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    ‘It felt like a scene from The Handmaid’s Tale’: US comics on the dangers of political satire

    In April, comedian Jena Friedman had a strange encounter in Vancouver airport. She had just performed a Ted talk about the future of comedy and was heading home to the US, when someone she thought worked for airport security quizzed her about her visit.Thinking he was probing for visa infringements, “I just said I was doing comedy. Then he asked: ‘What do you joke about?’ Stupidly, I lightly flirted with him, and was like: ‘Everything other than airport security!’ He didn’t react at all. Then I realised he was US border control. He asked again: ‘What do you joke about?’”Friedman is a veteran of The Daily Show and The Late Show, and her standup comedy often features excoriating routines at the expense of the political establishment. “I just froze because I am a political comedian and I didn’t know what to say. Then he said: ‘Do you joke about politicians?’”She made it home, but the incident stuck with her. Friedman lives in LA, and the recent actions of the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement “detaining anyone and everyone who looks a certain way” put her on high alert. “It was such a quick, on its face benign, interaction,” she says. “But it did feel like a scene out of The Handmaid’s Tale. I’m a blonde, white woman who looks like a Republican’s wife and I have an American passport. But what if I had said ‘Yes?’ Don’t we want to live in a country where we can joke about politicians, where we can joke about anything?”View image in fullscreenFriedman incorporated that moment into her new standup show, Motherf*cker, which she’s performing at the Edinburgh fringe. The show is a change of pace. She’s generally resisted getting personal on stage, resenting the idea that women have to be relatable to succeed in comedy, but this time it felt unavoidable, as she explores the life-changing experience of becoming a parent while her own mother was dying. “It’s about grief, but it’s also political,” she says. “The vibe in certain circles does feel like we’re grieving. So there’s something about my show that’s connecting to the larger moment.”Friedman is among a crop of US comedians with roots in topical comedy appearing at this year’s fringe. Another stalwart of US political comedy, Michelle Wolf, is back, too, while standup and former Saturday Night Live writer Sam Jay is making her festival debut.Wolf earned her stripes on The Daily Show and Late Night with Seth Myers, and gained notoriety with her 2018 set at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner, in which she roasted Trump and his collaborators. These days, she lives in Barcelona, although returns to the US regularly for comedy work. She’s yet to encounter border trouble but, with reports of people with green cards and citizens being detained, she says: “I’m keeping an eye on it.”Comedians Rosie O’Donnell and Ellen DeGeneres have both said that the state of US politics has forced them out of the country – O’Donnell to Ireland and DeGeneres to England. O’Donnell has written a show on just that, which she performed for the first week of the fringe. Wolf is happy with her move to Barcelona, and feels her comedy has benefited from other cultural perspectives, but returns to the US because “the audiences are great” and there’s plenty of work. While other US comedians have also discussed the idea of moving to Europe, she thinks it won’t happen until there’s “an impetus to go, something I don’t think is far off, like: you can’t talk about this any more, you can’t talk about that any more”.Last month, satirist Stephen Colbert announced that network CBS had cancelled The Late Show after 33 years. Many thought the timing, three days on from Colbert criticising CBS parent company Paramount for settling a lawsuit with Donald Trump, was suspect. Fellow late-night talkshow host Jon Stewart criticised the move on his podcast and pointed to wider fear across the industry.: “There are a lot of things that will never be made, that you will never know about, that will be killed in the bed before they ever had a chance because of this chilling effect.”Friedman’s glad to see Colbert and Stewart speaking out against Trump and his administration – and agrees there’s a “chill”. “The industry has already been less supportive of political comedy than they were under Biden and Obama. However, “seeing the most prominent comedians taking [Trump] to