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Incarcerated Californians can’t vote. A prison held an election anyway
by Evelyn Reynolds 20 October 2024, 13:00
An estimated 4 million US citizens are barred from voting because they have a felony conviction. That includes most Americans serving prison sentences.But last week at San Quentin, the 172-year-old prison in the San Francisco Bay Area, residents had a rare opportunity to weigh in on a US election where so much is on the line.As incarcerated residents jogged on the yard and played pickleball, dozens stopped by the prison’s education department and slid paper ballots into a locked metal box with an American flag and the word “vote” painted on it.The voters were participating in a mock election, organized by Juan Moreno Haines, a journalist incarcerated at San Quentin, and Mount Tamalpais College (MTC), a liberal arts institution based at the prison.“It’s important for me to have a voice, especially if it’s being heard on the outside,” said Michael Scott, 45, who is due to be released next year after having been incarcerated for more than two decades, before casting his vote.California, like most US states, prohibits incarcerated people with felonies from voting, affecting more than 90,000 people in state prisons. The US is a global leader in its incarceration rate and an outlier in its sweeping disenfranchisement; a recent report identified more than 70 countries with no or very few restrictions on voting based on criminal records. Roughly 1.7% of the US voting-age population can’t vote, with Black Americans disproportionately excluded and restrictions potentially affecting election results.For San Quentin’s election, MTC, which recently became the first US accredited college exclusively operating behind bars, directed incarcerated students in its American government class to design ballots, choosing which races and initiatives to poll.MTC sent all 3,247 residents a ballot. After a week of voting, 341 ballots had been returned, representing 10.5% of the population. Fifteen volunteers from MTC and the League of Women Voters tallied the results: Kamala Harris won 57.2% of votes, and Donald Trump won 28.2%. Claudia De la Cruz of the Peace and Freedom party, a socialist ticket, won 3.5% of votes; the Green party’s Jill Stein won 2.6%; Robert F Kennedy Jr won 2.1%; and Chase Oliver, a libertarian, won 0.3%.View image in fullscreenIn the California senate race, Adam Schiff, the Democratic candidate, defeated Republican Steve Garvey with 33.7% of votes, though nearly half of respondents left this question blank. Nearly 60% favored Prop 5, which would boost affordable housing funding; 78% favored Prop 32, which would increase the minimum wage; and 57.2% rejected Prop 36, which would increase penalties for certain drug and theft crimes.Prop 6 would change the state constitution to abolish forced prison labor, making it a high-stakes measure for incarcerated people. Just more than 77% of respondents backed it.The state of California, like most others in the US, allows for incarcerated people to be forced to work against their will. California profits from this form of involuntary servitude, with residents providing vital services for negligible wages. Most people in prison currently make less than $0.75 (£0.58) an hour for their jobs.Prop 6 is meant to allow incarcerated people to choose their jobs and prohibit prisons from punishing those who refuse an assignment. Dante Jones, 41, said he wished he could vote for Prop 6 on 5 November: “We’ve got legalized plantations … They say they want us to be citizens, they want to rehabilitate us, but then they don’t do anything that allows that to happen. Technically, by the constitution, we’re slaves and they can whip our backs.”Jones said he hopes if Prop 6 passes, incarcerated people can earn better wages to afford commissary, including food.Jones’ assessment of the presidential race was grim: “I think we’re losing either way.” He reluctantly supported Harris despite her prosecutorial record and reputation for harshly punishing Black defendants: “She ain’t for her people. Do you know how many Black and brown people she put in prison? … She’s gonna be like a Bill Clinton, a conservative Democrat who is tough on crime.” Despite those misgivings, he couldn’t stomach supporting Trump: “Since he’s been in politics, he’s been courting racist white people who think that people who aren’t white are taking their country.”Jaime Joseph Jaramillo, 53, said he supported Trump, appreciating his promise of mass deportations to “get rid of the drug cartels” and favoring him on foreign policy: “I want him to bomb Iran and drill, drill, drill.” He expressed sympathy for Palestinians, but said: “I want him to take out Hamas.”Nate Venegas, 47, said he, too, favored Trump because “our system needs somebody who’s not a politician”. He thinks Trump could be more swayed on prison reform, citing the former president’s decision to pardon a woman’s drug offense after lobbying by Kim Kardashian while he was in office. But he also called Trump a “clown” and said he disliked his vigorous support of capital punishment: “I don’t believe there should be a death penalty. I don’t believe a man should kill another man.”Scott voted for Harris “because she gives me something to look forward to. Trump hasn’t given me anything that he plans to do, except lock down the borders. We have problems with homelessness, jobs and climate change.”Gabriel Moctezuma, 32, said he considered Harris “the lesser of two evils” and supported her on reproductive rights and immigration: “I think there would be a lot of progressive changes. There have been a lot of human rights taken away from people and she’ll bring some of those policies back.” But he worries about divisions in the country: “No matter who wins, this country is going to be split and I’m really hoping that there’s not the same amount of violence as January 6.”View image in fullscreenView image in fullscreenOn their ballots, some offered handwritten notes about why they voted:“We have not always had the right to vote. So I would like to cast my vote for each of my [African American] ancestors that was denied access.”“I only ever voted once in my life and I want to do so again.”“Democracy is at stake.”“I want to feel like I am a part of history.”“[I’ve] been in prison for 29 years and never had an opportunity to vote.”Vermont, Maine and Washington DC are the only places in the US where all incarcerated people can vote.Amy Jamgochian, the chief academic officer at MTC, said the disenfranchisement of incarcerated people was a reminder that the US is “very confused as a society about what incarceration is for”.“Is it for depriving people of humanity and rights? Will that help them? Are we trying to help them? Or are we just trying to warehouse them? If [the goal] is rehabilitation, then I don’t think we want to dehumanize them. We want to actually deeply respect their humanity, including giving them the right to vote.”Venegas, who has been incarcerated for 25 years and is part of a civic engagement group at San Quentin, said he did feel society’s views on the purpose of the criminal justice system are shifting. He noted how, 20 years ago, the system was primarily focused on punishment, with little interest in getting people ready to come home.Last year, the California governor, Gavin Newsom, renamed San Quentin a “rehabilitation center”, pledging to turn the prison into a complex resembling a college campus focused on programming and re-entry.It’s just another reason why efforts like the mock election matter, Venegas argued. “People are starting to listen to us and care about having us as neighbors when we get out,” he said. “So our voices really matter … and I’d give anything to be able to vote and have a say.”
