US voting rights

Subterms

    More stories

    • 138 Shares169 Views

      in US Politics

      Why dissent by conservative justices in voting rights cases is alarming

      by

      Why dissent by conservative justices in voting rights cases is alarmingDemocrats won two major victories, but a dissenting opinion from three of the supreme court’s justices set off alarms bells Hello, and Happy Thursday,It’s no secret that the US supreme court has been hostile to voting rights recently. But two recent decisions, I think, highlight why what the court is doing is both alarming and inconsistent.Get the latest updates on voting rights in the Guardian’s Fight to vote newsletterOn Monday evening, the court gave Democrats two major victories, blocking Republican attempts to impose unfair congressional maps in North Carolina and Pennsylvania. In both states the respective state supreme courts had redrawn them to be fairer – decisions which the US supreme court upheld. Yet even though legal experts expected this outcome, a dissenting opinion from three of the court’s conservative justices set off loud alarm bells for me.The dissent was authored by Justice Samuel Alito (and joined by Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch in the North Carolina case). The three justices wrote that they would have blocked the state supreme court maps from going into effect. They pointed to a provision in the US constitution, the elections clause, that explicitly gives state legislatures the authority to set the “time, manner, and place” of federal elections. That provision, they said, likely means that state supreme courts can’t impose a new map, even if the one the legislature adopts violates a state’s constitution.“If the language of the Elections Clause is taken seriously, there must be some limit on the authority of state courts to countermand actions taken by state legislatures when they are prescribing rules for the conduct of federal elections,” Alito wrote.Alito’s dissent embraces an idea called the “independent state legislature doctrine”. Increasingly popular among conservative litigants, it argues that state courts cannot second-guess election rules – whether it be a gerrymandered map or a new voter ID law – passed by a legislature. It would give state legislatures enormous power over elections.The theory largely fell into disuse in the early 20th century, according to a paper by Michael Morley, a law professor at Florida State University. The supreme court has also repeatedly rejected the idea over the last century. But in a handful of cases during the 2020 election, Alito, Kavanaugh, Gorsuch and Thomas all expressed interest in the idea.The focus on this idea is also notable because it is directly at odds with what Alito and other conservative justices have said recently.Reading Alito’s dissent, I couldn’t help but think of a majority opinion that he, Thomas, Gorsuch and Kavanaugh signed onto in 2019. In that case, called Rucho v Common Cause, they were part of a majority that said federal courts could not do anything to stop partisan gerrymandering. But, Roberts wrote, state laws and state courts could continue to police it. It was a clear instruction to litigants that they should take their cases about partisan gerrymandering to state courts, which is exactly what they did in North Carolina and Pennsylvania.Now, Alito, Thomas and Gorsuch – and maybe Kavanaugh – seem to be backing away from that position.It’s not the only area of voting rights law where the supreme court has pulled a kind of bait-and-switch recently. In 2013, when a majority of the court, including Roberts, Alito and Thomas, gutted the the heart of the Voting Rights Act, designed to prevent voting discrimination, it pointed to another provision of the law, section 2, as a tool litigants could continue to use. But recently, the court has been slowly chipping away at section 2, too, making it harder to challenge laws under it and stepping in to overrule lower courts that have relied on it to block discriminatory maps. Taken together, the cases show how the supreme court is slowly attacking laws that are supposed to prevent Americans against voting discrimination.One other piece of Alito’s dissent deserves attention because it is, I would argue, hypocritical. In two short paragraphs, Alito explained why he didn’t think it would be a big deal for a court to step in and order North Carolina to adopt new congressional districts after candidates had begun filing for office ahead of the state’s 17 May primary. The public interest favored such a reset, he said, to ensure that districts were constitutional. All candidates would have to do, he said, was file a new form indicating they were running in the districts the legislature, not the state supreme court, had adopted. “That would not have been greatly disruptive,” he wrote.But last month, Alito took the opposite approach when he agreed with an opinion by Kavanaugh saying it would be too disruptive to impose new, non-discriminatory maps for Alabama’s 24 May primary – a week later than the one in North Carolina. Kavanaugh wrote: “Running elections statewide is extraordinarily complicated and difficult. Those elections require enormous advance preparations by state and local officials, and pose significant logistical challenges.”That argument prompted a furious response from Justice Elena Kagan, who said discrimination in Alabama should not get a free pass merely because elections were on the horizon. “Alabama is not entitled to keep violating Black Alabamians’ voting rights just because the court’s order came down in the first month of an election year,” she said.The opposing conclusions Alito reached in both cases underscores the immense discretion he is wielding on the bench to evaluate these claims. In North Carolina, when the legislature’s constitutional rights were at issue, it warranted the supreme court’s intervention. In Alabama, when Black Americans’ voting rights were at issue, he believed the court’s intervention was not needed.Also worth watching…
      A Colorado election clerk was indicted on charges she helped allow unaurthorized access to voting equipment.
      Florida Republicans are on the verge of creating a new office to investigate election crimes.
      The top election official in Texas’s largest county announced she would resign after the county experienced significant voting problems in the state’s primary.
      Newly released records in Wisconsin provide insight into a widely criticized review of the 2020 election.
      TopicsUS supreme courtThe fight to voteLaw (US)US politicsUS voting rightsfeaturesReuse this content More

    • 150 Shares169 Views

      in US Politics

      ‘We must march forward’: Kamala Harris commemorates Bloody Sunday anniversary in Selma