task, like Matt [Stone] and Trey [Parker] from South Park, Colbert and Stewart, that gives me hope”.View image in fullscreenMeanwhile, Michelle Wolf’s standup merges the personal and political and her podcast, Wolf’s Thought Box, tackles current affairs. Her new show, which she’s performing while eight months pregnant at the fringe, explores life and society “through the lens of being a mom now”. There are punchlines on societal pressures for working mothers, home birth, momfluencers, gender inequalities and more. “We’re in an era now where people are talking about motherhood realistically and that’s very refreshing,” she says.Still, political comedy isn’t absent. “I feel like I have to address the whole America and Trump thing … people expect me to say something about it.” She plans to tailor topical jokes to the day’s news but, “I don’t like making it a large part of my set, because it bores me. There’s always something crazy happening, but it’s hard to come up with creative angles other than: can you believe this?”It’s been nine years since she first started writing jokes about Trump and, in that time, her life has transformed – she met her partner, moved abroad, and is about to have her second child. Her main feeling now is: “How are we still talking about him? How are we still in the same spot?”Jay reflects that slow build in her show, We the People, in which she explores the state of America – looking back to the “unconfident whites” who founded the nation. She describes the show as “a fun, risky little ride” as she tries to get to the root of why the US feels so divided, and what we can do to better understand one another. “It’s this broader conversation I’ve been having about America and race,” Jay says.The whole world feels unsettled right now and there’s an inability to consider other perspectives, Jay says. “How did we get here as Americans? Of course, I think race plays a large part in it. And how did these race relations get to the way they are? Not just blaming white people, but exploring the type of white people we’re dealing with, why they might be the way they are, their roots in England.”Trump came up plenty during Jay’s time on SNL and appears in her fringe show as a “braggadocious” fool, unable to keep state secrets, yet smartly appealing to the frustrations of America’s poor white communities. But the conditions that created and elevated Trump are more interesting to Jay: “He’s the symptom of this, not the cause. This is a result of years and years of us doing it wrong … it’s been building for a long time and for a lot of different reasons.”Friedman agrees: “I started working at the Daily Show in 2012, I was at Letterman before that, so I started looking at politics on a daily basis since 2010, and this is a long time coming.” This also means that, among US audiences, not everyone wants political comedy. “They’re always looking for escapism. In the first term, there was definite Trump fatigue,” Friedman says. “As a political comic, I’ve always done better in the UK than the US. It’s the UK audiences who are like: what the hell’s going on over there?” says Friedman.The mood in US comedy is, Jay says, “the mood in America … chaos. There’s no way to keep up. People are also very desensitised. Shit just keeps happening in more extreme ways that people are losing a metric for it.”All three agree that comedy can help share differing worldviews. “Even if it’s people we disagree with, the sign of a healthy democracy is when people can safely be on stage saying whatever we want, ideally in good faith,” Friedman says. “I support all comedians, I support freedom of expression and I want to see more of it. I want to see people more open to people they disagree with. Whenever I do political comedy, the goal is not to preach to the choir, it’s to get people to see things slightly differently.”Jay has said that comedy can be a tool for empathy. “I look at it as a conversation. It can serve a purpose of actual understanding, understanding that we’re all humans trying to figure out a thing that doesn’t make a lot of sense – existing. Everybody is grappling with these things in their own way.”What does the future hold for US comedians? “It’s too soon to tell,” says Friedman. “But I think everybody exercising the US first amendment in a way that’s funny and disarming is really important right now.”Jay says: “Once I’m on stage, I’m gonna say what I’m gonna say. If I can’t come back as a result, I’ll just have to have my girlfriend come meet me in Scotland.” More

