix to reduce some prices: roll back some of Trump’s beloved tariffs. That sensible idea contradicted Trump’s absurd assertion that new tariffs wouldn’t raise prices for US consumers.With some tariffs being rolled back on coffee, beef, tomatoes and bananas along with other tropical fruit, Trump will no doubt trumpet to the world that he’s cut prices as soon as those foods start declining in price. That would be like an arsonist boasting that he put out a fire that he had started.When Trump spoke last Monday to a “summit” of McDonald’s executives and franchisees, he once again showed that he’s out of touch – with typical Americans and the truth. He said, “This is … the golden age of America because we are doing better than we’ve ever done as a country.” He sought to calm angry consumers by adding: “Prices are coming down and all of that stuff.” That’s easy for a billionaire to say, but it’s hard for millions of Americans not to fret about prices “and all of that stuff” and not just because 42 million Americans faced having their food stamps cut off and 24 million face having their health premiums soar, often by over $1,500 a year, because Trump and the Republican-led Congress will not extend Obamacare subsidies.Sorry, Mr President, but Americans strongly disagree with your claim that it’s a golden age. According to a Pew poll in October, 74% of Americans think economic conditions are fair or poor, while just 26% think they are good or excellent. What’s more, according to a CNN poll last month, 61% of Americans say Trump’s policies have “worsened economic conditions in this country”.Scott Bessent, Trump’s treasury secretary, recently contradicted Trump’s boasts of a golden age. Bessent said that far from booming, some parts of the US economy “are in recession”. The manufacturing sector that Trump vowed to save appears to have contracted eight months in a row and lost about 33,000 jobs since January. Pointing to this economic weakness, Bessent called on the Federal Reserve to cut interest rates – a move that would help affordability.Seeing the huge public dismay about affordability, Trump has resorted to one of the oldest tricks in the book. He promised to, in effect, buy off disgruntled Americans, in this case, with “a dividend of at least $2,000 a person (not including high income people!)”. For many struggling Americans, that must sound like manna from heaven, but it’s unlikely that Congress, already alarmed about huge budget deficits, will enact that idea.Trump’s statement that the $2,000 won’t go to “high-income people!” feels like a confession that his “big, beautiful bill” gave far too much in tax cuts to the rich and too little to everyone else. It also shows that the public’s complaints are hitting home that Trump has become the president by, for and of the billionaires.In a recent speech, Bessent said that the administration is “improving affordability” by holding down spending, noting that this helps hold down interest rates. But Trump’s proposed $2,000-a-person payment would undercut all that. It would increase federal spending and thereby push up interest rates and probably inflation, too, by putting more money in consumers’ pockets.In another supposed fix for affordability, Trump put forward the hare-brained idea of creating 50-year mortgages, with the notion that this would help reduce monthly mortgage payments. But the truth is that 50-year mortgages, compared with 30-year mortgages, would do little to lower monthly mortgage payments. They would often reduce payments by just $100 or $200 a month. The bad news is that 50-year mortgages would, as David Dayen has written, often more than double the already huge amount of interest that homeowners pay and would greatly slow their accumulation of equity.In their affordability campaign, Trump and his truth-challenged crew are yet again blaming Biden for the country’s economic problems, including rising prices. JD Vance said: “We inherited a disaster from Joe Biden,” while Kush Desai, a White House spokesperson, said, “Cleaning up Joe Biden’s inflation and economic disaster has been a top focus for President Trump since day 1.”This is absurd, untruthful rubbish. As I’ve written, Biden handed Trump a very strong economy, with inflation way down, economic growth strong and unemployment low. But Trump’s policies, especially his tariffs, have created an economic mess, pushing up prices and slowing GDP growth.Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Analytics, says that 22 states are already in recession, with their economies damaged by Trump’s tariffs. Zandi fears that if big states like California and New York tumble into recession, the US could slide into a broad economic slump. During recessions, consumers overall have less money to spend, and inflation typically declines. Unfortunately, with Trump’s much-ballyhooed affordability campaign likely to do little to hold down prices, his most effective “tool” in achieving increased affordability could prove to be pushing the nation into recession.That’s something that struggling Americans really can’t afford.
Steven Greenhouse is a journalist and author, focusing on labor and the workplace, as well as economic and legal issues More

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