As the sun dipped on a crisp autumnal evening in southern Georgia, Lauren Voyle stood in line for a front-row seat on the makeshift risers at the Valdosta regional airport. Donald Trump was due to arrive on the tarmac in a few hours’ time.
It was the first time the president would hold a rally since losing the election in November and Voyle, who wore a blue Trump 2020 cap with the slogan “Keep Liberals Crying” on the rim, had driven four and a half hours from Cuming, a small city in the northern part of the state, to witness what she described as a historic moment.
The president had ostensibly travelled to Georgia to canvass for the two Republican senate candidates, David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler, before a critical runoff election in January. But he spent the vast majority of an incoherent, 90-minute monologue spreading baseless disinformation about a rigged election, continuing to claim victory after losing by more than 7 million votes. Georgia election officials, meanwhile, have done three separate counts of the presidential vote, each time confirming Biden’s victory in the state.
Some national Republicans fear that Trump’s continued denial of the results could have major consequences for the party in January, when this Senate election will determine control of the upper chamber. With over 70% of Republicans, according to recent polling, now believing that November’s presidential election was not “free and fair”, there are concerns that a collapse in trust in electoral processes could cost conservatives dearly at the ballot box.
With the Senate election likely to be decided by a thin margin – both Democratic candidates, Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock, are slightly ahead, according to recent polls – even a small drop in turnout on either side could have significant consequences. In many ways, Voyle was the embodiment of their worst nightmare: a staunch Republican who would not turn up to vote again.
“We really believe this election was crooked,” said the 57-year-old, who voted in the November election. “I won’t [vote] next time unless they give us a clean election with paper ballots, IDs and fingerprints. I’m not doing Dominion machines.”
Although Trump urged supporters during his speech to turn out for Loeffler and Perdue, he also regurgitated many of the conspiracy theories about Dominion voting software and identification issues that Voyle described.
Of the dozen people interviewed by the Guardian at Trump’s rally, all said they had mostly stopped watching Fox News, which faced the fury of Trump after accurately calling the election for Joe Biden, shifting their attention to Newsmax and the One America News Network, two fringe channels propagating baseless election fraud claims recently championed by the president.
Even among some of those who did plan to vote, there remained a distinct lack of enthusiasm for the two Republican Senate candidates without Trump on the top of the ticket.
“I’m not feeling it for either of them, but I’ll vote,” said Tammy Bailey, who had driven three hours south to attend in person. She added: “I feel like they’re both part of the deep state,” suggesting neither candidate had shown enough support for Trump’s efforts to subvert the election results.
Loeffler and Perdue have walked a rhetorical tightrope during their second election season, on the one hand declining to articulate the full-throated, baseless claims of widespread fraud that Trump has propagated while on the otherdeclining to recognize Biden as the president-elect and offering their backing for desperate legal bids to overturn the result.
On Sunday, during a televised debate, Loeffler, a multimillionaire businesswoman, declined three times to acknowledge the result, instead arguing that Trump had “every right to every legal recourse”.
Democrats in the state are quietly confident that this confusing messaging will play into their hands. “While they’re scrambling to make clear sense to their base, our message is clear and unified,” said one source close to the Ossoff campaign.
In his effort to undermine Georgia’s election results, Trump has also attacked two of the top Republicans in the state, Governor Brian Kemp and Brad Raffensperger, the secretary of state. Despite Trump’s howling, both men have refused to acquiesce to his request and Raffensperger has loudly dismissed allegations the election was rigged against Trump. Raffensperger has said that Trump’s own criticism of voting by mail cost him the election in Georgia.
Asked whether the president’s attacks were hurting Republicans’ chances of winning the runoff, Raffensperger told the Guardian it would be “helpful” to separate the general election and the coming vote.
“The most helpful thing for the senators is obviously to have everyone focused on them getting re-elected in the runoff election,” Raffensperger said. “It’s very tough, I understand, to really bifurcate the issue of the presidential race from the senatorial runoffs, but the better that the state party and the candidates do that, the better it really is.”
“I would never tell anyone not to turn out to vote. I don’t know why someone would do that. All the true blue, or I guess true red Republicans, we’ll be all out there, making sure that we vote for our senators,” he added.
Raffensperger, who certified Georgia’s election results for Biden last month, has received threats against him and his family for doing so, and urged leaders from both sides “to condemn violence and threats of violence”.
The attacks have also made it harder for local election officials to prepare for the runoff. Janine Eveler, the director of elections and registration in Cobb county, which encompasses the Atlanta suburbs, said she had been getting about 50 calls and emails a day from people concerned about the election.
“It has taken away time that we could be working on the election to field all of their questions,” she said, adding that it was extremely difficult to convince the callers there had not been fraud. “They are unwilling to listen to any rebuttal of that. It’s fruitless. You can’t really explain anything to anybody because they’re not willing to listen.”
Eveler said the attacks had taken a toll on election workers. She said her office had lost about 15 workers for the runoffs, which she attributed to a combination of concerns about Covid, burnout, and the attacks.
“The public scrutiny over things, the accusations of wrongdoing that we’ve endured is very discouraging to people,” she said. “They don’t make a lot of money. And they’re working really hard. And to be accused of fraudulent activity, it’s hard for people. Their pictures are in the newspaper all the time, counting ballots.”
The lack of staffing has also meant Cobb county has had to cut by half the number of early voting sites for the runoff, a move that drew strong objections from civil rights groups who said the few sites that were available were not adequately accessible for minority voters. Cobb county is one of the largest in Georgia, home to more than 537,000 registered voters, and flipped to Biden in November – the first time the county had chosen a Democratic candidate in 40 years.
Eveler acknowledged the accessibility was a problem and said the county was moving one site and working on a plan to ramp up staffing and open two additional locations during the final week of early voting.
Republicans in the Georgia state legislature have already signaled they intend to use the uncertainty Trump created around the election to implement new restrictions on voting by mail. State Republicans said this month they planned to move legislation that would require photo ID with a mail-in ballot, eliminate ballot drop boxes and require an excuse to vote by mail – a rule that exists in just a handful of states.
“I can’t understand why all of a sudden now we have to have these barriers to vote by mail,” said Helen Butler, executive director of the Georgia Coalition for the People’s Agenda, a civil rights group that helps expand access to the polls. “When the other side used it – and I’m just gonna be honest, more white people used vote by mail than people of color, because they didn’t trust the process – now that we’ve got them trusting the process, now they want to go in and change the rules.”
National Democrats, too, see Trump’s efforts to undermine the process as a long-term danger to democracy across the country, which could extend well beyond the election in Georgia.
At an Ossoff campaign rally in the city of Lilburn, just outside Atlanta, Julián Castro, the former presidential candidate and US housing secretary, paused in the cold to reflect on the post-election circus.
“The attacks that Donald Trump is launching against the basic foundations of our democracy are dangerous. They are the types of things that can weaken the common agreement we all have of participating in democracy, believing in it, supporting it and abiding by it,” he told the Guardian.
“All because this man acts like a child and can’t put the needs of the country above his own selfish needs.”
Source: US Politics - theguardian.com