Juan Moreno Haines is an incarcerated journalist at San Quentin and editor-in-chief of Solitary Watch. Sam Levin is a staff reporter at Guardian US More
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US reacts to major prisoner swap with Russia: ‘feat of diplomacy’ and ‘joyous’
by Evelyn Reynolds 1 August 2024, 19:55
The White House celebrated a “feat of diplomacy” on Thursday after a major prisoner swap between Russia and the west that included the release of the Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich and former US marine Paul Whelan, among others.Both are US citizens accused by Russian authorities of espionage, charges they and the US government have denied, and a possible exchange had been mooted for months.The exchange on Thursday occurred at Ankara airport in Turkey, and involved people held in seven different countries including the US, Germany, Poland, Slovenia, Norway, Russia and Belarus. The Turkish presidency said 10 prisoners were relocated to Russia, 13 prisoners to Germany and three to the US.Among the prisoners returning to Russia was the assassin Vadim Krasikov, who had been held in a German prison since 2019 for murdering a Chechen exile in Berlin in broad daylight.Joe Biden said in a statement immediately following the news that the three American citizens and one American green card holder were “unjustly” imprisoned in Russia – in addition to Gershkovich and Whelan, the other two are Alsu Kurmasheva, a US-Russian journalist, and Vladimir Kara-Murza – “was a feat of diplomacy”.“All told, we’ve negotiated the release of 16 people from Russia – including five Germans and seven Russian citizens who were political prisoners in their own country. Some of these women and men have been unjustly held for years. All have endured unimaginable suffering and uncertainty. Today, their agony is over.”Biden added he was grateful to the allies of the US who “stood with us throughout tough, complex negotiations to achieve this outcome”.He said: “This is a powerful example of why it’s vital to have friends in this world whom you can trust and depend upon. Our alliances make Americans safer.”Shortly afterward, Biden delivered remarks from the White House, surrounded by family members of the freed prisoners.“This is a very good afternoon,” the president said, adding that he and the family members had been able to speak to the released prisoners on the phone.He also asked the room to sing happy birthday to 12-year-old Miriam, daughter of Kurmasheva, who he said is turning 13 on Friday.The swap is likely to be considered a political coup for Biden in the waning months of his presidency, and a blow to Donald Trump, who has claimed on the 2024 campaign trail that he would free Gershkovich if re-elected.Trump has frequently voiced admiration for the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, and said in May on his social media site, Truth Social, that if he won the November election, Gershkovich would be “released almost immediately after the election, but definitely before I assume office”, adding that Putin would “do that for me, but not for anyone else”.Kamala Harris, the vice-president and frontrunner for the Democratic nomination for president, echoed Biden’s words on Thursday and added: “I will not stop working until every American who is wrongfully detained or held hostage is brought home.”On Thursday, White House’s national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, said Biden and Harris would welcome the released US citizens at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland, and that Gershkovich, Whelan and Kurmasheva were expected to arrive on US soil on Thursday night.Emma Tucker, the editor of the Wall Street Journal, described the event as a “joyous day” for friends, family and colleagues of Gershkovich, and the “the millions of well-wishers in the US and around the world who stood with Evan and defended the free press”.Current and former US government officials and press freedom groups similarly rejoiced at the news.Barack Obama described the exchange as a “tremendous diplomatic achievement” and noted the “skill and persistence” of Biden, Harris and US allies.Jodie Ginsberg, the chief executive of the Committee to Protect Journalists, welcomed the news but said “it does not change the fact that Russia continues to suppress a free press”. Reporters Without Borders said they were “relieved” but said more than 40 other journalists remain detained in Russia.On Thursday afternoon, Trump criticized the swap on Truth Social, calling it a “bad” deal. “So when are they going to release the details of the prisoner swap with Russia? How many people do we get versus them? Are we also paying them cash?” he asked.Sullivan, the White House national security adviser, said that no money was exchanged. He said no sanctions were loosened to facilitate the deal.The swap comes a year and a half after the Biden administration secured the release of US basketball star Brittney Griner in late 2022, who had been held in Russian jail for almost 10 months on drug charges and was freed in exchange for the arms dealer Viktor Bout. At the time, Biden expressed regret that the deal did not include Whelan, who had been detained since 2018.Earlier in 2022, the Biden administration also secured the release of former US marine Trevor Reed, who was arrested in 2019 after Russian authorities said he assaulted an officer while being driven by police to a police station after a night of heavy drinking. Reed was released in exchange for a convicted Russian drug trafficker who was serving a long prison sentence in the US. More
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Phone calls from prison are finally being capped at 6 cents a minute. But there’s more to do | Katrina vanden Heuvel
by Evelyn Reynolds 31 July 2024, 17:30
You’d be forgiven for falling behind on your federal regulatory news this past month. But amid the chaos of an assassination attempt on the Republican nominee, the self-removal of the Democratic nominee, the meme-ification of the current vice-president, and a flat Diet Mountain Dew joke from her would-be successor, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) passed a historic measure that will change the lives of millions of incarcerated people and their loved ones.For decades, activists and lawmakers have fought to reduce the cost of calls from prison. As I wrote about in 2021, many prisoners and their loved ones have paid as much as a dollar or more per minute to stay in touch. This exorbitant cost has disproportionately driven women and people of color into debt, while the correctional telecom industry – about 80% of which is controlled by just two companies – extracted over $1.4bn a year.Under the FCC’s new rule, this exploitative environment is finally changing. The cost of a phone call from prison will be capped at 6 cents per minute, and video call charges won’t exceed 16 cents per minute. Rates will vary in jails depending on population size, but the implication remains the same: in America, incarcerated people can no longer be gouged for wanting to connect with their loved ones.That’s the immediate benefit. Over the long term, the FCC’s new rule has the potential to open another important channel of communication: a national discussion about the rights of incarcerated people.Technically, this reform was made possible by Joe Biden signing the Martha Wright-Reed Just and Reasonable Communications Act last January. That law granted the FCC the regulatory authority to set call prices within state lines, instead of just across them. But the credit truly belongs to longtime activists, including the law’s namesake. Wright-Reed was a Black, blind grandmother who sued CoreCivic, then the Corrections Corporation of America, over two decades ago for running up her phone bill while she kept in touch with her incarcerated grandson. Even before a law with her name landed on the Resolute desk, she and countless advocates had successfully pressured the FCC to begin reducing the cost of prison telecommunications.For such activists, the FCC’s new regulations represent a good start – and just that. They have a broader agenda of sweeping yet sensible reforms to tackle next. Several states – California, Colorado, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Minnesota – have made calls completely free, a move the other 45 state legislatures could follow. And telecom companies are still charging families for digital messages – which the FCC concluded the Martha Wright-Reed Act does not allow them to regulate. Exploitative practices like that one illustrate just how deep the need for reform is within this industry.But further progress could be stymied by our nation’s ambivalent attitudes toward incarcerated people. While 80% support criminal justice reform in theory, they’re not aligned on what reform looks like. In fact, 58% of Americans don’t think that this country’s criminal justice system is tough enough – a disturbing spike from the record low of 41% in 2020.If America’s policies affecting the incarcerated are going to change, America’s perceptions of the incarcerated might have to change first. And across culture and politics, there may soon be such an opportunity.Just this month, US theaters showed A24’s Sing Sing, a moving drama based on the true story of the Rehabilitation Through the Arts program, which aims to break the cycle of incarceration by allowing prisoners to explore their humanity through performance. The film, which some call an early Best Picture frontrunner, stars Colman Domingo alongside a cast of formerly incarcerated actors – actual alumni of the program. They join a generation of formerly incarcerated artists – like the poet and 2021 MacArthur fellow Reginald Dwayne Betts – who are using their talents to urge a national shift from contempt to compassion.Meanwhile, this election cycle, the word “incarceration” has been uttered almost exclusively in conjunction with Donald Trump’s 34 convictions. Kamala Harris has used her courtroom chops to prove she can prosecute the case against her opponent. But in embracing this aspect of her political background, the vice-president could risk alienating criminal justice advocates. They may remember her less compassionate actions as California’s attorney general, like refusing supreme court orders to relieve prison overcrowding so the state could keep using inmates’ $2-a-day labor for firefighting. If Harris wants to underscore the “progressive” part of her progressive prosecutor brand, it may behoove her to offer a plan to improve prison conditions for the 2 million people currently serving their sentences.A good way to start could be recruiting a running mate who restored voting rights to a historic 140,000 felons, or passed legislation to overhaul their state’s parole system, or signed a sweeping criminal justice reform package. But regardless of the VP’s pick, Harris has the power to offer a progressive platform of ambitious change for the incarcerated individuals who are still being denied their right to vote, be paid for their labor and be protected from inhumane conditions like solitary confinement.Though Wright-Reed died almost a decade ago, her grandson reflected on her legacy by saying: “It’s just amazing how far [the movement] has come because of the steps that she took at the very beginning.”