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    Golf for them, grind for us: Trump, Vance and the hellish US holiday divide | Arwa Mahdawi

    You know what the problem is with the US? Nobody wants to work any more. People feel entitled to cushy jobs with fat salaries and unlimited holiday time. And by “people” I mean American politicians, who seem to treat public office as an excuse for endless vacations. Because the president and vice-president are technically always on duty, there’s no official holiday policy – and it rather feels as if they are taking advantage of this.Take the vice-president, JD “OOO (out of office)” Vance. When he’s not inspiring memes or threatening to deport menswear influencers, he always seems to be off on a jolly. So far this year, the man has been skiing in Vermont, shut down bits of Disneyland for his family’s use and apparently raised the water level of a river in Ohio for a kayaking trip. Now, the Vances are summering in the Cotswolds.Vance, who unsuccessfully tried out for his high school golf team, can also occasionally be found hitting balls with his boss. Which is actually pretty hard work, since we all know Trump is a gifted sportsman; in April, the White House doctor cited the president’s “frequent victories in golf events” as evidence of Trump’s excellent health. And Trump should be good, considering he’s so far spent 25% of his second term golfing, according to the online tracker Did Trump Golf Today?. Lovely for him; expensive for the taxpayer.Trump was once very critical of Barack Obama’s numerous golf outings. “I’m going to be working for you, I’m not going to have time to go play golf,” Trump said in 2016. He managed to find the time: a 2021 Washington Post analysis found that Trump probably played 261 rounds of golf in his first term – a round every 5.6 days. This term, he’s on track to surpass that number.Trump has also complained about work-from-home policies, saying that people will take advantage and “play golf” instead. It’s different when he plays golf, though. A workhorse like Trump can be productive anywhere! On Sunday, for example, while being driven from the White House to his golf club in Virginia, Trump (or one of his minions) snapped a few photos of homeless people, which he posted on social media with his typically nuanced analysis. “The Homeless have to move out, IMMEDIATELY,” Trump stated. “Be prepared! There will be no ‘MR. NICE GUY.’” Not everyone is capable of crafting complex policy proposals on how to reduce homelessness while being chauffeured to a tee time. It’s a skill set such as this that separates the wheat from the chaff.Speaking of the chaff: guess how much paid time off (PTO) normies in the US are entitled to? The answer, if you’re looking at federal law, is none; it’s up to your employer. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the average amount of vacation private sector workers get after one year at a company is 11 days. For government workers, it’s 13 days. (PTO often increases over time, but median job tenure in the US is less than five years.) What happens if you get sick and need more time off? You’d better hope that your colleagues are nice enough to donate their sick days to you. By contrast, in the UK, most full-time workers are entitled to 28 days of paid annual leave from the get-go.While US vacation policy may seem miserly to outsiders, Trump thinks it’s far too generous. On Juneteenth, a holiday commemorating the emancipation of enslaved people in the US, the president complained that, despite the fact that private-sector companies don’t have to give employees the day off for federal holidays, there were too many holidays in the US and “workers don’t want it”.Like many things the president says, this is nonsense. On the contrary: Microsoft’s 2025 work index report found that, because of the always-on nature of technology, many workers are struggling with “infinite workdays” and burnout. How is Microsoft combating that? Glad you asked! They recently teamed up with Mercedes-Benz to bring “in-car productivity to a new level” by making it easier to take meetings while driving. Behold the American dream: nonstop work for the masses and endless golfing vacays for the guys at the top. Arwa Mahdawi is a Guardian columnist More

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    ‘A literal gut punch’: Missouri workers devastated by Republican repeal of paid sick leave

