US Politics

Pelosi accuses Republicans of treating climate crisis like ‘it’s all a hoax’ at Cop27Democrat makes surprise appearance at climate summit as midterms forecasts predict Republicans will take the House Nancy Pelosi has accused Republicans of treating the climate crisis like “it’s all a hoax” while at the Cop27 climate talks in Egypt, where the US delegation is attempting to remain upbeat about continued progress on dealing with global heating despite uncertainty over the midterm election results.Pelosi, the speaker of the House of Representatives, made a surprise appearance at the climate summit in Sharm el-Sheikh on Thursday. The trip may be one of Pelosi’s last as speaker, with most forecasts predicting Republicans will eke out a narrow majority in the House.There has been “shall we say, a disagreement on the subject” of the climate crisis between the parties, Pelosi said at Cop27, adding that Republicans have said “‘Why are we having this discussion? There is no climate crisis. It’s all a hoax.’ We have to get over that. This is urgent, long overdue.“So we cannot just have any political disagreement or the power of the fossil fuel industry cramping our style as we go forward with this, but to show a path that gets us to where we need to be,” Pelosi said. Pelosi’s appearance at Cop27 comes at a critical point for the future of democracy in the US and the future of the planet. Joe Biden was able to pass the country’s most significant piece of climate legislation this year because Democrats have the majority in both the House and the Senate. With that set to change, the mounting anger at the US for obstructing meaningful global climate action, despite being the world’s largest polluter and richest country, may only get worse.Kathy Castor, a Democrat from Florida who chairs the House subcommittee on the climate crisis, predicted Republicans would axe her committee should they gain power. “They have not really been partners in tackling the climate crisis, and it’s inexplicable because the world’s top scientists tell us we are running out of time,” Castor said.Biden will appear at Cop27 on Friday and a delegation of his cabinet members have already descended upon Sharm el-Sheikh to stress to other, skeptical, countries that the US, which has swerved erratically on climate policy over the years and under Donald Trump completely abandoned the crisis, will still be engaged on fighting global heating even if Republicans do secure Congress.“I think the United States is seen favorably here based on the actions taken in the last two years,” Michael Regan, administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), told the Guardian.Regan, who appearing at a number of events at Cop27, cited the inflation reduction act, which includes more than $370bn in climate spending, and the administration’s actions to promote environmental justice.“Polls suggest climate change isn’t a top-tier issue, but most families are focused on keeping a roof over their heads and putting food on the table … so it’s not surprising some issues were registering a little higher than climate change,” Regan said of the midterm elections.“But climate change hasn’t fallen off the list, it’s still a top priority. You don’t even have to trust scientists any more, you just have to look out of the window or put on the news. People are smart enough to see this isn’t some long-term conspiracy theory.”Faced with inconclusive midterm election results, the mood among many veteran climate activists and negotiators from developing countries is one of indifference, as they have seen little difference between the Democrats and Republicans over the past three decades when it comes to the most crucial climate issues like finance and market solutions.Representatives of developing countries have criticized the US at Cop27 for repeatedly failing to deliver promised funding to help them deal with the crippling impacts of floods, fires and droughts, as well as transition to clean energy. Poorer nations are pushing for “loss and damage” finance to help them cope with the climate crisis. John Kerry, the US climate envoy, has admitted that further funding would be unlikely should Republicans gain control of Congress.“The main difference is that at least the Democrats don’t deny climate change, and of course it matters inside America as without the Democrats the Inflation Reduction Act would not have passed, but on the global stage it makes no difference,” said Meena Raman, a climate policy expert from Third World Network and adviser to developing countries at the Cop summits.“It’s the same negotiators, the same blockages, the same bullying, and even now the planet is burning, the US doesn’t change and gets what it wants. It continues to deny its historic responsibility, emphasize the private sector and loans, and uses China as the bogeyman to distract attention away from its unfulfilled pledges.”US greenhouse gas emissions are rising, with plans to vastly expand gas production and fines for oil companies which don’t up extraction.Asad Rehman, director of War on Want and a coordinator of the climate justice groups at Cop27, said: “We are faced with a choice of Republicans who are climate denialists whilst the Democrats are mitigation denialists – happy to speak about the climate emergency but it’s simply hollow words.“From Bush to Biden the USA continues to block real finance, tinker with its emissions and are sacrificing billions to climate catastrophe while expanding fossil fuels which will sacrifice billions to climate catastrophe.”TopicsNancy PelosiCop27Climate crisisUS midterm elections 2022US politicsRepublicansDemocratsnewsReuse this content More