      by

      ‘We must march forward’: Kamala Harris commemorates Bloody Sunday anniversary in SelmaUS vice president takes to Edmund Pettus Bridge in Alabama as congressional efforts to restore the 1965 Voting Rights Act falter US vice president Kamala Harris visited Selma, Alabama on Sunday to commemorate a defining moment in the fight for the right to vote, making her trip as congressional efforts to restore the landmark 1965 Voting Rights Act have faltered.Under a blazing blue sky, Harris took the stage at the foot of the bridge where in 1965 white state troopers attacked Black voting rights marchers attempting to cross.Harris called the site hallowed ground on which people fought for the “most fundamental right of America citizenship: the right to vote”.The not-surprising, very bad defeat of Biden’s attempt to protect voting | The fight to voteRead more“Today, we stand on this bridge at a different time,” Harris said before a cheering crowd of several thousand.“We again, however, find ourselves caught in between. Between injustice and justice. Between disappointment and determination … nowhere is that more clear than when it comes to the ongoing fight to secure the freedom to vote.”The nation’s first female vice president – as well as the first African American and Indian American in the role – spoke of marchers whose “peaceful protest was met with crushing violence. They were kneeling when the state troopers charged. They were praying when the billy clubs struck.”On “Bloody Sunday”, 7 March 1965, state troopers severely beat and tear-gassed peaceful demonstrators, including a young activist, the late John Lewis, who later became a longtime Georgia congressman.The images of violence at the Edmund Pettus Bridge – originally named for a Confederate general – shocked the nation and helped galvanize support for passage of the Voting Rights Act.Fifty-seven years later, Democrats are unsuccessfully trying to update the landmark law and pass additional measures to make it more convenient for people to vote. A key provision of the law was tossed out by a US supreme court decision.“In a moment of great uncertainty, those marches pressed forward and they crossed,“ Harris said. “We must do the same. We must lock our arms and march forward. We will not let setbacks stop us. We know that honoring the legacy of those who marched then demands that we continue to push Congress to pass federal voting rights legislation.”In Selma, a crowd gathered hours before Harris was scheduled to speak. Rank-and-file activists of the civil rights movement, including women who fled the beatings of Bloody Sunday, were seated near the stage.The milestone of Harris becoming the nation’s first Black female vice president seemed unimaginable in 1965, they said.“That’s why we marched,” Betty Boynton, the daughter-in-law of voting rights activist Amelia Boynton, said.Is America a democracy? If so, why does it deny millions the vote?Read more“I was at the tail end and all of the sudden I saw these horses. Oh my goodness, and all of the sudden … I saw smoke. I didn’t know what tear gas was. There were beating people,” Boynton said.But Boynton said Sunday’s anniversary is tempered by fears of the impact of new voting restrictions being enacted.“And now they are trying to take our voting rights from us. I wouldn’t think in 2022 we would have to do all over again what we did in 1965,” Boynton said.The US president, Joe Biden, said the strength of the groundbreaking 1965 Voting Rights Act “has been weakened not by brute force, but by insidious court decisions”.The latest legislation, named for Lewis, who died in 2020, is part of a broader elections package that collapsed in the US Senate in February.“In Selma, the blood of John Lewis and so many other courageous Americans sanctified a noble struggle. We are determined to honor that legacy by passing legislation to protect the right to vote and uphold the integrity of our elections, including the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act and the Freedom to Vote Act,” Biden said in a statement.The US supreme court in 2013 gutted a portion of the 1965 law that required certain states with a history of discrimination in voting, mainly in the South, to get US Justice Department approval before changing the way they hold elections, with voting rights activists warning the action is emboldening states to pass a new wave of voting restrictions.TopicsUS voting rightsThe fight to voteKamala HarrisUS politicsAlabamaUS supreme courtUS SenatenewsReuse this content More

    • 213 Shares179 Views

      in US Politics

      New evidence undermines case against Black US woman jailed for voting error | The fight to vote

      by

      New evidence undermines case against Black US woman jailed for voting errorExclusive: Prosecutors argued Pamela Moses ‘tricked the probation department’ into giving her documents – but a new email adds to evidence undercutting that claim Hello Fight to vote Readers,I have an update in my reporting on the case of Pamela Moses, the 44-year-old Black Lives Matter Activist in Memphis who was sentenced to six years in prison for trying to register to vote. The case has attracted significant national attention because many see Moses’ sentence as too severe and a clear example of disparities in the US criminal justice system.Get the latest updates on voting rights in the Guardian’s Fight to vote newsletterThe prosecution’s case is built around the argument that Moses knew she was ineligible to vote because she was on probation, and people on felony probation in Tennessee cannot vote. Indeed, a few months before she tried to register, a judge had issued an order telling Moses her probation was ongoing. But nevertheless, prosecutors argued, she convinced a probation officer into signing a form saying she was eligible to vote and then knowingly submitted the document knowing it was false. “You tricked the probation department into giving you documents saying you were off probation,” W Mark Ward, the judge who sentenced Moses, said in January.Moses, for her part, told me she did not know she was ineligible and her lawyers have said she went to the probation office genuinely seeking clarity about whether she could vote. A new email I obtained through a public records request adds to evidence undercutting the claim that Moses tricked the officer.In September 2019, just two days after a probation officer mistakenly signed a certificate telling Moses her probation was complete, officials at the Tennessee department of corrections investigated how exactly their employee made the error. Their investigation didn’t find that Moses had deceived a probation officer, but rather that the officer had made a good-faith mistake.The review found that the probation officer – referred to as Manager Billington – spent about an hour investigating whether Moses was still on probation. Billington came across a note in Moses’ file noting that in 2016, she had been placed on supervised probation for two years. Even though the system said that Moses remained on unsupervised probation, Billington thought this was a mistake. The person who handled the file, he believed, forgot to close out the case when the supervised probation ran out. That’s why he ultimately signed Moses’ voting certificate saying her probation had expired in 2018 and she was eligible to vote.“Manager Billington advised that he thought he did due diligence in making his decision,” Joe Williams, an administrator in the department of corrections, wrote to Lisa Helton, a top department official. “Manager Billington failed to adequately investigate the status of this case. He failed to review all of the official documents available through the Shelby county justice portal and negligently relied on a contact note from a court specialist in 2016.”Williams went on to note that if Billington had looked harder, he would have found additional documents, issued in 2019, that said Moses was on probation. Williams conceded that it was “tedious” to find some of that information. “The information that Manager Billington had at the time he signed the Voters Restoration was insufficient to reasonably affirm that an offender was off supervision.”Thanks to new congressional maps, most Americans’ votes won’t matterRead moreThe email says that Moses waited in the lobby of the probation office and seemed impatient while Billington investigated. It does not suggest that Moses bore responsibility for the mistake.“They acknowledged that the mistake was theirs in this letter,” said Blair Bowie, an attorney at the Campaign Legal Center, who is providing information to Moses’ defense on voting rights restoration issues. “This really runs contrary to the prosecution’s characterization of the incident as Ms Moses tricking the probation officer.”Claiborne Ferguson, the attorney who represented Moses during her trial, said he had not seen the email before I showed it to him Wednesday morning. He said it was consistent with Billington’s testimony during Moses’ trial in which he accepted responsibility for the error.Amy Weirich, the district attorney prosecuting the case, declined an interview request. “I gave her a chance to plead to a misdemeanor with no prison time. She requested a jury trial instead. She set this unfortunate result in motion and a jury of her peers heard the evidence and convicted her,” she said in a statement.Any acknowledgment of an error from the probation department is potentially significant because it challenges the argument that Moses knowingly voted illegally, experts said. “Mistake of fact is never a defense. But one of the major exceptions is if you’re relying on someone who is officially responsible for telling you whether you’re breaking the law or not then you’re not guilty of a crime,” Bennett Capers, a former federal prosecutor who is now a law professor at Fordham University, told me.When he sentenced Moses, Ward dismissed the idea that an error by the probation department meant Moses wasn’t guilty of a crime. Such an argument, he said, is like saying “a person who obtains money from a bank by posing as another person is not criminally responsible because the bank should have discovered the fraud and not given the money to the thief.”Steven Mulroy, a law professor at the University of Memphis who specializes in criminal and election law, told me he didn’t think that analogy was appropriate.“She was honest about who she was, and she knew that probation would check her records,” said Mulroy, who is also running for district attorney. “A better analogy would be the central bank branch said she had insufficient funds for a check; she doubted it and thought it might be a mistake. She went to her actual bank branch, who checked their records, said she had sufficient funds, and issued her a money order which she then tried to cash.”After reviewing the email, I asked the department of corrections whether it believed Moses had deceived its employee. An agency spokesperson didn’t answer directly.“I can only say that the officer did not conduct a complete review and should not have signed the form, said Dorinda Carter, a department spokesperson. “Corrective action was taken against the officer who mistakenly completed the form.”Bowie said the case spoke to wider problems with the confusing process people with felonies have to go through to get their voting rights restored.“The cost of those mistakes is always paid by the person trying to restore their voting rights,” she said.Brandon Dill contributed reporting from MemphisAlso worth watching …
      A North Carolina court approved new state legislative maps, as well as a new congressional map for 2022, after the state supreme court struck down GOP-authored plans because they were too gerrymandered.
      The Pennsylvania supreme court also adopted a new congressional plan.
      The Texas lieutenant governor, Dan Patrick, caused delays in the processing of absentee ballot requests by telling supporters to send their requests to the state, not local election officials.
      TopicsUS voting rightsFight to voteMemphisUS politicsfeaturesReuse this content More