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    View image in fullscreenBeing sick is a costly business for Bill Thompson, who worked in the fast-food industry in Independence, Missouri, for more than 30 years, and recently worked at Guitar Center until early July, when he was laid off.“As an older worker, I have health issues from working on my feet and with my hands for many years with no breaks for eight to 10 hours a day. I have done it for 38 years now, living paycheck to paycheck,” 54-year-old Thompson said, noting in Missouri workers are not mandated breaks of any kind during work.So when Republicans in Missouri repealed a paid sick leave mandate that the state’s voters approved by 58% after an aggressive lobbying campaign by the Missouri chamber of commerce and industry and other business industry groups, he said, “It was a literal gut punch.“If you’re not paid for missed days, it literally means food off your table, bills unpaid, rent unpaid, then that can lead towards homelessness. Some of the people I know in the movement are currently homeless but still are fighting back against this,” said Thompson. “I was very disappointed and disgusted that hard-working taxpayers this would have helped matter so little to them.” Thompson helped gather signatures for the paid-sick-leave and minimum-wage-increase ballot initiative because of his experiences of working through illnesses and losing income when he had to take time off to care for his ailing mother.Workers and labor groups in Missouri strongly criticized the repeal, arguing elected officials chose to side with “greed” over workers, as efforts to re-enact the law and prevent legislators from overturning voter ballot initiatives in Missouri are under way.The state’s house and senate passed HB567, signed into law on 10 July by the governor, Mike Kehoe, which repealed the paid sick leave mandate and annual minimum wage increases tied to the consumer price index beyond the increase to $15 an hour in 2016 that voters also approved.Voters in Nebraska, by more than 74.5%, and Alaska, with nearly 57% approval, also passed paid sick leave mandates in November 2024. As of December 2024, 18 states and Washington DC had enacted paid sick leave laws covering private employers.“They chose to side with greed over the health of Missouri workers,” said Richard Eiker, a McDonald’s worker in the Kansas City, Missouri, area for more than 20 years who supported the paid sick leave mandate. “But we’re not going anywhere, we’re going to stay in this and keep fighting until we win better treatment for Missouri workers.”Eiker said the issue of paid sick leave was a public health issue, especially for food service workers, and that he has often had to go into work sick or injured because he couldn’t afford to take the unpaid time off from work.View image in fullscreen“Whether it’s been an injury I’ve sustained at work or been an illness I’ve had, I’ve often found myself having to go into work regardless of whether I recovered fully or not, simply because I can’t afford to take the time off of work in order to take care of my bills and everything,” Eiker said.For 10 years, Eiker was the primary caregiver for his mother and he recounted that on a day that she wasn’t feeling well, he had to go to work. He came home to find her unconscious and unresponsive after she suffered a stroke.“At the time I was caring for her, her expenses, my expenses, and we were trying to keep the apartment we were in, all these pressures on me, if I had paid sick time off and I had been able to stay with her that day, I wonder if things could have been different,” Eiker added.Though voters all approved paid sick leave in states where Republicans have dominated in statewide elections, only Republicans in Missouri have pushed to entirely repeal paid sick leave approved by voters.The repeal law in Missouri goes into effect on 28 August, just weeks after the paid sick leave mandate took effect in May 2025.Proponents of paid sick leave criticized the repeal given the strong support for it and that negotiations were under way to reach a compromise.“I think we were 95% of the way on a negotiated agreement, one that I wouldn’t have been happy with, because it would have been different than what the voters had passed. But at the end of the day, elected officials, I think, weren’t so much concerned with paid sick days. I think they were more concerned with the idea that working people have power over our lives,” said Richard von Glahn, policy director at Missouri Jobs With Justice, a worker advocacy group based in St Louis that worked on the paid sick leave ballot initiative.“I think that was the more important issue for the chamber of commerce and elected officials to try to push back on, because I think they’re really terrified that working people have a sense of our own agency in a state like this.”He argued the paid sick leave campaign to gather signatures and speak with voters “were easy because paid sick days are such common sense to most people”.“Even on a day where Missourians sort of overwhelmingly voted for Donald Trump, Josh Hawley and Governor Kehoe, they also overwhelmingly voted for an increase in paid sick days,” Von Glahn said. “Any notion that there’s really a Republican party, that is a party of workers, Missouri shows just how much of a stranglehold corporate interests still have on the Republican establishment. I think that’s a cautionary tale for working-class people.”Groups in Missouri are weighing a new ballot initiative to enshrine the law in the state’s constitution, and a 2026 ballot initiative has been filed to require at least 80% of the state legislature to repeal all or parts of a voter-approved measure.The paid sick leave mandate was repealed as the Missouri chamber of commerce and industry called the bill to do so its “top priority” during the 2025 legislative session, though repealing the law through the legislature was initially seen as challenging given the strong public support for it.“Some legislators may look at this and go, we don’t want to goof with it at all because the percentage was so high in support of it,” Ray McCarty, CEO of Associated Industries of Missouri, said in an interview with the Missouri Independent in November 2024.Opponents of the paid sick leave bill claimed it was “a job killer”, a common refrain in opposition to paid sick leave policies for years, though data and research have shown paid sick leave improves workforce participation and lowers employee turnover, especially of women, in addition to adding health benefits.The authors of the bill to repeal the paid sick leave mandate in the state house and senate did not respond to multiple requests for comment.View image in fullscreenIn an email, a spokesperson for Kehoe claimed “out of state special interests” played a significant role in passing the voter-approved Proposition A, though they did not name who they believe those were.“HB567 protects families, job creators, and small businesses by rolling back government overreach, cutting red tape, and eliminating costly mandates,” the spokesperson added. “This law promotes freedom for workers to find jobs that fit their needs and for businesses to offer the benefits that work best for them – ensuring Missouri’s future is driven by its own people and economy.”Thompson could not disagree more. In 2020, when he worked at Burger King, he said, he had to take eight weeks off work, all unpaid, because his mother’s cancer had reached an inoperable stage and she was put on palliative care through hospice.“I moved in with her and cared for her, cooked meals, made sure she took her meds,” explained Thompson. “I had to go to food pantries and rely on the charity of family and neighbors to feed us. She was in hospice care for eight weeks and passed away. I wasn’t paid for that time away from work. No one should go through this working in the richest country in the world.” More