Katrina vanden Heuvel is editor and publisher of the Nation, she is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, and has contributed to the Washington Post, New York Times, and Los Angeles Times More
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She was sentenced to prison for voting. Her story is part of a Republican effort to intimidate others
by Evelyn Reynolds 10 June 2024, 13:00
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American psyche: a new series exploring the angst at the heart of the American election
It was the day of the full solar eclipse on the outskirts of Fort Worth last April, and Crystal Mason was trying, just for a second, to relax.She was barefoot, her feet curled up on a big leather La-Z-Boy sofa, eating two of the turkey sandwiches she had prepared for lunch for her family. Her granddaughter Courtney was turning five that weekend, and Mason was getting everything in place for a princess-themed party.Mason, 49, had every reason to celebrate. Just a few weeks earlier, a Texas appeals court had thrown out her five-year prison sentence for voter fraud. Mason had been fighting the charge ever since 2017, when she was arrested for trying to cast a provisional ballot while ineligible to vote. She has always said she did not know she could not vote and would not have tried to cast a ballot had she known.Mason had been convicted and sentenced to five years in prison in 2018.Her case touched a national nerve and became widely understood as an egregious punishment for what could easily be explained as a mistake. As Donald Trump claimed massive voter fraud in the 2016 election, Mason’s case was seen as part of a broader Republican effort to intimidate people from voting. And while Trump escalated claims of fraud through the 2020 election and its aftermath, Mason’s case stood out as a clear example of what an indiscriminate crackdown on voter fraud looks like.View image in fullscreenSince Mason’s arrest, efforts to prosecute voter fraud have only escalated. Tarrant county, where Mason lives, launched its own voter fraud taskforce. Several Republican-led states have created units to investigate and pursue voter fraud charges. One of those units, in Florida, has filed dozens of cases, almost all of which have been against people like Mason, who have prior felony convictions and were confused about their eligibility. In the initial wave of 20 people who were arrested, 14 were Black. One of them was arrested at gunpoint.“I’m certain these prosecutions of individuals with felony convictions instill fear, which I believe is the intended outcome,” said Dawn Harrington, the executive director of the Free Hearts organization, who works to restore voting rights to people with felony convictions. In Tennessee, where Harrington works, she’s seen prosecutions in at least five counties (the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation announced 11 arrests for voter fraud last week, but offered few details on what happened). Taken in context of a historical legacy of voter suppression, Harrington said she believed high-profile prosecutions “serve as stark warnings, showing severe consequences for attempting to vote”.Since being convicted, Mason has remained out of prison on an appeal bond for several years, trying to get her life back on track. She’s lost multiple jobs and had trouble getting new ones because of the bad publicity from her case, and nearly lost her home to foreclosure. The last few years of waiting had felt like having “one foot in, one foot out”, she said. Her kids and her mother said that some nights she would come home and cry.So when she got news of the acquittal in March, Mason, who was getting dinner at a drive-through at the time, broke down crying. It was a moment of vindication – and a sign that she could move on with her life.Then the district attorney announced he was appealing the case.‘I’m the sole breadwinner in my family. I don’t want to go back to prison’People with felony convictions make ripe targets for politicians wanting to send a message about voter fraud.Since the Jim Crow era, states have barred former felons from voting, a practice that kept many African Americans from the polls even after they were constitutionally granted the right to vote.Today, 48 states continue this practice, though the rules vary widely by state. Several – like California, Colorado and New York – allow anyone to vote when they complete their prison sentence, while others require completion of probation and parole. Some states, like Mississippi and Tennessee, permanently bar those convicted of certain crimes from ever voting, while others require repayment of all fines, fees and restitution before someone can vote again.It’s a legacy that continues to have broad implications. As of 2022, an estimated 4.4 million people – 2% of the adult eligible population – couldn’t vote because of a felony conviction, according to a 2022 analysis by the Sentencing Project, a criminal-justice non-profit. Around 5% of voting-age African Americans can’t vote because of a felony conviction – a rate more than three times higher than other Americans.The vast majority of people who can’t vote because of a felony – about 75% – are not in prison – but they are an easy target for perceived voter fraud. Since they are branded criminals, there’s little public sympathy for their cases; those charged often have little interest in speaking out publicly.A single prosecution can also have a big ripple effect. Those who are trying to put their criminal history behind them know that a single misstep can land them back in trouble, so they aren’t willing to take that risk.Since Mason was arrested, there have been a few more high-profile prosecutions of people with felony convictions. In 2021, Texas authorities arrested Hervis Rogers, a Houston man who gained national attention for waiting seven hours in line to vote. The case was eventually thrown out on appeal, but Rogers, who is Black, has since said he will never vote again.View image in fullscreenIn 2022, Pamela Moses, a Black woman in Tennessee, was sentenced to six years in prison for trying to vote while on probation for a felony. Her conviction was later overturned after the Guardian published government documents that were not disclosed to her defense.Perhaps no state has deployed this strategy more aggressively than Florida. In 2022, the state governor, Ron DeSantis, created the office of election crimes and security, a first-of-its-kind agency to crack down on election fraud, which is exceedingly rare. That summer, DeSantis held a televised press conference announcing the arrests of more than 20 people for illegally voting. The press conference announcing the arrest was a spectacle – DeSantis appeared at in a courtroom, flanked by uniformed law enforcement officers. All of the people charged had prior murder or sexual offenses, which made them permanently ineligible to vote in Florida.But after DeSantis’s press conference, it became clear that nearly everyone charged was confused about their eligibility. Florida had made it easier for people with many felony convictions to vote in 2019, and the people the state was targeting appeared to not understand that the change didn’t apply to them. All had received voter registration cards from the state, a sign they took to mean they were eligible to vote.View image in fullscreenBlair Bowie, an attorney at the Campaign Legal Center, specializes in assisting people with felony convictions get their voting rights back. One of the states where she works is Alabama, where a recent change in the law has increased the number of people with felonies who can vote. But Bowie said she had been in contact with people in Alabama who were newly re-enfranchised but had heard about the Florida prosecutions and were wary of trying to register to vote.After initially expressing interest in getting their rights back, some of the people she had spoken to told her it wasn’t worth it.“I’m the sole breadwinner in my family. I can’t do this,” they told her. “I don’t want to go back to prison.”