    • 213 Shares149 Views

      in US Politics

      The US supreme court is letting racist discrimination run wild in the election system | Carol Anderson

      by

      The US supreme court is letting racist discrimination run wild in the election systemCarol AndersonThe court has approved or tolerated massive voter roll purges, extreme gerrymandering and election laws that have a disparate impact on minorities The US supreme court, in a 5-4 decision, used the ruse that it was too close to an election – three months away – to scrap a racially discriminatory, Republican-drawn legislative map in Alabama. A lower court had previously ruled against the state because its gerrymandered congressional districts diluted the voting strength of African Americans by ensuring that 27% of Alabama’s population would garner only 14% of the state’s congressional representation. But that reality didn’t faze five justices; the US supreme court was just fine with letting a policy designed to disfranchise Black voters unfurl and do its damage in an oncoming federal election.The echoes of a brutal past are resonating in this decision.After the civil war, Congress passed the 1867 Reconstruction Act, which provided that Black men had the right to vote, and then Congress followed that with the 15th amendment, which banned states from using race, color or previous conditions of servitude to undermine the right to vote.In a series of decisions in the late 19th and early to mid-20th centuries, however, the supreme court systematically dismantled those protections, as well as others crafted to support African Americans’ citizenship rights and defend against white domestic terrorism waged by the Ku Klux Klan and similar organizations. Focusing on voting rights gives some indication of how pernicious the decisions were. The 1874 Minor v Happersett ruling asserted that the right to vote was not part and parcel of American citizenship.In 1876, United States v Reese et al dealt with a Black man who was trapped in a malicious catch-22 that prevented him from voting. He tried to pay his poll tax, which was required to vote, but the tax collector refused to accept the payment and the registrars would not allow him to cast a ballot without payment. The court ruled, despite this crude and brazen denial of his right to vote, that the 15th amendment “does not confer the right of suffrage upon any one”.As states then began fully implementing Jim Crow legislation to disfranchise African Americans, the court, in the Williams v Mississippi (1898) decision, looked at the poll tax and the literacy test and ruled that those chokepoints to the ballot box – which had already removed 90% of registered Black voters in Mississippi from the rolls – did not violate the 15th amendment.In a 1903 case out of Alabama, Giles v Harris, the supreme court determined that it was powerless to stop a state from disfranchising Black voters even if the methods were unconstitutional.This assault on African Americans’ right to vote was an assault on American democracy aided and abetted by the highest court in the land. The results were devastating. By 1960, there were counties in Alabama that had no Black voters registered, while simultaneously having more than 100% of white age-eligible voters on the rolls. In Mississippi a mere 6.7% of eligible Black adults were registered to vote.It took the blood, the courage and the martyrdom of civil rights workers combined with the political spine of a president and congressional leaders to break this stranglehold on the right to vote. The legislature passed and President Lyndon Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act (VRA), which would save America from its worst self. And, this time, in the late 1960s, the US supreme court came down on the side of democracy and the 15th amendment. Two crucial decisions buttressed the VRA, noting that it was not only constitutional but also created to deal with “the subtle, as well as the obvious, state regulations which have the effect of denying citizens their right to vote because of race”.The Roberts court, however, bears no resemblance to the one in the 1960s and has all the anti-voting rights earmarks of the court after the civil war. The Roberts court’s assault on the VRA and the 15th amendment has been relentless and brutal to American democracy.The Shelby County v Holder (2013) decision ended the most powerful tool in the VRA’s wheelhouse, pre-clearance, and allowed states and jurisdictions with a demonstrated history of racial discrimination to implement laws and election policies without the prior approval of the US Department of Justice or the federal court in Washington DC.Within two hours of that decision, Texas implemented a voter ID law that led district court Judge Nelva Gonzales Ramos to rule that the new measure not only had a discriminatory effect, it also had a discriminatory intent. The state appealed to the fifth circuit, pleading with the judges to not dismantle the voter ID law because it would be too disruptive to the looming midterm election in 2014.When the case reached the US supreme court, Justice Antonin Scalia’s majority ruled in favor of Texas without comment. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s dissent, however, tore away at the state’s ruse that it was too close to the midterms to stop a racially discriminatory law in its tracks. The greatest threat to confidence in elections, she wrote, was to allow a “purposefully discriminatory law, one that likely imposes an unconstitutional poll tax and risks denying the right to vote to hundreds of thousands of eligible voters” to be used in a federal election.But the majority on the US supreme court was fine with letting discrimination run wild in the election system.That has been abundantly clear in a number of voting rights cases that have come before the Roberts court since the Shelby County v Holder decision. Each one, whether massive voter roll purges in violation of the National Voter Registration Act, extreme partisan gerrymandered districts, or election laws that have a disparate impact on minorities, has been approved, either by acts of commission or omission, by the US supreme court.There are consequences.The very legitimacy of the court is at stake. Right now it’s as precariously perched as the right to vote and American democracy. Unfortunately, the Roberts court has played a major, horrific role in this preventable disaster.
      Carol Anderson is the Charles Howard Candler professor of African American studies at Emory University and the author of White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide and One Person, No Vote: How Voter Suppression is Destroying Our Democracy. She is a contributor to the Guardian
      TopicsUS politicsOpinionUS supreme courtLaw (US)US voting rightsRacecommentReuse this content More