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    Some Democrats want to use gerrymandering. That’s a bad idea | Carlo Invernizzi-Accetti

    When Texas Republicans unveiled yet another contorted congressional map last week – one that would all but erase Austin’s Latino-led seat and increase the Republican party’s federal House tally by up to five seats in total – the outcry from Democrats was immediate and justified. But beyond the Democratic state legislators’ brave effort to stymie the proposal by boycotting the vote, a different refrain has also been heard by leading Democrats in other states: if they do it, why can’t we?Governor Gavin Newsom of California has vowed to “fight fire with fire”, advancing a proposal that would redraw California’s own congressional map to offset Republican gains in Texas. New York’s Kathy Hochul has also embraced the prospect of aggressive gerrymandering in Democratic-controlled states, sidestepping the independent commissions that Democrats themselves had once championed and successfully implemented in both California and New York.It is an understandable impulse, but it is the wrong one – for both strategic and principled reasons. To begin with, Democrats are destined to lose a gerrymandering arms race. They control fewer state legislatures and the very nature of electoral map engineering currently favors Republican power-grabbing, since most Democratic voters live in densely populated urban areas, which makes it easier to concentrate them in fewer electoral districts.A simulation conducted through 538’s Atlas of Redistricting in which every state is aggressively gerrymandered to maximize the House seats of the party in power at the state level results in a notional House of 262 Republicans and 173 Democrats: a 30-plus seat jump for the Republican party compared with a non-partisan map that maximizes for district compactness. Nor is this a far-fetched scenario. Rather than forcing the other side to back down, retaliation appears more likely to lead to further escalation, in this as in other domains of all-out binary conflict.When running for governor of Illinois in 2018, JB Pritzker had initially pledged to back an independent districting commission but subsequently signed one of the most brutal Democratic gerrymandering plans in the country, which has yielded just three Republican districts out of 17 in a state where Donald Trump won 43% of the votes in 2024. That precedent is now being pointed to by Texas Republicans to justify their own gerrymandering plan.But there is also a deeper reason why “fighting fire with fire” is a bad idea when the goal is to protect democracy from purported challenges to it: the “fire” in question amounts to a violation of one of democracy’s core values – ultimately, the principle of voting equality – and would therefore end up doing the work of democracy’s enemies for them.The metaphor of “fighting fire with fire” can in fact be traced back to the thought of the German émigré scholar to the United States, Karl Loewenstein, who in the 1930s recommended the use of self-consciously “anti-democratic means” – such as party bans and restrictions of voting rights – to fight fascism, in the name of what he called “militant democracy”.Far from achieving their intended goal, such measures were instrumental in the consolidation of the Nazi regime in Germany, given that Adolf Hitler was first nominated chancellor through an emergency presidential decree intended to forestall the prospect of a socialist takeover (construed as a greater threat for German democracy than nazism itself), and that the ban on other political parties Hitler quickly imposed was justified on the grounds that it was necessary to protect the German constitutional order in the aftermath of the Reichstag fire of 1934.Similarly perverse uses of the logic of “militant democracy” have since become a standard component of the authoritarian playbook – from Augusto Pinochet’s 1973 coup in Chile to Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s 2016 counter-coup in Turkey, both of which undid democracy in their countries under the guise of protecting it against purported enemies.A fully gerrymandered congressional map in the United States would thus not just be bad for Democrats. It would also be terrible for American democracy since it would effectively disenfranchise local minorities across the country, yielding an overall competition between two mirroring forms of authoritarianism: Democratic or Republican one-party rule at the local level.If Democrats want to continue to portray themselves as the party of democracy against the Trump administration’s thinly veiled authoritarian ambitions, they should begin by practicing on own their turf the same principles of democratic civility and self-restraint they accuse their opponents of violating.Crucially, this doesn’t mean “doing nothing” in the face of Republican gerrymandering. The point is rather that (big and small “D”) Democrats should use democratic rather than authoritarian means to protect democracy against its enemies – which is to say, win elections by advancing more attractive policy platforms and mobilizing voters more effectively in support of them, rather than by changing the rules to their own benefit.That the Trump administration’s substantive policy decisions – from its inflationary trade wars to the fiscally regressive One Big Beautiful Bill Act – seem destined to do most harm its own electoral constituencies offers plenty of opportunity for fair-and-square political comeback. Ultimately, however, the Democrats’ chances of success in upcoming electoral cycles will depend on their capacity to present a more attractive political alternative to the current Republican party’s brand of populist authoritarianism.Instead of mirroring their opponents, Democrats should therefore seek to differentiate themselves from them, which at present can only mean: strict adherence to democratic norms and forthright advocacy of a more progressive policy platform. When a house is on fire, more fire won’t help. What is needed is water – which is to say, something different, that is at the same time an antidote against fire’s damaging effects.