Trump paved Ron DeSantis’s way. Now apprentice has turned on masterCas MuddeTrump unleashed a revolution that opened the door to people like DeSantis. Now the Florida governor and his supporters want to continue that revolution without its original leader The day after the midterm elections, the knives were out for Donald Trump. On rightwing social media, people were emotionally debating the alleged toxicity of the former president and his hand-picked nominees, while Fox News highlighted the victory of the Georgia secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, emphasizing that he is “reviled by Trump”, while heralding the “dominating win” of the Florida governor, Ron DeSantis. A Fox News contributor pronounced DeSantis “the new Republican party leader”. In fact, the idea that DeSantis is the big Republican winner of the midterms – and Trump the big loser – seems to be the broad consensus in today’s media.There is, of course, at least one dissonant voice: Trump himself. Sensing that the tables are turning rapidly, he went on Fox News to warn DeSantis to stay out of the 2024 presidential election. In his typical mafioso way, Trump said, “I don’t know if he is running. I think if he runs, he could hurt himself very badly. I really believe he could hurt himself badly.”There is no doubt that DeSantis had a great night. He won his own race convincingly, while delivering three new House seats to the Republican party, courtesy of his blatantly partisan gerrymandering. At the same time, DeSantis did less than 2% better than Marco Rubio in the Senate race, putting some doubt on his particular appeal. Moreover, as too few media noted, Florida Republicans undoubtedly profited from DeSantis’s years-long campaign of voter intimidation, which entailed unleashing a newly created “vote-fraud squad” on mostly innocent voters; against the broader national trend, Democratic turnout seemed significantly down in Florida.It is important to note that the shift from Trump to DeSantis does not indicate a return to “normal”, in the sense of old-school conservatism. DeSantis and Trump are both clearly far right and there is little ideological space between the two. Rather, it is about strategy and style. As far as Republican voters had any problems with Trump during his presidency, it was always more about his delivery than about his policies. It is not just his style but also his strategy – Trump largely operates outside of the traditional party establishment and political system.Trump is not a politician and has no desire to become one. In sharp contrast, DeSantis is and has already significant political experience with running one of the biggest states in the country in terms of both economic power and population. Whereas Trump mainly shouts from the sidelines, respecting neither the institutions of liberal democracy nor the political practices of Washington, DeSantis practices what Princeton professor Kim Lane Scheppele calls “democratic erosion by law”: the weakening of liberal democracy from within both the legal and the political system.In this way, the turn from DeSantis to Trump mirrors developments in Europe, where crude far-right politicians like Matteo Salvini are being “upgraded” to more subtle peers like Giorgia Meloni. It is, if you will, the Orbánization of the far right. The Hungarian leader is the prime example of democratic erosion by law, having effectively destroyed democracy in Hungary by perfectly legal means. It is no coincidence that Orbán is a hero of the so-called “national conservative” wing of the Republican party – mostly politicians with law degrees, such as DeSantis and Josh Hawley.What Trump lacks in legal and political expertise, however, he compensates in charisma, something DeSantis sorely lacks. The Florida governor has gained nationwide Republican support by what he does, not by who he is. DeSantis is a rather uninspiring speaker who neither draws large crowds nor captivates smaller ones. It is his actual fights with “woke capitalism”, in the form of Disney, or “woke academia”, in the form of the University of Florida, that supporters point to. As he bragged in his victory speech on Tuesday night, “Florida is where woke goes to die.”Moreover, DeSantis lacks that unique quality of Trump, authenticity, something the former president identified in bestowing the new moniker “Ron DeSanctimonious”. And while Trump, rather uncharacteristically, seems to have dropped the nickname for now – after a barrage of criticism from rightwing media – you better believe he will return to it, or to even worse names, should he face DeSantis in a Republican primary.Poll after poll might show the divisive nature of Trump, as well as his dropping favorability among both independents and Republicans, but he was still twice as popular among Republicans before the midterms. Although this can change rapidly, particularly if Fox News would support DeSantis over Trump, Trump will continue to command a modest but highly mobilized hardcore – who could make or break Republican candidates in many races, including the presidential one.While DeSantis’s star might be rising, the Republican party remains at the mercy of Trump. The former president unleashed a revolution within the Republican party that has opened the door to people like DeSantis. Now the Florida governor and his supporters have less than two years to figure out how to continue that revolution without its original leader.