    • 150 Shares169 Views

      in US Politics

      America faces greater division as parties draw safe seats for congressional districts

      by

      America faces greater division as parties draw safe seats for congressional districtsThe US is poised to have a staggeringly low number of competitive House seats, an alarming trend that makes it harder to govern and exacerbates political polarizationWhen millions of American voters head to the polls this autumn to vote for congressional candidates, the vast majority of their votes won’t matter at all. It’s an idea that’s anathema to the very idea of US government – that politicians are accountable to the people. But America is poised to have a staggeringly low number of competitive seats in the US House, an alarming trend that makes it harder to govern and exacerbates political polarization. States havenow redrawn 327 of the US House’s 435 districts so far as part of the once-a-decade redistricting process and the number of competitive districts is dropping, according to FiveThirtyEight. Just 26 of those districts are considered to be highly competitive, meaning either party has less than a five-point advantage in them.When redistricting is complete, there could be between 30 and 35 competitive seats, predicted Dave Wasserman, a redistricting expert for the non-partisan Cook Political Report. That could leave as much as 94% of the US House running in relatively safe seats.As the number of competitive seats falls, the number of super-safe seats is also rising. As of mid-January, the number of seats Donald Trump carried in 2020 by at least 15 points increased from 54 to 70, according to the Brennan Center for Justice. The number of districts Biden carried by at least 15 points had increased from 20 to 23.Competition in the US House has been falling for decades. Some of the decline can be attributed to the natural geographic sorting of likeminded voters choosing to live together. In 2012, after the last round of redistricting, there were 66 districts that were competitive, Wasserman said. By 2020, 51 districts were considered competitive. But politicians are also using their power to draw district lines to exacerbate the lack of competition.“Competitive seats are the grease that make the machinery of the House function. And we’ve seen an annihilation of competitive seats in the last several decades,” Wasserman said.“Redistricting is accelerating that decline and removing many of the incentives for parties to recruit candidates with broad appeal. The House is becoming less biased in favor of Republicans, but it’s also becoming more ossified because there will be more safe seats than ever – and the battlefield will be narrower,” he added.It’s a trend that will probably profoundly affect American politics. Instead of worrying about appealing to voters during a general election, candidates are pushed to the extremes of their parties, becoming more focused on fending off primary challengers. It also discourages compromise and bipartisanship, instead incentivizing politicians to brandish their ideological bonafides.“I’m very concerned about what’s happened,” said Richard Pildes, a law professor at New York University who has written about the dangers of non-competitive congressional elections. “The more members are in safe seats, the more they’re capable of acting as these kind of independent free agent politicians … it could make the House even more ungovernable.” The 116th Congress, which was in session from 2019 to 2021, was one of the least productive in US history.The lack of competition, Pildes noted, also makes the US House less responsive to changes in voters’ preferences. “You can have a three-point swing in voters’ preferences, and it’s not going to affect who’s going to be elected,” he said. No state has seen a bigger drop in competition during the redistricting cycle than Texas. Recognizing Democratic gains in the state in recent years, Republicans used their redistricting power to reconfigure district lines to shore up vulnerable seats. They reduced the number of competitive districts in the state from 12 to just one. They increased the number of solidly safe Republican seats – ones Trump would have carried by at least 15 points – from 11 to 21. They also increased the number of solidly Democratic seats from eight to 12.One of the best examples of this approach is the way that Republicans redrew the state’s 24th congressional district, which is in the Dallas-Fort Worth area. The district is represented by Beth Van Duyne, a Republican, who narrowly won the general election in 2020. Republicans reconfigured the district to make it one that Trump would have easily carried by 12 points in 2020. The Democrats excised from the district were packed into a neighboring district represented by Colin Allred, a Democrat. The packing transformed the district from one that was competitive to one that was much more reliably blue. By just moving the lines, Republicans changed two districts where incumbents were vulnerable into two safe ones.@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:300;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:300;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:400;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:400;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:500;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:500;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:600;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:600;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:900;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:900;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Titlepiece”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:normal}.scroll-wrapper{box-sizing:border-box;margin:auto;background-color:#fff;position:relative;z-index:100;border-top:1px solid #dcdcdc;margin-top:36px;margin-bottom:36px;border-bottom:1px solid #dcdcdc}@media (min-width:46.25em){.scroll-wrapper{width:740px}}@media (min-width:61.25em){.scroll-wrapper{width:960px}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.scroll-wrapper{width:1140px}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.scroll-wrapper{width:1260px}}.scroll-wrapper *{box-sizing:border-box}@media (max-width:500px){.scroll-wrapper{margin-top:24px;margin-bottom:24px}}.scroll-inner{position:-webkit-sticky;position:sticky;width:100%;top:0;height:auto}.scroll-inner.fixed-top{position:fixed}.scroll-inner.absolute-top{position:absolute}.scroll-inner.absolute-bottom{position:absolute;top:auto}@media (min-width:46.25em){.scroll-inner.absolute-bottom{bottom:0}}.scroll-inner svg{overflow:visible}.scroll-text{position:absolute;top:0;right:0;pointer-events:none}.scroll-text__div{text-align:left;max-width:620px;width:100%;margin-left:0;background-color:#fff;border:2px solid #000;box-shadow:4px 4px 0 0 rgba(0,0,0,.5);padding:10px 15px;font-size:28px;line-height:32px;font-family:”Guardian Headline”,”Guardian Egyptian Web”,”Guardian Headline Full”,Georgia,serif;font-weight:400;font-size:20px;line-height:1.5}@media (min-width:61.25em){.scroll-text__div{width:620px}}@media (max-width:500px){.scroll-text__div{font-size:16px;padding:8px 10px}}.scroll-text__div p{margin-bottom:0}.scroll-text__div span{display:inline-block;font-weight:700;padding:3px 4px 5px 4px;line-height:1}@media (max-width:500px){.scroll-text__div span{padding:1px 3px 3px 3px}}.scroll-text__div span.gop{background-color:#ef3341;color:#fff}.scroll-text__div span.dem{background-color:#056da1;color:#fff}.scroll-text__div span.district-black{background-color:#121212;color:#fff}.scroll-text__div span.district-yellow{background-color:#f5be2c;color:#fff}.scroll-text__div span.district-gray{background-color:#929297;color:#fff}.scroll-text__inner{box-sizing:border-box;height:100vh;position:relative;z-index:100}.transparent-until-active .scroll-text__inner{opacity:.25;transition:opacity .5s ease-in-out}.transparent-until-active .scroll-text__inner:first-of-type{opacity:1}.stage{height:350px;position:relative}@media (min-width:46.25em){.stage{height:500px}}@media (min-width:61.25em){.stage{height:600px}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.stage{height:700px}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.stage{height:700px}}@media (max-width:500px){.stage{height:65vh}}#stage__1{top:75px;position:relative}@media (max-width:500px){#stage__1{top:2vh}}.map{background-size:contain;background-repeat:no-repeat;transition:opacity .5s ease-in-out;height:100%;width:100%;position:absolute;top:0;left:0;opacity:0}.base{background-size:contain;background-repeat:no-repeat;height:100%;width:100%;position:absolute;top:0;left:0;opacity:1}@media (min-width:46.25em){.visual-container{padding-top:10vw}}@media (min-width:61.25em){.visual-container{padding-top:4vw}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.visual-container{padding-top:0}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.visual-container{padding-top:0}}@media (max-width:500px){.visual-container{padding-top:33vw!important}}@media (max-width:500px){#scrolly-nc-1 .visual-container,#scrolly-tx-24-32 .visual-container{padding-top:25vw}}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:300;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:300;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:400;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:400;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:500;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:500;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:600;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:600;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:900;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:900;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Titlepiece”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:normal}.element-atom,.interactive-atom{margin:0!important}.content–interactive .content__headline,.headline{font-size:32px;line-height:36px;font-family:”Guardian Egyptian Web”,”Guardian Text Egyptian Web”,Georgia,serif;font-weight:700}@media (min-width:46.25em){.content–interactive .content__headline,.headline{font-size:34px;line-height:38px}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.content–interactive .content__headline,.headline{font-size:44px;line-height:48px}}.headline{font-family:”Guardian Headline”,”Guardian Egyptian Web”,Georgia,serif;padding-top:0}.content__standfirst,.standfirst{font-weight:200;line-height:24px;font-size:18px;margin-top:24px;max-width:90%}@media (min-width:30em){.content__standfirst,.standfirst{max-width:80%}}@media (min-width:46.25em){.content__standfirst,.standfirst{max-width:540px}}@media (min-width:61.25em){.content__standfirst,.standfirst{font-size:22px;line-height:26px}}.content__head,.content__main{position:relative}.content__head:before,.content__main:before{position:absolute;top:0;height:100%;min-height:500px;content:” “;border-left:1px solid #dfdfdf}@media (min-width:71.25em){.content__head:before,.content__main:before{left:calc((100% – 1140px)/ 2 + 170px)}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.content__head:before,.content__main:before{left:calc((100% – 1300px)/ 2 + 250px)}}.content__head .byline,.content__main .byline{border-top:none!important;margin-top:5px}.u-fauxlink,a{color:#c70000;cursor:pointer;text-decoration:none}.tonal–tone-news .tone-colour{color:#c70000}.content__meta-container{background-image:repeating-linear-gradient(to bottom,#dcdcdc,#dcdcdc .0625rem,transparent .0625rem,transparent .25rem);background-repeat:repeat-x;background-position:top;-webkit-background-size:.0625rem .8125rem;background-size:.0625rem .8125rem;padding-top:12px;border-top:none}.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom,.content__main-column–interactive .element-interactive,.content__main-column–interactive .element-video,.content__main-column–interactive >h2,.content__main-column–interactive >p,.content__main-column–interactive >sub,.content__main-column–interactive >ul{max-width:620px}@media (min-width:71.25em){.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom,.content__main-column–interactive .element-interactive,.content__main-column–interactive .element-video,.content__main-column–interactive >h2,.content__main-column–interactive >p,.content__main-column–interactive >sub,.content__main-column–interactive >ul{margin-left:160px!important}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom,.content__main-column–interactive .element-interactive,.content__main-column–interactive .element-video,.content__main-column–interactive >h2,.content__main-column–interactive >p,.content__main-column–interactive >sub,.content__main-column–interactive >ul{margin-left:240px!important}}.content__main-column–interactive >p{font-size:18px}.content__main-column–interactive >p strong{background-color:none;box-shadow:none}.content__main-column–interactive >p sub{bottom:0;font-size:100%;font-family:”Guardian Headline”,”Guardian Egyptian Web”,Georgia;font-weight:700}.content__main-column–interactive >h2{font-family:”Guardian Headline”,”Guardian Egyptian Web”,Georgia;font-size:28px;line-height:1.36;font-weight:700;color:#333;margin-top:36px;margin-bottom:6px}@media (max-width:61.24em){.content__main-column–interactive >h2{font-size:24px}}.content__main-column–interactive .element-immersive{max-width:initial;margin-left:0!important;margin-bottom:48px!important;font-size:0}@media (min-width:81.25em){.content__main-column–interactive .element-immersive{width:1260px}}.content__main-column–interactive .element-showcase{max-width:860px}.content–interactive:not(.paid-content) .element-interactive{background-color:#fff}.interactive-grid{position:relative;margin-bottom:24px;margin-top:12px}.interactive-grid::after{content:” “;display:block;height:0;clear:both}.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–inline{width:100%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–inline{width:620px}}.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–showcase{width:100%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–showcase{width:860px}}.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–immersive{width:100%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–immersive{width:1260px}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–immersive{padding-top:6px;padding-bottom:6px;background-color:#fff}}.image{position:relative;width:100%}.image img{position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;object-fit:cover;object-position:50% 50%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.image.image–half{width:50%;float:left;border-right:2px solid #fff;border-bottom:2px solid #fff;box-sizing:border-box}}@media (max-width:46.24em){.image{border-right:2px solid #fff;border-bottom:2px solid #fff;box-sizing:border-box}}.image__inner{padding-bottom:100%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.image__inner{padding-bottom:60%}}.image–double .image__inner{padding-bottom:120%}.interactive-grid__caption{display:block;max-width:180px;margin-left:-10px;line-height:12px;position:absolute;bottom:24px;z-index:100}@media (min-width:46.25em){.interactive-grid–immersive .interactive-grid__caption{margin-left:-20px}}@media (max-width:46.24em){.interactive-grid__caption{bottom:auto;top:24px}}.interactive-grid__caption span{display:inline;background-color:#ffe500;font-size:14px;line-height:20px;font-family:”Guardian Text Egyptian Web”,Georgia,serif;font-style:italic;color:#000;padding:3px 2px 2px 4px;box-decoration-break:clone;-webkit-box-decoration-break:clone}@media (min-width:1135px){.content__main-column–interactive:after{content:””;display:block;height:100%;border-left:1px solid #dfdfdf;position:absolute;left:150px;top:0}}@media (min-width:1300px){.content__main-column–interactive:after{left:229px}}.interactive-atom{margin:0;padding:0}.source{padding:10px 0;text-align:left;font-family:”Guardian Text Sans Web”,”Helvetica Neue”,Helvetica,Arial,”Lucida Grande”,sans-serif;font-size:12px;line-height:15px;color:#767676}.android .article,.ios .article{overflow:visible!important} More