‘You can hardly talk to Crystal without her trying to sign someone up to vote’Mason wasn’t especially political in 2016: she voted because her mother was nagging her to. Until recently, she compared voting to taking a shower after playing outside before you go to bed. “It’s just something you’re supposed to do.”When she showed up at her polling station in 2016, a church near her home, election workers couldn’t find her name on the list of registered voters, so they offered her a chance to vote with a provisional ballot, intended for exactly that kind of circumstance.If a voter shows up at the polls and there’s a question about their eligibility, they can cast a provisional vote that is only counted if officials later confirm the voter is eligible to cast a ballot. Mason filled out the affidavit that went along with the ballot, taking care to ensure that all of the information exactly matched what was on her driver’s license.The poll workers had no reason to question her eligibility – they were her neighbors and knew who she was. They knew that she wasn’t lying about her identity and presented a valid Texas driver’s license.It was only after she left that Jarrod Streibich, a high school teenager volunteering in his first election, said he remembered that Mason had recently returned home from federal prison for a tax felony.Texas, like several other states, doesn’t allow someone to vote until they have entirely finished their criminal sentence, including probation or parole. Streibich alerted the head poll worker, Karl Diederich, who lived across the street from Mason. Diederich, who was involved with the local Republican party, wasn’t sure whom to call, but he would later contact the local district attorney.Mason was one of about 4,000 people in Tarrant county who cast a provisional ballot in 2016. Several months later, she would become the only one to be indicted for it. In February 2017, she was placed in handcuffs at the federal courthouse in downtown Dallas during a routine check-in with her supervised release officer.View image in fullscreenSince she was arrested for voter fraud, Mason said she went from being someone who didn’t want to talk about politics to starting an organization focused on combating voter suppression.In 2022, she opened a rally for Beto O’Rourke, who was running for governor. Texas lawmakers passed a law designed to make it harder for someone like Mason to be prosecuted for voter fraud. Four of her children and several other family members are volunteer deputy voter registrars in Texas and are eligible to sign people up to vote.“You can hardly talk to Crystal Mason for five minutes without her trying to sign someone up to vote,” Alison Grinter, one of her attorneys, said in March.But there was never really any doubt that Crystal Mason’s case was about much more than Crystal Mason. Prosecutors said it themselves at her trial.“The voting system in America is second to none. It is sacred to Americans, and she has violated the sanctity of this process,” Matthew Smid, the prosecutor during Mason’s case, said during sentencing at her trial. “We respectfully request that this court send a message to illegal voters that if you’re going to violate the sanctity of this system, it will not be tolerated and [you] will pay the consequences.”That language set off alarm bells for Kim Cole, another of Mason’s lawyers. Voter fraud in the US is extremely rare; many cases of illegal voting often involve people who simply were confused about their eligibility to vote. During the Jim Crow era, lawmakers often invoked the need to preserve the purity of the ballot box to justify racist restrictions on voting.“It’s not even subtle,” Cole said. “I think it did intimidate people.”‘There’s no way I would have ever taken a plea’It would have been easy enough for Mason to make the case go away. Before she went to trial in 2018, prosecutors offered her the chance to plead guilty and receive 10 years of probation. Many in her position accept these kinds of offers; it’s part of why prosecutors often target people with felony convictions – those who are charged are willing to plead guilty quickly, giving prosecutors a conviction they can tout.But Mason believed she hadn’t done anything wrong. And since she was already on supervised release, she risked going back to federal prison if she pleaded guilty to the voting crime. “There’s no way I would have ever taken a plea,” she said. “If I’m pleading, that means I’m leaving my kids. And I could never – me being a mom – I could never just leave my kids.”So on 28 March 2018, Mason and her entire family showed up at the criminal courthouse in downtown Fort Worth. Mason’s lawyer had assured her that it would be an “open and closed” case and so Mason had only taken one day off from her new job (she had lost her old one when she was arrested).View image in fullscreenThe trial started off pretty well. The first witness was Kenneth Mays, a supervisor in the supervised release office. He testified that no one had told Mason she couldn’t vote.But when Diederich and Streibich took the stand, things went south. Diederich, a navy veteran who had recently returned from Afghanistan, testified that he had instructed Mason to read a lengthy disclaimer on the provisional affidavit before she filled it out. Buried in the long paragraph is language requiring anyone filling out the form to affirm that if they have been convicted of a felony, they have completed “all of my punishment, including any term of incarceration, parole, and supervision”.Diederich testified that he couldn’t say for sure whether Mason read the warning, but that it appeared that she did and he wouldn’t have let her vote if he didn’t think she had. Streibich, just a few weeks from leaving for the air force academy, testified that he saw Mason going over the form with her finger.When Mason took the stand, it hardly seemed to matter what she said. She said she had never even seen Diederich at the polls and never read the affidavit. Had anyone told her she wasn’t eligible, she said, she wouldn’t have voted. “Why would I dare jeopardize losing a good job, saving my house, and leaving my kids again and missing my son from graduating from high school this year as well as going to college on a football scholarship? I wouldn’t dare do that,” she said.But Smid, the prosecutor, focused on undermining her credibility. Who should the judge believe? Diederich, the navy veteran, and Streibich, who was committed to military service, or Mason, who had old convictions for tax fraud and perjury? He dismissed the idea she wouldn’t commit a crime because she wanted to support her family. “You were not thinking about them when you defrauded the United States government of $4.2m, were you?” Smid said. (Mason, a former tax preparer, was originally convicted in 2012 on charges related to inflating tax refunds for clients and was ordered to pay $4.2m in restitution.)Gonzalez convicted her and sentenced her to five years in prison. Mason was in disbelief.News outlets started to pick up on the case. Her conviction came after another woman in Tarrant county, a legal non-citizen, had been sentenced to seven years in prison for also mistakenly voting. Around the same time, there was a white justice of the peace in the same county who pleaded guilty to forging signatures on a ballot but was sentenced to probation and no prison time.The disparity between the sentences for the two women of color and a white elected official highlighted the blunt racial disparities that seemed to be at play. Still, Mason didn’t really want to speak out about the case. “My motto has always been ‘my business is not show business’,” she said. That, and she wanted to keep her job.View image in fullscreenThat all changed a few months later. Because Mason was still on supervised release while she had been convicted of the state crime, she was sent back to federal prison for an additional 10 months.This was an especially difficult time for Mason. When she had gotten out of prison the first time, she had vowed never to go back and had pledged to take care of her family.Calling her the breadwinner doesn’t quite capture what she means to her family. She has three children of her own, and raised four of her brother’s children. She also has nine grandchildren. Until fairly recently, they all lived with her in her big house.Her 25-year-old niece, Jasmine Jones, compared her to the cornerstone of a building. Without her, she said, everything would crumble. Her son Sanford, whom she calls Bobo, agreed. “She’s the boss of the company,” he said. “She provides all of the kids with the things they need.”When she went back to federal prison at the end of 2018, she trained Taylor, her daughter, on how to manage the family’s finances. At the time, Taylor had not even ever paid a phone bill. Her teenage son left college during his freshman year on a football scholarship, returning home to help with the finances. The family almost lost their big house on the outskirts of Fort Worth – the one she and her ex-husband purchased more than a decade ago to be a home base for their family – to foreclosure.“They don’t know the strain it took on our family,” Taylor said on the afternoon of the eclipse, keeping an eye on her three-year-old son, Karter, who was running around nearby.Back in federal prison, Mason started reflecting on her case. She knew the judge who convicted and sentenced her was elected by voters, and she began to understand the power of one vote – and why someone would want to limit hers.She decided that she would start an organization and speak out about her case, seeking to educate people who had felony convictions about their right to vote. “I wasn’t able to register people to vote, but I was able to speak and tell people and share my story,” she said. “I had my kids and family registering people to vote.”After she left prison, she started an organization called Crystal Mason The Fight. She and her children go to fairs and other events to register people to vote. Recently, Mason said, she was at an Autozone. She began speaking with the man who was helping her and asked him if he was registered to vote. He said he wasn’t because he had a felony conviction seven or eight years ago. Mason said he was surprised to learn there was a possibility that he could vote again if he was done with his sentence.