Cas Mudde is a Guardian US columnist and the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF professor in the school of public and international affairs at the University of Georgia
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It’s time for the Democrats to move past Donald TrumpSamuel MoynAs long as the Democrats wage war on Trump, they avoid the more important work of building a New Deal-style majority America’s midterm elections proved that the era of Donald Trump is passing. But it returns the Democrats and Republicans to the struggle for a working majority after decades of failed policies. It is a struggle that Trump’s ascendancy kicked off – but also postponed with rounds of distraction by his high jinks and obsession with his persona, even after Joe Biden’s 2020 victory.The result that shocked so many in the fall of 2016 was a popular rejection of ruling elites who shared a great deal across partisan lines. Backlash at the economic neoliberalism and endless wars of the age of Ronald Reagan – which later presidents including Democrats Bill Clinton and Barack Obama comfortably inhabited – allowed Trump a victory against mainstream Republicans and then against Hillary Clinton. It nearly allowed Bernie Sanders to break through as presidential candidate in 2016 and 2020; if Sanders failed while Trump succeeded, it was more because of Republican disorganization than because their complaints against both parties were different (though their solutions were).Trump’s march back to power has faltered. Now comes the real challenge for the global left | Martin KettleRead moreIn the six years since, Trump’s bizarre charisma has waylaid both parties. Neither has sought a credible politician and working majority that together might allow replacing the failed policies of the past. Instead, both declared war on Trump himself.As the evanescent Never Trump movement among Republicans rose and fell, Democrats chose an avoidant strategy. Putting Trump himself on perpetual trial as if their own policies had not helped make possible his credibility to millions, Democrats first embraced Robert Mueller as a deus ex machina. When he failed to conform to the script, two impeachments were tried. Even their magnification of the frightening events of 6 January 2021 in congressional hearings in the last year – which had far less impact on yesterday’s election than they hoped – fit the avoidant pattern.The results have been that, even as they presented democracy on the brink and fascism on the march, Democrats have failed to build the transracial working-class majority that alone can get the country beyond the gridlock brought on by the death throes in both parties of the Reagan paradigm.Democrats did far better than expected. How come? | Matthew YglesiasRead moreTo his credit, Joe Biden talked a lot about the need for fundamental change, and he was glowingly described as a new version of Franklin D Roosevelt by his fan club. But 2022 proves that he did not provide enough of the goods. Converting a promise to “build back better” into corporate-friendly versions of climate and infrastructure spending, Biden was forced to abandon any commitment to basic welfare protections. And while at first Congress spent a lot, its largesse didn’t trickle down to ordinary people soon enough to stave off the current results.Roosevelt’s popularity surged after his initial election in 1932, and his own first midterms in 1934 extended his party’s dominance, where Democrats boasted a majority of over 70% of the seats in the House of Representatives. So far, Democrats have decided not to challenge the US supreme court’s abortion decision nationally the way that Roosevelt faced down the enemy juristocracy of his time. The conservative attack on women only helped the Democrats avoid losses in 2022 as grievous as some feared. Unlike Roosevelt, Biden could lose the House, if not the Congress as a whole, promising another two years of gridlock.The only good news, unless the lowest of low bars is set for the Democrats, is that their need to pivot much further beyond their disastrous prior errors is clearer. Trump’s lies were rejected by enough people – and above all his potential rival Ron DeSantis surged in popularity and across ethnic and racial lines in Florida – that the Democrats will have to drop their obsession with the charlatan they blew up into a totalitarian.American politics can no longer be a referendum on Trump, or reduced to the mistaken question of whether democracy will survive. Instead, if they are to transcend impasse, Democrats will have to offer a democratically winning proposition, even as the right wing attempts to prove that its politicians are Roosevelt’s better heirs to lead a working-class party.As the one-hit-wonder band Semisonic once observed: “Every new beginning comes from some other beginning’s end.” They could have been talking about 2022. No one knows how long it will take one of the parties to act to seize the opportunity that has always been there to build a majority coalition beyond the economic neoliberalism and endless warmaking of past elites. But 2022 has cleared the way to do so.