    • 138 Shares109 Views

      in US Politics

      A court caught Republicans discriminating against Black voters – here’s how

      by

      A court caught Republicans discriminating against Black voters – here’s howAn Alabama case tests how much Republicans can legally dilute the power of Black votersIt has been called a textbook example of discrimination against Black voters in the US. And a ruling on it from the supreme court is expected any day.It isn’t the kind of explicit voting discrimination, like poll taxes and literacy tests, that kept voters from the polls in the south during the Jim Crow era. Instead, it is more subtle. Let us walk you through the case with our visual explainer. The case focuses on Alabama, where the Republican-controlled legislature, like states across the US, recently completed the once-a-decade process of redrawing the boundaries of congressional maps. If partisan politicians exert too much control over the redistricting process, they can effectively engineer their own victories, or blunt the advantages of the other side, by allocating voters of particular political persuasions and backgrounds to particular districts.Under the new districts, Black people make up 25% of the Alabama’s population, but comprise a majority in just one of the state’s seven districts.In late January, a panel of three federal judges issued a 225-page opinion explaining how the state was discriminating against Black voters.“Black voters have less opportunity than other Alabamians to elect candidates of their choice to Congress,” the panel wrote. The judges gave Alabama 14 days to come up with a new plan and said the state had to draw two districts where Black voters comprise a majority. @font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:300;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:300;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:400;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:400;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:500;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:500;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:600;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:600;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:900;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:900;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Titlepiece”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:normal}.scroll-wrapper{box-sizing:border-box;margin:auto;background-color:#fff;position:relative;z-index:100;border-top:1px solid #dcdcdc;margin-top:36px;margin-bottom:36px;border-bottom:1px solid #dcdcdc}@media (min-width:46.25em){.scroll-wrapper{width:700px}}@media (min-width:61.25em){.scroll-wrapper{width:952px}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.scroll-wrapper{width:1118px}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.scroll-wrapper{width:1260px}}.scroll-wrapper *{box-sizing:border-box}@media (max-width:500px){.scroll-wrapper{margin-top:24px;margin-bottom:24px}}.scroll-inner{position:-webkit-sticky;position:sticky;width:100%;top:0;height:auto}.scroll-inner.fixed-top{position:fixed}.scroll-inner.absolute-top{position:absolute}.scroll-inner.absolute-bottom{position:absolute;top:auto}@media (min-width:46.25em){.scroll-inner.absolute-bottom{bottom:0}}.scroll-inner svg{overflow:visible}.scroll-text{position:absolute;top:0;right:0;pointer-events:none}.scroll-text__div{text-align:left;max-width:620px;width:100%;margin-left:0;background-color:#fff;border:2px solid #000;box-shadow:4px 4px 0 0 rgba(0,0,0,.5);padding:10px 15px;font-size:28px;line-height:32px;font-family:”Guardian Headline”,”Guardian Egyptian Web”,”Guardian Headline Full”,Georgia,serif;font-weight:400;font-size:20px;line-height:1.5}@media (min-width:61.25em){.scroll-text__div{width:620px}}@media (max-width:500px){.scroll-text__div{font-size:16px;padding:8px 10px}}.scroll-text__div p{margin-bottom:0}.scroll-text__div span{display:inline-block;font-weight:700;padding:3px 4px 5px 4px;line-height:1}@media (max-width:500px){.scroll-text__div span{padding:1px 3px 3px 3px}}.scroll-text__div span.gop{background-color:#ef3341;color:#fff}.scroll-text__div span.dem{background-color:#056da1;color:#fff}.scroll-text__div span.district-black{background-color:#121212;color:#fff}.scroll-text__div span.district-yellow{background-color:#f5be2c;color:#fff}.scroll-text__div span.district-gray{background-color:#929297;color:#fff}.scroll-text__inner{box-sizing:border-box;height:100vh;position:relative;z-index:100}.transparent-until-active .scroll-text__inner{opacity:.25;transition:opacity .5s ease-in-out}.transparent-until-active .scroll-text__inner:first-of-type{opacity:1}.stage{height:401px;position:relative}@media (min-width:46.25em){.stage{height:500px}}@media (min-width:61.25em){.stage{height:600px}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.stage{height:706px}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.stage{height:780px}}@media (max-width:500px){.stage{height:71vh}}#stage__1{top:75px;position:relative}@media (max-width:500px){#stage__1{top:2vh}}.map{background-size:contain;background-repeat:no-repeat;transition:opacity .5s ease-in-out;height:100%;width:100%;position:absolute;top:0;left:0;opacity:0}.base{background-size:contain;background-repeat:no-repeat;height:100%;width:100%;position:absolute;top:0;left:0;opacity:1}@media (min-width:46.25em){.visual-container{padding-top:10vw}}@media (min-width:61.25em){.visual-container{padding-top:4vw}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.visual-container{padding-top:0}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.visual-container{padding-top:0}}@media (max-width:500px){.visual-container{padding-top:20vw!important}}@media (max-width:500px){#scrolly-nc-1 .visual-container,#scrolly-tx-24-32 .visual-container{padding-top:25vw}}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Light.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:300;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-LightItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:300;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Regular.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:400;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-RegularItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:400;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Medium.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:500;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-MediumItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:500;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Semibold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:600;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-SemiboldItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:600;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Bold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BoldItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-Black.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:900;font-style:normal}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Headline Full”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GHGuardianHeadline-BlackItalic.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:900;font-style:italic}@font-face{font-family:”Guardian Titlepiece”;src:url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.woff2) format(“woff2”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.woff) format(“woff”),url(https://interactive.guim.co.uk/fonts/garnett/GTGuardianTitlepiece-Bold.ttf) format(“truetype”);font-weight:700;font-style:normal}.element-atom,.interactive-atom{margin:0!important}.content–interactive .content__headline,.headline{font-size:32px;line-height:36px;font-family:”Guardian Egyptian Web”,”Guardian Text Egyptian Web”,Georgia,serif;font-weight:700}@media (min-width:46.25em){.content–interactive .content__headline,.headline{font-size:34px;line-height:38px}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.content–interactive .content__headline,.headline{font-size:44px;line-height:48px}}.headline{font-family:”Guardian Headline”,”Guardian Egyptian Web”,Georgia,serif;padding-top:0}.content__standfirst,.standfirst{font-weight:200;line-height:24px;font-size:18px;margin-top:24px;max-width:90%}@media (min-width:30em){.content__standfirst,.standfirst{max-width:80%}}@media (min-width:46.25em){.content__standfirst,.standfirst{max-width:540px}}@media (min-width:61.25em){.content__standfirst,.standfirst{font-size:22px;line-height:26px}}.content__head,.content__main{position:relative}.content__head:before,.content__main:before{position:absolute;top:0;height:100%;min-height:500px;content:” “;border-left:1px solid #dfdfdf}@media (min-width:71.25em){.content__head:before,.content__main:before{left:calc((100% – 1140px)/ 2 + 170px)}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.content__head:before,.content__main:before{left:calc((100% – 1300px)/ 2 + 250px)}}.content__head .byline,.content__main .byline{border-top:none!important;margin-top:5px}.u-fauxlink,a{color:#c70000;cursor:pointer;text-decoration:none}.tonal–tone-news .tone-colour{color:#c70000}.content__meta-container{background-image:repeating-linear-gradient(to bottom,#dcdcdc,#dcdcdc .0625rem,transparent .0625rem,transparent .25rem);background-repeat:repeat-x;background-position:top;-webkit-background-size:.0625rem .8125rem;background-size:.0625rem .8125rem;padding-top:12px;border-top:none}.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom,.content__main-column–interactive .element-interactive,.content__main-column–interactive .element-video,.content__main-column–interactive >h2,.content__main-column–interactive >p,.content__main-column–interactive >sub,.content__main-column–interactive >ul{max-width:620px}@media (min-width:71.25em){.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom,.content__main-column–interactive .element-interactive,.content__main-column–interactive .element-video,.content__main-column–interactive >h2,.content__main-column–interactive >p,.content__main-column–interactive >sub,.content__main-column–interactive >ul{margin-left:160px!important}}@media (min-width:81.25em){.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom,.content__main-column–interactive .element-interactive,.content__main-column–interactive .element-video,.content__main-column–interactive >h2,.content__main-column–interactive >p,.content__main-column–interactive >sub,.content__main-column–interactive >ul{margin-left:240px!important}}.content__main-column–interactive >p{font-size:18px}.content__main-column–interactive >p strong{background-color:none;box-shadow:none}.content__main-column–interactive >p sub{bottom:0;font-size:100%;font-family:”Guardian Headline”,”Guardian Egyptian Web”,Georgia;font-weight:700}.content__main-column–interactive >h2{font-family:”Guardian Headline”,”Guardian Egyptian Web”,Georgia;font-size:28px;line-height:1.36;font-weight:700;color:#333;margin-top:36px;margin-bottom:6px}@media (max-width:61.24em){.content__main-column–interactive >h2{font-size:24px}}.content__main-column–interactive .element-immersive{max-width:initial;margin-left:0!important;margin-bottom:48px!important;font-size:0}@media (min-width:81.25em){.content__main-column–interactive .element-immersive{width:1260px}}.content__main-column–interactive .element-showcase{max-width:860px}.content–interactive:not(.paid-content) .element-interactive{background-color:#fff}.interactive-grid{position:relative;margin-bottom:24px;margin-top:12px}.interactive-grid::after{content:” “;display:block;height:0;clear:both}.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–inline{width:100%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–inline{width:620px}}.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–showcase{width:100%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–showcase{width:860px}}.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–immersive{width:100%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–immersive{width:1260px}}@media (min-width:71.25em){.interactive-grid.interactive-grid–immersive{padding-top:6px;padding-bottom:6px;background-color:#fff}}.image{position:relative;width:100%}.image img{position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;object-fit:cover;object-position:50% 50%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.image.image–half{width:50%;float:left;border-right:2px solid #fff;border-bottom:2px solid #fff;box-sizing:border-box}}@media (max-width:46.24em){.image{border-right:2px solid #fff;border-bottom:2px solid #fff;box-sizing:border-box}}.image__inner{padding-bottom:100%}@media (min-width:46.25em){.image__inner{padding-bottom:60%}}.image–double .image__inner{padding-bottom:120%}.interactive-grid__caption{display:block;max-width:180px;margin-left:-10px;line-height:12px;position:absolute;bottom:24px;z-index:100}@media (min-width:46.25em){.interactive-grid–immersive .interactive-grid__caption{margin-left:-20px}}@media (max-width:46.24em){.interactive-grid__caption{bottom:auto;top:24px}}.interactive-grid__caption span{display:inline;background-color:#ffe500;font-size:14px;line-height:20px;font-family:”Guardian Text Egyptian Web”,Georgia,serif;font-style:italic;color:#000;padding:3px 2px 2px 4px;box-decoration-break:clone;-webkit-box-decoration-break:clone}@media (min-width:1135px){.content__main-column–interactive:after{content:””;display:block;height:100%;border-left:1px solid #dfdfdf;position:absolute;left:150px;top:0}}@media (min-width:1300px){.content__main-column–interactive:after{left:229px}}.interactive-atom{margin:0;padding:0}.source{padding:10px 0;text-align:left;font-family:”Guardian Text Sans Web”,”Helvetica Neue”,Helvetica,Arial,”Lucida Grande”,sans-serif;font-size:12px;line-height:15px;color:#767676}.android .article,.ios .article{overflow:visible!important}.content__meta-container_dcr img{max-width:130px} More