“We need to be educated from state to state,” Mason said. “That’s what I want to do – I want to outreach and reach out to people that are eligible to vote and let them know they have that right to vote.”‘My heart is heavy’The district attorney’s decision to appeal Mason’s case in April was an odd one.In 2020, the second court of criminal appeals had given prosecutors a major victory when it upheld Mason’s conviction. The panel said that what mattered was not whether Mason knew she was ineligible to vote, but whether she was on supervised release.“Contrary to Mason’s assertion, the fact that she did not know she was legally ineligible to vote was irrelevant to her prosecution,” Justice Wade Birdwell wrote for the panel. Even though Mason may not have known for sure whether she could vote, the fact that she signed anyway showed that she affirmed her eligibility.In 2022, the Texas court of criminal appeals, the highest court in Texas, reversed that decision – the first legal victory for Mason in five years. The court said there was not enough evidence that Mason “actually realized” she could not vote, prompting her acquittal two years later in March.View image in fullscreenMason’s lawyers weren’t really expecting an appeal. The Texas court of criminal appeals had already signaled its skepticism of the case. The original prosecutor who indicted Mason, a Republican named Sharen Wilson, had retired and it wasn’t clear that the new district attorney, Republican Phil Sorrels, would want to get tied up in the case. “This is not the kind of opinion you appeal,” Grinter, Mason’s attorney, said in April.A Sorrels spokeswoman did not respond to an interview request. But when he appealed the decision in April, he said in a statement that the appellate court had wrongly weighed the evidence in Mason’s favor. On 8 May, he said publicly that he was appealing the case to send a message.“I want would-be illegal voters to know that we’re watching,” Sorrells said. “We’ll follow the law and we would prosecute illegal voting,” he told county commissioners at a briefing that Mason attended, according to the Fort Worth Star-Telegram.In 2022, Mason decided to vote again. Her federal supervised release had expired, and since the illegal voting charge was still under appeal, her lawyers told her she could vote. “It was more personal, and more important to me,” she said. Mason said she had met a woman, a local county commissioner, who had told her her story inspired her to run for office.Cole, one of Mason’s lawyers, praised her client’s political transformation, but also said it was an unlikely story. “Can you imagine the expense that someone would have had to bear had they just been doing this on their own?” she said. “You just don’t have the muscle to fight.”A few weeks later, when the state announced it was appealing the case, Mason expressed exasperation in a text message. “I just don’t understand,” she wrote.“My heart is very, very heavy right now,” she said. “I’m truly sadden[ed] at this moment that the state in this upcoming election is still sending a message.”:root{–ap-border-color: rgba(255,255,255,.2);–ap-background-blue: #052962;–ap-background-black: #1a1a1a}.furniture-wrapper #headline h1,[data-layout=InteractiveLayout] .furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=headline] h1,.furniture-wrapper .headline h1{font-size:32px;line-height:1}@media (min-width: 71.25em){.furniture-wrapper #headline h1,[data-layout=InteractiveLayout] .furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=headline] h1,.furniture-wrapper .headline h1{font-size:48px}}.gu-janky-word{display:inline-block;margin-right:.35em}.gu-janky-letter{display:inline-block}nav >div{border-bottom:1px solid var(–ap-border-color)}.furniture-wrapper{background-image:linear-gradient(180deg,var(–ap-background-blue),var(–ap-background-black) 40%);display:grid;grid-template-areas:”title” “headline” “main-image” “standfirst” “lines” “meta”;–byline-anchor: #dcdcdc}.furniture-wrapper:after,.furniture-wrapper:before{background-image:linear-gradient(180deg,var(–ap-background-blue),var(–ap-background-black) 40%);border-color:#fff3!important}.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=title]{padding-top:10px;margin-bottom:-15px;z-index:2}.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=title] span:nth-of-type(2){display:none}.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=title] a{margin-right:0}.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=title] img{height:100%;width:190px}@media (min-width: 61.25em){.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=title]{margin-bottom:0}.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=title] img{width:150px}}.furniture-wrapper #headline,.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=headline],.furniture-wrapper .headline{border-color:var(–ap-border-color)!important}.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=meta]{–new-pillar-colour: #dcdcdc}.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=meta] details{–dateline: #97999e}article .furniture-wrapper figure{grid-area:main-image;width:auto!important}article .furniture-wrapper figure img{margin:0 auto;max-width:380px;width:70%}@media (min-width: 61.25em){article .furniture-wrapper figure img{max-width:100%;width:100%}}@media (min-width: 61.25em){article .furniture-wrapper figure{margin-top:0!important}}@media (min-width: 71.25em){article .furniture-wrapper figure{grid-area:1/8/4/14!important}}@media (min-width: 81.25em){article .furniture-wrapper figure{grid-area:1/10/4/16!important}}#maincontent h2,.prose h2{max-width:620px;font-weight:700;margin-top:80px;margin-bottom:5px;position:relative;–rotate-h2: 1deg}#maincontent h2:before,.prose h2:before{content:””;background-image:linear-gradient(90deg,var(–ap-background-blue),var(–ap-background-black));height:15px;width:100%;position:absolute;top:-15px;left:0;transform:rotate(var(–rotate-h2))}#maincontent blockquote,.prose blockquote{font-size:18px;margin:20px 0;font-weight:700}body.ios .furniture-wrapper figure.element-image img,body.android .furniture-wrapper figure.element-image img{margin:0 auto;width:70%!important}body.ios #meta span[data-icon],body.android #meta span[data-icon]{color:#ff5943!important}body.ios #meta span[data-icon]:before,body.android #meta span[data-icon]:before{color:#1a1a1a!important}body.ios .prose p+h2,body.android .prose p+h2{margin:80px 0 15px;line-height:1.5}body.ios .prose p+h2:before,body.android .prose p+h2:before{top:-20px}body.ios .prose blockquote:before,body.android .prose blockquote:before{color:#ff5943}body.ios .content__labels,body.android .content__labels{margin-bottom:-17px}body.ios .content__labels img,body.android .content__labels img{width:190px} More
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Billion-dollar prisons: why the US is pouring money into new construction
by Evelyn Reynolds 28 October 2023, 11:00
At a time when the US has narrowly skirted a recession, and people around the country are still struggling with the cost of living, a curious number of states have found billions of dollars for one thing: building prisons and jails.In September, Alabama announced that a new prison, currently under construction, would have a final cost of $1.082bn. The same month Indiana broke ground on a $1.2bn prison. Nebraska is spending $350m on a new prison, while some in Georgia are lobbying for $1.69bn for construction of a jail in Fulton county.The willingness to spend vast amounts of money on locking people up, particularly in states like Alabama, which has one of the highest poverty rates in the country, is staggering. It’s also wrong-headed, experts say.“Any money spent on caging human beings is not money well spent, period,” said Carmen Gutierrez, an assistant professor in the department of public policy at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, whose research specializes in the connection between punishment and health.“We have decades of research showing that incarceration does not improve public safety, and that it in fact harms individuals who themselves are incarcerated. It also harms their families and it harms the communities that they come from. So the damage outweighs any potential benefit.”The US has an incarceration rate of 664 people in every 100,000, according to the Prison Policy Initiative, far higher than other founding Nato countries. (The next highest is the UK, where 129 out of every 100,000 people are behind bars.)That amounts to 1.8 million people incarcerated across the country, but the numbers are not spread evenly. In Alabama, Georgia and other southern states about one in every 100 people is incarcerated in prisons, jails, immigration detention and juvenile justice facilities.The number of people being locked up has declined, somewhat, since the middle of the last decade, but some facts about incarceration remain the same: not all races are incarcerated equally.Black people make up 13% of the US population, but 38% of the prison, jail and other detention facility population, according to Prison Policy Initiative data. White people are far less likely to be caged: despite 60% of the US identifying as white, they also account for 38% of incarcerated people.