Samuel Moyn is a professor of law and history at Yale and the author of Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World
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America is still on the brink of Trumpism fueling hate, paranoia and violenceRobert ReichSo many Americans feel bullied by the system today that they’re easy prey for Trumpism Apart from specific issues and candidates that motivated voters on Tuesday, two contrasting parties continue to emerge in America – one, pro-democracy; the other, anti-democracy.The hallmarks of the anti-democracy party are its cruel nastiness and unwillingness to abide by election results. In other words: Trumpism.American voters just sent a crystal-clear message: they believe in abortion rights | Jill FilipovicRead moreBoth were on full display election night as Arizona gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake assailed the “cheaters and crooks” whom she claimed were running elections, “BS and garbage”, “incompetent people”, “propagandists” and “fake media”.And Representative Andy Biggs joked that Nancy Pelosi was “losing the gavel but finding the hammer”, a crude reference to the attack on Pelosi’s husband that left him with a fractured skull.Other Republican candidates and flacks hurled similar insults – “Merrick Garland needs some new pantyhose,” “Beto [O’Rourke] is a furry,” Senator Mark Kelly is a “little man” whose “ears don’t match”, President Biden is a “lost child” with a “very dirty diaper”, Democrats are “lunatics”.Contrast this feculence with Tim Ryan’s graceful concession speech in the Ohio Senate race:“We have too much hate, we have too much anger, there’s way too much fear, there’s way too much division …“I have the privilege to concede this race to JD Vance because the way this country operates is that when you lose an election you concede and you respect the will of the people. We can’t have a system where if you win it’s a legitimate election and if you lose, someone stole it.”Or with John Fetterman’s humble remarks after the Senate race in Pennsylvania was called for him – when, wiping away tears, he told cheering supporters: “I’m not really sure what to say right now, my goodness. I am so humbled, thank you so much … This campaign has always been about fighting for anyone that ever got knocked down that got back up.”Fetterman had been knocked down last May with a near-fatal stroke – which invited ridicule from Trumpists such as Trump Jr, who told a Sunday-night crowd at a rally in Miami that “if you’re going to be in the United States senator, you should have basic cognitive function. It doesn’t seem that unreasonable to have a working brain … We’re up against a Democrat party today that doesn’t believe that a United States senator should not have mush for brain.”Gratuitous cruelty, derision, nastiness – they are of a piece with authoritarianism because they feed off the same anger and fear.They also fuel the hate and paranoia that are causing Americans to distrust our electoral system and one another.And they can fuel violence.When I was a kid I was bullied by other kids because I was so short. I remember the ridicule and the cruelty. The worst of the bullying, I later learned, came from kids who were bullied at home, often by abusive parents.So many Americans feel bullied by the system today – bullied by employers, landlords, hospitals, insurance companies, debt collectors, government bureaucracies and the like – that they’re easy prey for Trumpism.This isn’t to excuse these people, but only to explain the likely source of their rage, and how the Trumpists are channeling it.And why it’s so important to stop all forms of bullying – not only because such bullying is morally wrong but because its poison spreads throughout society.The results of the midterm elections could have been far worse. The extremes of the Trumpist right were soundly defeated – Pennsylvania gubernatorial candidate Doug Mastriano, Maine gubernatorial candidate Paul LePage, New Hampshire Senate candidate Don Bolduc and Wisconsin gubernatorial candidate Tim Michels (who promised if elected that no Democrat could ever win Wisconsin again).Most election-denying candidates for secretary of state were defeated.As of Wednesday evening, Kari Lake was trailing her Democratic rival for Arizona governor, Katie Hobbs, by a hair. Congresswoman Lauren Boebert (the freshman Maga Republican from Colorado) was fighting to keep her seat.But Marjorie Taylor Greene was re-elected, as was Andy Biggs, as were many other election deniers.And Trump himself seems intent on launching another run on the White House (and on American democracy) within the week.Not as bad as it could have been, but deeply concerning, nonetheless.We are still on the brink.