    Carlo Invernizzi-Accetti is an associate professor of political science at the City University of New York, City College More

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    ‘Looming over the city like gods’: the men who changed New York for better and worse

    Jonathan Mahler didn’t plan to publish his new book about New York City from 1986 to 1990, tumultuous years culminating in a historic mayoral election, amid a similarly dramatic campaign for city hall. But he’s not unhappy to do so.The Gods of New York tells how the Democrat Ed Koch sought a fourth term as mayor but by election year, 1989, was widely seen as an “incumbent plagued by scandal, just like Eric Adams now”, Mahler said.“We had Rudy Giuliani, the tough guy from the outer boroughs – in Giuliani’s case Brooklyn, now in Andrew Cuomo’s case, Queens. And then we had the candidate of color who was saying: ‘I’m going to take the city back for the people who are getting left out.’ It was David Dinkins then and it’s Zohran Mamdani now.”Wary of generalization, as befits a veteran New York Times reporter, Mahler nonetheless said that as the city “went through a big transformation” from 1986-90, so “it’s going through another now.”The Gods of New York is a sequel of sorts to Ladies and Gentlemen, the Bronx is Burning, Mahler’s book about the city in crisis in the late 70s. Turning to the late 80s, Mahler presents a riot of stories from a period beset by racial tensions, the crack epidemic, soaring crime, sensational cases and an economic boom overwhelmingly boosting the rich. Keeping ordinary New Yorkers in mind, Mahler nonetheless presents extraordinary characters.“I will confess I went back and forth on the title, which was suggested by a friend,” Mahler said. “I thought: ‘That’s the perfect title.’ And then a handful of people were like: ‘You can’t possibly call it The Gods of New York. Are you saying Donald Trump is a god? And Rudy?”Forty years ago, no one foresaw the Trump of today: occupying the White House, dividing America, Giuliani a shameless sidekick.“I was like: ‘Well, not gods in that sense. This is much more like the Greek gods. They were kind of on their own tabloid Mount Olympus. Really, what I meant was that [Trump, Giuliani and others] were looming over the city like gods, not necessarily benevolent. Remember, the Greek gods were … wrathful, vengeful and petty. That was definitely what I was going for. Less literal, more figurative. So I stuck with it.”View image in fullscreenReaders could do worse than make The Gods of New York a double bill with Paper of Wreckage, an acclaimed oral history of Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post published last year, a chronicle of the gutter press and the stars.“All the characters were operating from the same playbook, in a way,” Mahler said of a cast that contains others still prominent, among them Spike Lee, then shooting his remarkable first films in Brooklyn, and the Rev Al Sharpton, a Black leader through the Howard Beach racist attack, the Tawana Brawley rape hoax and other scandals once boiling, now near-forgotten.“They were all trying to get the city’s attention and use that attention. We now use the term ‘attention economy’ all the time. This was really kind of the beginning of the attention economy and all these characters kind of intuitively understood that.The gay rights campaigner Larry Kramer “was organizing these incredibly in-your-face protests against the city and the country’s handling of Aids [that were] no different, in a way, from what Trump was doing and is still doing, which is trying to get people’s attention and keep it, trying to start a story and keep it going.“I’m not sure that I would have seen that parallel if I hadn’t seen Trump do it in 2016 when … I was working on reporting the [presidential] campaign. It was kind of crazy to watch him get elected, particularly as a New Yorker.”Working on The Gods of New York, Mahler saw Trump “using the same power to its ultimate effect: the insistence that he is never wrong, that you just keep moving forward. You act bulletproof, then you are bulletproof. I don’t know that I would have understood what he was doing in the 80s and what all these guys were doing if I hadn’t seen it play out on the biggest stage in recent years.”Kramer died in 2020, after giving a last interview to Mahler. In 2024, Trump surged back to power. Amid the fire and fury of the second term, reading about Trump in the 80s can feel a little jarring. As Mahler shows, even the Times was once drawn in.View image in fullscreen“There’s a great note in the Abe Rosenthal papers,” Mahler said, referring to the long-serving editor. “A staff member wrote him a note saying: ‘No wonder Donald Trump has such a huge ego: I don’t think anyone’s ever got on the cover of so many New York Times sections in such a short period of time.’