“Incarceration is a highly gendered and racialized phenomenon,” Gutierrez said. “People who are males make up around 90% of people who go to jail and prison, and people who are black and brown – typically people who are Latino or Indigenous – are making up those who are disproportionately incarcerated.”The mammoth US prison population can be traced to the 1970s, with Richard Nixon’s “tough on crime” and “law and order” rhetoric, but it really exploded in the 1980s, when Ronald Reagan was president.The Fair Fight Initiative, which works to end mass incarceration and systemic racism, says there are a multitude of reasons why the US cages so many people – including the disastrous “war on drugs”, mandatory minimum sentences, exorbitant bail and a lack of mental health services.The tough on crime rhetoric has endured to this day. Violent crime was a huge focus for Republican candidates during the 2022 midterm elections, while Donald Trump has taken to describing big cities as “cesspools of bloodshed and crime”.Trump, who lives in a spa resort in Florida and generally travels only for political rallies or court appearances, has offered no evidence for his claim.Despite the raft of research showing incarceration does more harm than good, few states are seriously attempting to reduce the number of people in jail.In January, Kay Ivey, the governor of Alabama, introduced new laws concerning how inmates could earn early release for good behavior, in a move critics said would lead to more overcrowding in the state’s prisons. Ivey has also been a key driver behind the state’s costly new prison.“The new prison facilities being built in Alabama are critically important to public safety, to our criminal justice system and to Alabama as a whole,” Ivey said in September.Alabama, which was ranked as the seventh poorest state by US News, has the fifth lowest household income in the country and is a place where a child born in 2020 could expect to live to be only 73 years old.It is also one of 10 largely Republican-led states that has declined to use federal government resources to expand Medicaid – a healthcare program for low-income residents – to more residents, which Gutierrez said can lead to people ending up in incarceration, or being re-incarcerated.“To deny Medicaid expansion in a state is to exacerbate the health and wellbeing issues of poor people who are the ones cycling through jails and prisons due to their poverty and poor health,” she said.“Folks who are formerly incarcerated, their health status may be determining their likelihood of going to jail and prison in the first place. Because if I’m sick, and I’m not working because I’m sick, and if I have mental illness or a substance use disorder, I’m more visible to the police, I’m more visible to punishment, and that thus increases my chances of being sent to jail or prison.”In Georgia, which has also opted out of expanded Medicaid, officials are attempting to source $1.7bn for a new prison near Atlanta, with little sign that politicians are considering spending the money elsewhere. Indiana’s $1.2bn facility is scheduled to open in 2027.One thing most can agree is that conditions in many of America’s jails are dire.Earlier this year, Atteeyah Hollie, deputy director of the Southern Center for Human Rights, told the Guardian there “are daily horrors that are happening” in Georgia’s Fulton county jail – which the new facility would replace.The Department of Justice opened an investigation into the jail in July, citing reports that “an incarcerated person died covered in insects and filth, that the Fulton county jail is structurally unsafe, that prevalent violence has resulted in serious injuries and homicides”.In Alabama, a majority of prisons don’t have air-conditioning, which the Montgomery Advertiser reported made conditions “hell” during a summer where the heat index reached 115F (46C).Both states have committed to improving conditions, but it is hard to shake the sense that the billions being spent on new prisons and jails would be better used elsewhere.Jacob Kang-Brown, senior research fellow at Vera Institute, which works to end over-criminalization and mass incarceration, said the funds should be put towards education and affordable housing, and supporting robust access to healthcare.“The social welfare safety net in the US has been underinvested in for decades. That is part of the reason why we have such a huge investment in incarceration. It’s really a negative cycle,” Kang-Brown said.As president, Trump signed the bipartisan First Step Act, a prison and sentencing reform bill which expanded rehabilitative opportunities for incarcerated people, increased the possibility of early parole for good behavior and reduced mandatory minimum sentences for a number of drug-related crimes.At the time, the act was championed by Republicans, Democrats and advocates.But in the 2022 midterm elections, amid a rise in some forms of violent crime, Republicans began to distance themselves from the First Step Act, while Trump, despite his role in the legislation, would not say whether he still supports it when asked by the New York Times. Ron DeSantis, Trump’s closest rival for the GOP presidential nomination, has said he would repeal it.“There are a lot of concerns about public safety, and politicians want to throw money at that problem often, as opposed to thinking hard about what that might mean and how to best address those problems,” Kang-Brown said.“Many people are seemingly more comfortable with investing in law enforcement and prisons to address those things, other than the real kind of investments, like affordable housing, for instance, that can actually improve public safety in a real substantive way.” More
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US prison labor is cruel and pointless legalized slavery. I know first-hand | Dyjuan Tatro
by Evelyn Reynolds 22 September 2023, 10:10
Almost immediately after I was sent to prison, I was assigned to a “program”, the term American prison officials use for a job. I was to sweep the prison hallways, alongside roughly 30 other men. Together we pushed brooms across gray corridors hour after hour, day after day.No matter how many hours I worked, I couldn’t afford toilet paper, soap or toothpaste. We had to pay for basic hygiene products at exploitative markups, way more than they cost in free society, and I was paid 10 cents an hour. To survive in prison, even with a full-time job, I was forced to rely on family, who struggled to support me financially.There’s a misleading narrative pushed by officials about prison labor, one that falsely frames prison jobs as rehabilitative. Nothing could be further from the truth.In prison, my work was meaningless and dehumanizing. It conveyed no new skills, taught me no life lessons and earned me next to nothing. It did not build my résumé, prepare me to navigate workplace relationships or teach me how to budget. It served only to devalue my labor and person. Prisons are about punishment, not rehabilitation.I had no choice in whether I went to work or not – and there were no sick days. If I didn’t go, I would be locked in my cell for 23 hours a day. And as little as it was, I needed the pay.About halfway through my sentence, I had the chance to apply to the Bard Prison Initiative (BPI), one of the most renowned and rigorous college-in-prison programs in the US. The opportunity changed the trajectory of my life. Graduating from Bard College with my bachelor’s degree gave me something that no one could take away: an education. It was a hard-won prize, especially given the system’s intent to let me languish.Sitting in those classrooms better prepared me for work outside. Engaging with other students prepared me to later engage with co-workers; interacting with professors prepared me to deal with supervisors. Alongside classes in philosophy, political economy and differential equations, I was learning valuable social and professional skills that were radically at odds with the reality of prison.It costs New York around $70,000 a year in taxpayer money to imprison someone. It costs the BPI about $10,000 a year to educate an incarcerated student. New York’s recidivism rate is 40%, while graduates of the BPI and similar programs recidivate at only 4%, a tenfold decrease. Yet, despite its clear positive record, only 300 of New York’s 30,000 incarcerated people are enrolled at the BPI in any given semester. I was one of a lucky few.Prisons are designed to warehouse, traumatize and exploit people, then send them back home in worse shape than when they entered the system. Despite having worked every day, the vast majority of people are released with no job experience, no references and no hope. Some would take this to mean that the system is failing. And it is with regard to public safety, rehabilitation and justice, but it’s horrifyingly successful at two things: guaranteeing jobs for some and perpetuating slavery for others.Over the years, I learned that prison officials were not interested in giving us fruitful educational and job opportunities that allowed us to go home and stay home. The reality is much more sinister. Prisons are a job program for officers that requires us to keep coming back.