Robert Reich, a former US secretary of labor, is professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley
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US midterm election results 2022: liveFull live results of the Congressional midterms, seat by seat, as electors across the US vote to decide whether the Republicans or Democrats will control the House of Representatives and Senate
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Headline Full”,Georgia,serif;font-weight:400;font-weight:700!important;margin-bottom:24px!important;font-size:28px!important;line-height:28px;padding-top:16px!important}.android .article-kicker,.android .article__body,.android .article__header,.android .headline.selectable,.android .meta.keyline-4,.android .standfirst.selectable,.android .standfirst__inner,.ios .article-kicker,.ios .article__body,.ios .article__header,.ios .headline.selectable,.ios .meta.keyline-4,.ios .standfirst.selectable,.ios .standfirst__inner{background:#fff!important;color:#121212!important}.android .keyline-4:before,.ios .keyline-4:before{background-image:repeating-linear-gradient(#dcdcdc,#dcdcdc 1px,transparent 1px,transparent 3px)!important}.android .mt-ticker__wrapper,.ios .mt-ticker__wrapper{margin-left:-12px;margin-right:-12px}.android .article,.android article,.ios .article,.ios article{overflow:visible}.android .gv-section:after,.ios .gv-section:after{width:calc(100% + 8px)}.android .gv-section:last-of-type:after,.ios .gv-section:last-of-type:after{width:calc(100% + 8px)}.android .headline.selectable,.ios .headline.selectable{color:#fff!important;display:inline;background:#121212!important;box-shadow:10px 0 0 #121212,0 0 0 #121212;font-size:36px;line-height:40px;font-weight:700;-webkit-box-decoration-break:clone;-ms-box-decoration-break:clone;-o-box-decoration-break:clone;box-decoration-break:clone;padding-left:10px;padding-right:0;margin-top:60px;padding-bottom:0;margin-left:10px}.android .standfirst.selectable,.ios .standfirst.selectable{margin-top:10px}.android .mt-how,.ios .mt-how{margin-top:-16px!important;margin-bottom:24px!important}.android .mt-how a,.ios .mt-how a{font-size:14px!important}Updating …Latest resultsHouse 9 hours agoDemocrats win Connecticut 5thHouse 11 hours agoRepublicans win New Jersey 7thHouse 11 hours agoDemocrats win Washington 10thHouse 12 hours agoDemocrats win California 31stHouse 12 hours agoDemocrats win California 39thHouse 12 hours agoDemocrats win California 33rdHouse 12 hours agoDemocrats win California 28thHouse 12 hours agoDemocrats win California 25thHouse 13 hours agoDemocrats win Pennsylvania 7thHouse 13 hours agoRepublicans win Michigan 10thHouse 14 hours agoRepublicans win Iowa 3rdHouse 15 hours agoRepublicans win Arizona 5thGovernors 15 hours agoDemocrats hold KansasHouse 16 hours agoDemocrats win Pennsylvania 8thSenate 16 hours agoRepublicans hold WisconsinHouse 17 hours agoRepublicans win New York 19thHouse 17 hours agoRepublicans win New York 17thHouse 17 hours agoDemocrats win Pennsylvania 17thHouse 17 hours agoRepublicans win New York 4thHouse 17 hours agoRepublicans win Wisconsin 3rdHouse 18 hours agoDemocrats win Pennsylvania 12thHouse 19 hours agoDemocrats win Michigan 8thHouse a day agoDemocrats win Massachusetts 9thHouse a day agoDemocrats win Massachusetts 6thHouse a day agoDemocrats win Massachusetts 3rdHouse a day agoDemocrats win Massachusetts 1stHouse a day agoRepublicans win Nevada 2ndHouse a day agoDemocrats win Michigan 7thHouse a day agoRepublicans win California 48thHouse a day agoRepublicans win California 1stOverviewHow does the election work?SenateDemocrats* 48+1Republicans-14851 to win***includes independents**vice-president (Dem) has casting voteno electionno election32 of 35 races calledHouseDemocrats 184-8Republicans+6207218 to win391 of 435 races calledBattlegroundsDemocratRepublicanIndependent/OtherSeat changed handsMany seats in United States elections always go to the same party. So control of the Senate and House of Representatives depends on a relatively small number of competitive seats, or “battlegrounds”. Election experts rank the competitive seats as more or less likely to return a Republican or Democrat. This gives a clue to how the election is evolving overall; if Democrats are winning seats that were thought likely to go Republican, it may be an indication they will do well overall. Simplistically, blue shapes on the right of the following charts signal a good night for Biden and the Democrats, and red shapes on the left signal the opposite.DemocratRepublicanIndependent/OtherSeat changed handsSenateAfter flipping a Senate seat in Pennsylvania, the Democrats hampered Republican hopes of controlling the upper house. This could depend on the December election in Georgia after the Senate race there advanced to a run-off.Full results mapLikely DemocratCOWALean DemocratNHToss-upAZGANVPAWILean RepublicanNCOHLikely RepublicanFLIAUTno resultHouseThe House looks set to flip to the Republicans but a