“I guess in some ways that’s a failure on the part of the Times to see who Donald Trump was, but I think also the context is important. In that moment, New York was recovering from some really dark days. The city was in a real death spiral for years. And then along comes this guy ready to invest in New York in audacious ways, really doubling down on the city.“And so you can sort of understand why, if you’re an institution like the New York Times that is very connected to New York, much more so then than today … they might feel like: ‘Well, this guy believes in New York, he’s betting on New York,’ and you can see how that might earn him some goodwill.”Mahler also documents Trump’s disastrous fixation with Atlantic City, which he utterly failed to turn into a gambling hub, to his considerable cost; his callous treatment of women; his notorious call for the Central Park Five, Black youths ultimately shown to have been falsely convicted of rape, to be sentenced to death.Crime stories run through Mahler’s book. The so-called Preppy Murder also centers on Central Park, where Jennifer Levin’s body was discovered. Prosecutor Linda Fairstein emerges as a thwarted hero, aghast at suspect Robert Chambers’ protection by the Catholic church and escape from the harshest sentence. And yet Fairstein went on to help subject the Central Park Five to a historic miscarriage of justice.“She was so demonized after the Central Park Five,” Mahler said. “I think it was interesting to see these two cases sort of as a pair, and the way in which Fairstein was so bitter about how the Chambers case played out … and then not even a couple years later, she’s confronted with the chance to sort of make amends. Not that this was a conscious decision, but you could see how maybe she was more zealous than she should have been [regarding the Central Park Five], because she felt … unsatisfied with the resolution of the Chambers case.”A man who held the stage longer than most, Koch, is perhaps Mahler’s central character. At the start, the mayor is riding high. By the end, he’s been brought low.Mahler said: “His third term was pretty clearly a disaster. But I think of him as a really sympathetic character … someone who was so flawed but also so committed to New York … he really cared about the city. I think that’s a good lens through which to see his feud with Trump [over Trump’s real-estate plays], because Trump was in it for Trump and Koch knew that was not in the best interest of New York.”Koch will also be known to history for being gay but not coming out, his mayoralty covering the worst years of the Aids epidemic, campaigners such as Kramer raging.View image in fullscreenMahler tells that story, counting himself “very fortunate that the Times did a big piece a couple years ago about Koch’s sexuality, and kind of outed him. I feel like now … we all know this is how it was.”Was Koch a good mayor?“I think you would have to say yes and no,” Mahler said. “Though I’m not sure he had any other choice, as he had to do something to save the city, he set in motion this transformation, this shift toward private business that I guess we’re now seeing the sort of reaction against, with Zohran.”We’re back to the current campaign. Thirty-six years ago, in the election that ends Mahler’s book, Dinkins beat Koch in the Democratic primary then seized the big prize. Mahler rates the city’s first Black mayor as a good one “dealt a terrible hand”, the same fate that befell Benjamin Ward, the city’s first Black police commissioner. Dinkins served one term, losing to Giuliani in 1993. The city’s transformation continued. It always will, which helps make The Gods of New York such an enthralling read. The city Mahler shows is gone, but its stories remain.