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionYou may be familiar with company towns and coal towns; in the US, we have prison towns, too. In New York, all state prisons were built upstate as economic stimuli in rural districts and failing farm communities. The facilities imprison predominantly Black and brown inner-city residents who toil under a class of white overseers. I remember a guard bending over to shackle me one day and saying, “I just want to thank you for being here because I’m too old to be digging ditches.” My body and my labor made him an easy living. The parallels to slavery are stark and visceral.Prison officials ignore these critiques and justify their practices by pointing to the exception in the 13th amendment of the US constitution – negotiated as a concession to slave states – that allows slavery “as a punishment for crime”. This exception enables states like Texas to force incarcerated people, mostly Black men, to pick cotton – even at a net loss to the state, because cruelty is the point.Thankfully, a new abolition movement is working to end this exception, and I hope for its success. Over the past few years, seven states – from Tennessee and Alabama to Oregon and Vermont – have voted to end the exception in their state constitutions. And earlier this year, just ahead of Juneteenth, Senators Jeff Merkley and Cory Booker and Congresswoman Nikema Williams introduced the abolition amendment in Congress to end the exception in the US constitution and outlaw the enslavement of incarcerated people. Today it has bipartisan support.After 12 years, I was released with $40 and a bus ticket. The state did not even give me an ID. But I was one of the lucky ones who went home with a college degree. Without it, I would probably be back in prison today. I understand the value of giving incarcerated people real opportunities. Enslaving people is diametrically opposed to it. Nothing good can come from it.
Dyjuan Tatro is the senior government affairs officer at the Bard Prison Initiative, where he focuses on expanding college access for incarcerated people, and an #EndTheException ambassador More
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Struggling DeSantis and Pence attack criminal justice law they championed
by Evelyn Reynolds 23 July 2023, 10:00
As a Republican congressman, Ron DeSantis was a supporter of legislation that made moderate reforms to the federal prison system intended to reduce recidivism and mass incarceration – a cause that was also championed by then president Donald Trump and his deputy, Mike Pence.Five years later, DeSantis, now Florida’s governor, and Pence are struggling to overtake Trump’s lead among Republicans as they vie for the party’s presidential nomination, and have turned against the criminal justice measure they both supported in an effort to win over conservative voters.“Under the Trump administration, he enacted a bill, basically a jailbreak bill. It’s called the First Step Act. It has allowed dangerous people out of prison, who have now reoffended and really, really hurt a number of people,” DeSantis told the rightwing pundit Ben Shapiro in a May interview, vowing that “one of the things I want to do as president is go to Congress and seek the repeal of the First Step Act.”Pence echoed a similar message, telling the Washington Examiner that as president he would “take a step back from” the law.Their comments were the latest instances of Republicans wooing voters with promises to crack down on crime, a time-tested tactic for the GOP that last year helped the party win back control of the House.But conservatives who supported the First Step Act in 2018 say there’s no reason to repeal it, nor do they believe attacking it will help Pence and DeSantis overtake Trump’s substantial popularity advantage among Republican voters.“You’re in a political, what I call, silly season of you say a lot of things, and crime is a concern, public safety is a concern across the country,” said Doug Collins, a former Republican congressman from Georgia who introduced an early version of the act.He said the law was “not an issue until it was brought up, and it’s not an issue that seems to be gaining a lot of traction out there, especially when the facts of the bill were put out there for Republican voters.”One of the biggest pieces of criminal justice reform legislation Congress has passed in years, the First Step Act reduced mandatory minimum sentences for some drug-related crimes, created new rehabilitation programs for released inmates, banned the shackling of pregnant women and expanded time-served credit for most federal prisoners.Only a minority of America’s prison population, the largest in the world, is incarcerated in the federal system, but one of the act’s chief goals was to create programs that helped people released under the act keep out of prison for good.According to justice department data, the recidivism rate for those released under the law is just over 12%, as compared to the 45% rate the Government Accountability Office says is the baseline for federal prisoners overall.“When we see policymakers talking about the First Step Act, and trying to make some sort of misguided connection with crime, we have to be really realistic that the research and the evidence doesn’t point that way,” said Lauren-Brooke Eisen, a senior director at the Brennan Center for Justice, a progressive non-profit.The act’s passage represented one of the few instances in which Trump and his Republican allies in Congress joined together with Democrats, and their legislative push was endorsed by outside groups as diverse as the American Civil Liberties Union and the conservative benefactors Koch Industries.The version of the act Collins introduced mostly dealt with ways to reduce recidivism, and DeSantis voted for the bill before resigning later in 2018 to mount his successful campaign for Florida governor. The Senate then added provisions dealing with sentencing reform, and as he signed it, Trump said the legislation “brings much-needed hope to many families during the holiday season”.Two years later, Covid-19 broke out and crime spiked nationwide, a phenomenon that appears to be relaxing but which has had an enduring impact on American politics. The former president currently leads the polls among Republican presidential candidates, but doesn’t say much about the First Step Act, having now shifted his demands to calling for Congress to slash the FBI and justice department’s funding over their investigations against him.DeSantis, meanwhile, has made an about-face on criminal justice policy since announcing his presidential run in May. While he signed a major criminal justice reform bill in 2019, he last month vetoed two measures dealing with expungements and probation violations, despite them passing with overwhelming support in Florida’s GOP-dominated legislature.Writing in RealClearPolitics, Steve Cortes, a spokesman for the DeSantis-aligned Never Back Down Pac, said that as a congressman, the governor only supported the initial “law-and-order version” of the First Step Act, and not the one that Trump enacted.“This obfuscation on Trump’s jailbreak points to an even more serious problem for the 45th president as he seeks re-election: he remains unable or unwilling to admit policy mistakes and to propose appropriate reversals or reforms,” Cortes wrote.Arthur Rizer, a conservative advocate for the act who co-founded ARrow Center for Justice Reform, remembers DeSantis as a supporter of the law during his time in Congress. Pence, meanwhile, at one point went to the Capitol to personally negotiate with GOP senators on getting the bill passed.The former vice-president is currently polling in the single digits among Republican candidates, while DeSantis is in a distant second place to Trump.“I think that they sense that there is a potential to create another wedge issue. And they are taking this opportunity to distinguish themselves from Trump. They can’t go out for Trump for the indictment stuff, so they’re looking for ways to pick at him,” Rizer said of the attacks on the First Step Act.“It actually breaks my heart to see people turning on something that’s done a lot of good for people who were in prison for relatively minor stuff. And now that they’re out with their families, and we’re using it as a political football, to score points and to dunk on the other side.” More
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Could California be the latest state to restore voting rights to felons?