‘red wave’ has failed to materialise. Key seats include Iowa’s 3rd
district and Colorado’s 8th.Full results mapLikely DemocratLean DemocratToss-upLean RepublicanLikely Republicanno resultDemocracy is under threat. Support independent journalism.From voting rights to climate collapse to reproductive freedom, the stakes couldn’t be higher in these midterm elections. Help us shine a light on the most pressing issues facing America.Show your supportHow do the elections work?All 435 seats in the lower chamber of the federal congress, the House of Representatives, are re-elected every two years. (There are no term limits, and incumbents are often returned, so there is substantial continuity in the membership). House seats are broadly proportional to population, so California has lots of seats but Montana only a few.The upper chamber, the Senate, has 100 seats; two for each state, however populous. In every even-numbered year, roughly one-third of senators are elected for a six-year term. Legislation has to pass both chambers to become law. Senators have some additional responsibilities compared with their colleagues in the House; chiefly these have to do with confirming (or not) presidential appointments.Governors are not part of Congress. Their impact is mostly local to their own state, but because they can affect electoral law or practice, they can affect future federal elections.Going into the election the Democratic party of the president, Joe Biden, controlled both chambers of Congress, but by very narrow margins. In the Senate, a 50-50 split would mean a casting vote went to the vice-president, Kamala Harris. (In practice the casting vote more often went to Joe Manchin, a Democratic senator representing a largely Republican state).These elections are called midterms because they happen in the middle of a four-year presidential term. They are difficult for sitting presidents because the presidential party often does badly in them, and because losing control of Congress makes it more difficult for the president to pursue his or her agenda.About these resultsThe results are provided by the Associated Press, or AP, who have rigorous criteria for “calling” election races; that is, for reporting a winner. Redrawing of House districts this year following the 2020 census mean AP is not reporting “flips”, or seats where the sitting party changes. The redistricting means that in a few seats there are two incumbent representatives competing for a new district. It may also impact the change figures seen on the House results summary bar. It is possible that some seats will count 100% of votes without a winner becoming apparent because of laws that trigger an automatic recount in races that are very close. More

What a relief I’ve been denied my favourite election day hobby – hating fellow Americans Emma BrockesWhen things going less badly than planned is a small win, the lack of a revival of Trump-backed candidates is cheering In the playground on Tuesday, we stood in a huddle and indulged in the primary joy of election day: loathing one’s fellow Americans. In New York, where I live, the only close race was the race for governor, where the choice between Kathy Hochul, the Democrat incumbent, and Lee Zeldin – a pro-Trump, anti-abortion Republican – threatened to mess with the very idea of the city.Early lessons from the US midterm elections as votes are still being countedRead more“You know who I really hate?” said a friend who had taken the train in from Long Island to vote.I did know. Democrats take more pleasure in hating other Democrats than in hating Republicans. “Andrew Cuomo,” I said.“Yup. If he’d kept his dick in his pants we wouldn’t be here.” A line that could, sadly, be applied to any number of men in American politics. “Now we’re going to end up with a Republican governor because people won’t vote for a woman.”That was midday on Tuesday, when it still seemed probable, per polling and received wisdom about the midterms, that the dominant party in government would suffer the most losses. Anxiety about the economy and inflation; the impression that President Biden is too old; the ugly face of Trumpism apparently not yet vanquished; plus the usual superstitions and defeatist instincts of the left: all led to a mood among Democrats on Tuesday that fell somewhere between panic and gloom.So we did what people in denial do: we told ourselves that, when the results came in overnight, the worst eventuality might actually – sound the counter-intuitition klaxon! – be for the best. A friend had a friend who was a political analyst at Brown (this was how the conversations on Tuesday played out), and she said that it would be no bad thing if the Democrats lost