    The Gods of New York is out now More

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    The Trump-Putin summit – podcast

    Last Friday, after weeks of speculation, Ukraine’s worst fears were confirmed: Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin were going to meet to discuss the future of Ukraine … and Volodymyr Zelenskyy was not invited.With the summit between the two presidents set for Alaska on Friday, the Guardian’s central and eastern European correspondent Shaun Walker reports on what we know so far.What might a ceasefire deal negotiated between Russia and the US look like, how might it ever be enforced, and what do Ukrainians think about this meeting?The former British ambassador to Russia Laurie Bristow tells Lucy Hough what it is like to negotiate with Putin and whether he believes a lasting peace in Ukraine is possible. More

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    Trump news at a glance: president’s Washington DC takeover condemned

    Donald Trump has seized control of Washington DC’s police force and ordered the national guard to the capital in an extraordinary move that bypassed the city’s elected leaders.The US president claimed his actions were needed to “rescue” Washington from a wave of lawlessness – but experts say his portrayal of crime there is rooted in false and misleading claims.“We’re going to take our capital back,” Trump said, adding he would also be “getting rid of the slums”.Trump warned that other major US cities with Democratic leadership could be next, including Chicago. “Hopefully LA is watching.”As he spoke, protesters against the move gathered outside the White House, while DC officials called his actions illegal.Here are the day’s key US politics stories at a glance.Trump seizes control of Washington DC policeDonald Trump has ordered the national guard to Washington DC and seized control of the city’s police force, describing a “lawless” city in ways that are sharply at odds with official crime statistics.The US president’s move was swiftly condemned as a “disgusting, dangerous and derogatory” assault on the political independence of a racially diverse city. The federal takeover is expected to be in effect for 30 days, the White House confirmed to the Guardian.Read the full storyTrump announces 90-day pause on China tariffsThe president has again delayed implementing sweeping tariffs on China, announcing another 90-day pause just hours before the last agreement between the world’s two largest economies was due to expire.Read the full storyTrump and Putin to discuss ‘land swapping’ at Ukraine war summitDonald Trump has confirmed that he and Vladimir Putin will discuss “land swapping” when they meet on Friday in Alaska for a high-stakes summit on the Russia-Ukraine war. But the US president expressed frustration with Volodymyr Zelenskyy for putting conditions on such a potential agreement.Read the full storyTrump tips Heritage Foundation economist as labor statistics chiefThe president has announced he is nominating EJ Antoni, the chief economist at the conservative Heritage Foundation, as the next commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The nomination comes after Trump fired the BLS commissioner, Erika McEntarfer, earlier this month following the release of a weak jobs report that he claimed, without evidence, had been “rigged”.Read the full storyGavin Newsom urges Trump to abandon Texas redistricting effortTexas Democrats once again stymied a Republican effort to redraw the state’s congressional maps at Donald Trump’s behest and California governor Gavin Newsom urged the president to stand down and defuse the redistricting arms race that has spread across the country. Enough Texas Democrats remained outside of the state on Monday to deny the Republican-led state legislature the quorum necessary to proceed with Trump’s desired congressional map.Read the full storyVeterans agency lost thousands of ‘core’ medical staff under TrumpThe Department of Veterans Affairs has lost thousands of healthcare professionals deemed “core” to the system’s ability to function and “without which mission-critical work cannot be completed”, agency records show. The number of medical staff on hand to treat veterans has fallen every month since Trump took office.Read the full storyWhat else happened today:

    The Trump administration’s immigration policies are affecting workers and driving, in part, a decline in tourism to Las Vegas, according to workers and the largest labor union in the state of Nevada.

    A federal judge has formally rejected the US justice department’s request to release transcripts of pre-indictment, grand jury interviews with witnesses in the case of Ghislaine Maxwell, the convicted sex trafficker and associate of Jeffrey Epstein.
    Catching up? Here’s what happened on 10 August 2025. More