by Evelyn Reynolds 17 February 2023, 10:00
Could California be the latest state to restore voting rights to felons?Proposal would allow prisoners to vote in what advocates see as a matter of racial justice – but challenges lie ahead Before having his sentence commuted by Governor Gavin Newsom last year, Thanh Tran served ten and a half years in prisons and jails across California, a time he described as the “most traumatizing and dehumanizing experience of my life”.Had he been able to vote during that time, he said he would have maintained some hope that his community still cared about him.“The focus of incarceration right now in California is about punishment, but if I had the ability to vote, it would still create that tie to the community,” said Tran, now a policy associate with the Oakland-based Ella Baker Center for Human Rights. It would be like the community saying, “Thanh, we still care about you out here,” he said. “We know your sentence will one day end and we want you to return home and be a good neighbor to us.”The untold story of how a US woman was sentenced to six years for votingRead moreNow Tran is a leading supporter of ACA 4, a constitutional amendment introduced last week by California assemblymember Isaac Bryan that would restore voting rights to California’s prisoners – a population that is disproportionately non-white.California is one of at least three states where lawmakers this year have introduced proposals to allow citizens to vote while serving time for felonies in state and federal prison. Democratic lawmakers in Massachusetts and New York have also filed bills and amendments to end felony disenfranchisement.If any of the proposals succeed, the states would join Maine, Vermont and Washington DC in allowing people to vote while incarcerated. Along with the states restoring rights to people with felony convictions upon release from prison, this marks a time when states are slowly erasing Jim Crow-era laws that have prevented people with felony convictions from ever fully regaining their rights.But advocates still face steep challenges.While Washington DC successfully ended felony disenfranchisement in July 2020 when the city council passed a bill unanimously, the efforts this year will face uphill battles, and other states that have attempted to do the same in recent years have run into roadblocks. In Oregon, a legislative attempt stalled in early 2022, despite strong support from Democratic lawmakers. And legislation proposed in Illinois also stalled in committee. Similar unsuccessful bills have also been introduced in Hawaii, Massachusetts, New Mexico and Virginia.Across the country, an estimated 4.6 million Americans are barred from voting due to a felony conviction, according to the Sentencing Project, a research and advocacy group focused on decarceration. The rate at which African Americans are disenfranchised currently is 3.5 times higher than non-African Americans.When Bryan, who chairs the California assembly’s election committee and has a background in criminal justice advocacy, was elected to represent a portion of Los Angeles in the legislature, he started thinking about how policy could better connect incarcerated people with their communities. He said he realized that cutting people off from society by revoking their right to vote doesn’t benefit anyone. “People touch the criminal legal system because they felt disconnected from society,” he said. “Disconnecting them further doesn’t make any of us safer.”“Overall democracy thrives when everyone is included, and that includes people who are currently incarcerated,” he added.Of the more than 95,000 people in the California state prison system, 80% are people of color or people from poor and disadvantaged communities, according to Antoinette Ratcliffe, executive director of California-based non-profit Initiate Justice.‘Stakes are monstrous’: Wisconsin judicial race is 2023’s key electionRead moreFor that reason, Bryan, who represents part of Los Angeles, says ending California’s practice is a matter of racial justice. “We know that our criminal legal system is full of bias and we know that it disproportionately exacerbates the negative conditions of life for Black, brown, poor, indigenous communities.”Bryan noted that the vast majority of California’s prisoners will return home, and allowing them to maintain a connection to their communities lowers recidivism rates and helps their potential for success.To become law, the constitutional amendment would need to pass with a two-thirds vote in both chambers of the legislature and then be approved by a majority of voters on the ballot.If passed, incarcerated people would cast ballots at their last place of residence before being incarcerated. California has eliminated prison gerrymandering, meaning people are counted for purposes of reapportionment where they last resided instead of at their prison location – a practice that can be manipulated to give people living in localities with prisons disproportionate representation.Bryan also pointed out that California currently allows people serving time in jail for offenses other than felonies to vote inside the jail, so “questions about whether you can facilitate an election in a carceral setting have already been answered through that process”.Assemblymember Tom Lackey, a Republican who serves as vice-chair of the election committee, shared his opposition to the proposal, tweeting: “Criminal acts should have consequences. Voting is a sacred privilege, not an absolute right of citizenship.”California’s proposal comes at a time when other states are also considering expanding their electorate to include more people with felony convictions. The number of people disenfranchised due to felony convictions nationally has declined by 24% since 2016, according to the Sentencing Project, as states have changed their policies and state prison populations have declined modestly.A number of states have taken measures in recent years to extend voting rights to people on probation and parole, including California, where voters approved Proposition 17 in 2020, allowing people on parole to vote. California is now one of 21 states where people lose their right to vote while incarcerated but regain the right upon release.Rightwing group pours millions in ‘dark money’ into US voter suppression bidRead moreThis year, the Democratic-controlled Minnesota house of representatives passed a bill that would restore voting rights to individuals on parole, probation or community release, and now the bill heads to the state senate, which is also controlled by Democrats. In Kentucky, Missouri, Nebraska, Texas and Virginia, lawmakers have also proposed bills to ease restrictions on voting rights for people with felony convictions.Progress has been stymied in other states, including North Carolina, which restored voting rights to roughly 56,000 people on parole and probation before the 2022 election. But the now Republican-controlled state supreme court heard a challenge to the law in early February and appears poised to roll back that expansion.Bryan said he hopes his proposed constitutional amendment will get more states thinking about restoring voting rights to everyone.“As we lead in California, a lot of the rest of the country follows,” Bryan said. “I think that’s a good thing and it’s an opportunity to show what change can look like and what progress can look like.”TopicsCaliforniaThe fight for democracyUS prisonsVotes for prisonersUS politicsfeaturesReuse this content More

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Incarcerated Californians can’t vote. A prison held an election anyway

US reacts to major prisoner swap with Russia: ‘feat of diplomacy’ and ‘joyous’

Phone calls from prison are finally being capped at 6 cents a minute. But there’s more to do | Katrina vanden Heuvel

She was sentenced to prison for voting. Her story is part of a Republican effort to intimidate others

Billion-dollar prisons: why the US is pouring money into new construction

US prison labor is cruel and pointless legalized slavery. I know first-hand | Dyjuan Tatro

Struggling DeSantis and Pence attack criminal justice law they championed

Could California be the latest state to restore voting rights to felons?

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