    • 163 Shares199 Views

      in US Politics

      The US state that fought back after Republicans tried to rig its elections

      by

      The US state that fought back after Republicans tried to rig its electionsDespite a flurry of legal action and very public disputes between members, Michigan has produced some of the fairest voting maps in the US In recent months, Michigan should have been a hotbed for attempts to rig elections, like it was in 2011. That year, the Republican-led legislature distorted the voting maps so that the GOP was able to win nine of Michigan’s 14 congressional seats despite never earning more than 50.5% of the vote statewide.After Democrats’ historic defeat on voting rights, what happens next?Read moreA decade later, as the redistricting cycle has come around again, the dynamics are just as toxic. The battleground state broke for Joe Biden by fewer than 155,000 votes, and the Republican-controlled legislature has fought endlessly with the Democratic governor about election “audits”, voter IDs and absentee ballots.But this cycle, the state’s redistricting commission has pulled off something remarkable. Despite a flurry of legal action and very public disputes between members, it has produced some of the fairest maps in the US. How did it manage it – and will the maps survive?Neither party was involved in drawing new maps, a process that is open to abuse if politicians are allowed to allocate particular voters to particular districts in order to guarantee a win there. Instead, the responsibility fell to 13 Michiganders – four Democrats, four Republicans and five independents – who were randomly selected by the state.Get the latest updates on voting rights in the Guardian’s Fight to vote newsletterThe Michigan Independent Citizens’ Redistricting Commission (MICRC) includes a foster care worker, a retired banker, an aspiring orthopedic surgeon, a mother of six, a college student and a real estate broker.MICRC, and the approach it epitomizes, came about thanks to Katie Fahey, a Michigan resident and political novice who posted a message on Facebook two days after the 2016 presidential election. She said she wanted to take on gerrymandering and eventually recruited more than 14,000 volunteers to campaign for an amendment to the state’s constitution. It passed with 61% of the vote and created the commission, one of the most successful ways to unrig the redistricting process so far and a potential model for other states.Combatting gerrymandering is no small feat. In 35 states, partisan politicians in the legislatures are mostly or fully in charge of redistricting, and of the maps that have been released and evaluated by the Princeton Gerrymandering Project so far, the average grade is a “D”. States led by both Republicans and Democrats – including Maryland, Texas, North Carolina, Oregon, Ohio, Wisconsin and Illinois – earned the lowest possible grade.While Republicans haven’t gerrymandered as much as Democrats originally feared – in fact, the number of Democratic-leaning seats could increase by a few this year – both parties have nearly eliminated their competition. Of the 287 completed congressional districts, only 42 (14.6%) are competitive, and 13 states have passed maps with zero competitive districts, according to an analysis from the Princeton Gerrymandering Project and RepresentUs.Part of MICRC’s success is that it’s almost entirely insulated from the legislature. In December of 2019, applications to MICRC were randomly sent to 250,000 citizens. The pool of respondents was then trimmed (at random) to 200, though 60 of the applicants had to self identify as Republicans, 60 as Democrats, and 80 affiliated with neither party. At this point, Democrats and Republicans in the legislature were allowed to strike up to 10 commissioners each, after which the final 13 were then chosen, again at random.The results were nearly revolutionary. During perhaps one of the most contentious political processes of the decade, MICRC was able to find cross-partisan agreement. Their final congressional map was approved by eight of the commission’s 13 members – two Republicans, two Democrats, and four independents – and will go into effect before the primaries this year.The congressional map was graded “A” by the Princeton Gerrymandering Project.However, the process still has its critics.Republicans filed a lawsuit claiming that the map arbitrarily “fragments counties, townships, and municipalities” and that it allows too much population deviation between congressional districts.Meanwhile, good government groups were upset about the committee’s first closed-door meeting, and several media outlets sued to have records from the event released to the public. In late December, MICRC turned over documents showing that it was preparing for litigation about how it split Black voters across different districts, while previously they were geographically more concentrated.On 5 January, ​​members of the Michigan house of representatives representing Detroit and others challenged the commission’s maps, arguing that they dilute the voting strength of Black voters, particularly in and around Detroit.However, proving that point in court will be difficult, expensive and time-consuming, says Michael Li, senior counsel for the Brennan Center’s Democracy Program.Federal law dictates that minority voters have the opportunity to elect their candidate of choice, but it doesn’t set a specific threshold for what percentage of voters in a district need to be of that minority group.Li suggested that even if the challenge succeeds, it will probably lead to relatively minor changes around Detroit, as opposed to the commission having to start from scratch.Still, the pressure of drawing – and then having to defend – the map seems to be wearing on the commissioners. One accused the group’s chair of bullying her and introduced a motion to censure her, and members have even disagreed over whether to produce a “lessons learned” documentary about the process, with two refusing to participate at all.Since at least early December, commissioners have also voiced skepticism of their general counsel, who resigned abruptly last week.The episode underscores a potential lesson for states looking to adopt a similar style of commission: non-politicians may be better able to work across party lines but might must be prepared for the rancor, criticism and partisan lawsuits that follow.If the goal is fairer maps, though, the trade-off may be worth it.“On the whole, these maps are really good maps,” says Li, “and markedly different than what we’re seeing around the country.”TopicsMichiganThe fight to voteUS voting rightsUS politicsfeaturesReuse this content More

    • 175 Shares129 Views

      in US Politics

      Republicans’ redistricting maps are motivated entirely by race – not politics | Michael Harriot

      by

      Republicans’ redistricting maps are motivated entirely by race – not politicsMichael HarriotThere has been a subtle campaign to redefine racism by the intent and not the effects of discriminatory actions, even as gerrymandered maps diminish the power of Black voters Although the phrase “All politics is local” is usually attributed to Tip O’Neill Jr, a former speaker of the US House of Representatives, the aphorism probably originated in the February 1932 Associated Press column “Politics at Random”, when the Washington bureau chief, Byron Price, wrote: “All politics is local politics.” As valid as Price’s summarization of inside-the-Beltway politics may be, there is probably a more accurate way to describe the All American sport of civic power-brokering:All politics is racial.Over the last quarter-century, white voters have overwhelmingly identified with the GOP while every other racial and ethnic group – Black, Hispanic and Asian American voters – consistently identify with the Democratic party. This unwavering reality reduces the machinations of each political party to a game of demographic mathematics, especially in racially diverse parts of the country, where one truisim dominates local politics: when non-white people can’t vote, Republicans win.Perhaps the starkest example of this racial divide is Alabama, where white people make up 69% of the population and are 89% of the Republican electorate. By comparison, the state is 27% African American, 80% of whom identify as Democrat. Six of the seven Democrats in the Alabama senate are Black, as are 26 of the 27 Democratic members of the house. In 2022, Kenneth Paschal became the first Black person to represent the Republican party in the Alabama state legislature since Reconstruction. Contrary to what Price would say, politics is not local here. In Alabama, regardless of the location, “white voter” is synonymous with “Republican” and “Black” means “Democrat”.Perhaps this reality is why last Monday, a federal court threw out the state’s congressional map that disenfranchised Black voters across the state. The three-judge panel explained that the congressional redistricting plan created by Alabama’s Republican-controlled legislature meant that “Black voters have less opportunity than other Alabamians to elect candidates of their choice to Congress.” The previous map packed the two Blackest cities in one congressional district, splitting the rest of the state’s Black population – three of the five largest cities in the state – among three majority-white districts that have been safely Republican for years. The judges gave the white (Republican) lawmakers 14 days to draw new districts that did not violate the Voting Rights Act of 1965.Alabama Republicans vowed to appeal the ruling to the US supreme court, where the court’s conservative majority ruled in 2019 that disenfranchising Black voters is perfectly fine as long as the gerrymanderers’ intent was partisan and not racial. “If district lines were drawn for the purpose of separating racial groups, then they are subject to strict scrutiny because ‘race-based decisionmaking is inherently suspect,” wrote Chief Justice John Roberts in the majority opinion. “But determining that lines were drawn on the basis of partisanship does not indicate that the districting was improper. A permissible intent – securing partisan advantage – does not become constitutionally impermissible, like racial discrimination, when that permissible intent “predominates”.Herein lies the problem with politics, conservative ideology and America in general. For years, there has been a subtle campaign to redefine racism by the intent and not the effects of discriminatory actions. According to this new American translation, disenfranchising entire communities by suppressing their voting power is not necessarily racist as long as the person didn’t mean to be racist. And, because there are very few people willing to stand in front of the world and confess to their racial prejudices, anyone is allowed to discriminate as long as they don’t articulate their racism out loud. However, this cleverly constructed loophole only applies to racism. America’s jurisprudence system has found a way to convict people for unintentional murder and hold people accountable for car accidents, but somehow white people are innocent until proven racist.But in the case of the Alabama Republican-controlled legislature, there is actual proof.A few weeks after justices sitting on America’s highest court decided that there was nothing they could do about North Carolina disenfranchising hundreds of thousands of Black citizens, the daughter of the man who pioneered using race to redraw political maps leaked the contents of her recently deceased father’s hard drive, revealing that North Carolina’s redistricting plan was about race all along. Known as the “Master of the Modern Gerrymander”, Thomas Hofeller had only considered race when drawing the maps for North Carolina. The proposed maps even included a plan that would have allowed the state to elect an all-white legislature.But the leaked files also revealed that Hofeller was the main architect of redistricting plans for states across the country, including Alabama. Hofeller’s files included emails and proposals from then Alabama state House redistricting commission chair Representative Jim McClendon, who included racial data, census maps broken down by race and … well, nothing else. The basis for McClendon and Hofeller’s plan for Alabama wasn’t mostly about race; it seems as if it was only about race. After serving in the Alabama house for 12 years, McClendon was elected to the state senate in 2014, where he co-chaired the senate commission whose gerrymandered maps were thrown out by the federal court. It was probably a coincidence. I’m sure he didn’t mean to do it.Alabama is not an outlier in this phenomenon. Republican-controlled legislatures in Georgia, Tennessee, Texas, Missouri and Wisconsin have submitted gerrymandered maps that diminish the power of Black voters. Of course, they won’t admit that the redistricting plans are solely motivated by race because, according to the New American definition, that would make it racist. According to America’s highest legal authorities, there is nothing wrong with stealing the voices of Black people and accidentally murdering their opportunity to participate in democracy. After all, it has nothing to do with racism.It’s just politics.
      Michael Harriot is a writer and author of the upcoming book Black AF History: The Unwhitewashed Story of America
      TopicsUS voting rightsOpinionRaceUS politicsAlabamaRepublicanscommentReuse this content More