control of Congress because in two years’ time that would mean Republicans would have to carry the can when people voted in the presidential election.This kind of worked. But then there were the races that were so starkly depressing that no amount of fancy footwork could neutralise them. Chief among these was the Pennsylvania Senate race between Dr Oz, the rightwing TV host who said in a recent debate that abortion was a matter between “women, doctors and local political leaders”, and the Democratic candidate, John Fetterman.The importance of this race was underscored when both Biden and Barack Obama turned up to stump for Fetterman on Saturday, undoing all the detachment I’d managed to achieve about the midterms. Watching Obama do his thing in front of a stadium of people in Pittsburgh was intensely moving. It was also a hard reminder of how far we had fallen since 2008. Accustomed as most Americans are these days to seeing the apparent lunatic in any race win, Obama’s appearance seemed to guarantee Oz would ascend to the Senate.Fetterman won with 50.4% of the vote. Kathy Hochul won with 52.5% of the vote. That the size of the relief was so huge, on Wednesday morning, was an indication both of how slim the margins were, and how little we needed to feel some hope. By midday, while it was still unclear whether Congress would remain in the hands of the Democrats, it was apparent there would be no red wave. There was no big revival in support for Trump-backed candidates. And there were some hugely cheering results from the centre of the country, where for example in Kentucky voters defeated the anti-abortion constitutional amendment. For the first time in ages, it was possible to think warmly of people one was used to dismissing as nutters.There were some let-downs among the reliefs. JD Vance, the bearded memoirist turned ultra-right Republican, won the Senate seat in Ohio. Beto O’Rourke lost out once again to Greg Abbott in Texas, and Stacey Abrams was defeated in Georgia. The satisfaction of seeing Trump’s candidates underperform on Wednesday was, meanwhile, eclipsed in part by Ron DeSantis winning decisively in the gubernatorial race in Florida. DeSantis, a more credible version of Trump, remains the most dangerous indication that the movement is alive and well.Still, slight gains, or at least losses on a smaller scale than anticipated, made for a whiplash effect midweek. In the playground on Tuesday, as the kids ran around, we returned to the subject of all the people who were ruining the country. On Wednesday, it was time to feel something else: relief, joy and the disorienting novelty of things going better than planned.
Emma Brockes is a Guardian columnist
TopicsUS midterm elections 2022OpinionUS politicsNew YorkKathy HochulJoe BidenDemocratsRepublicanscommentReuse this content More

AnalysisDemocrats are breathing a sigh of relief. But their troubles are far from overDavid Smith in WashingtonAmerica is returning to an era of divided government and two years of grinding trench warfare It was a result that, Joe Biden said on Wednesday, gave everyone a “whew! sigh of relief” that Make America Great Again (Maga) Republicans are not taking over the government again.Biden won and Donald Trump lost in midterm elections to decide control of Congress. But just as in 2020, a collective exhalation is not enough to spell the end of political dysfunction in America. Things are about to get messy.For all their deflation, Republicans appear on course to capture a majority in the House of Representatives, albeit by a far smaller margin than history has suggested or crystal ball gazers had forecast.Karl Rove on the midterms: ‘Trump looms over this. No ifs or buts’Read moreThat means the end of Democrat Nancy Pelosi’s reign as House speaker, at least for now. Republican leader Kevin McCarthy has announced his intention to take the speaker’s gavel. It might be better described as a poisoned chalice.Should McCarthy prevail, his achingly slim majority will afford little room for maneuver when it comes to legislating. McCarthy will have to do deals either with Democrats or far-right Trump loyalists. In a House where every member fancies him or herself as president, the speaker could find himself perpetually bending to the will of Marjorie Taylor Greene.It is hardly a prescription for national unity. Whatever happens in the Senate, which may be decided again in a Georgia runoff, America is returning to an era of divided government and two years of grinding trench warfare.That spells trouble for Biden’s legislative agenda, echoing the plight of Barack Obama, who did big things in his first two years as president but found slim pickings over the following six.Biden, who campaigned as an apostle of bipartisanship and did enjoy some wins – on infrastructure, gun safety, military veterans’ benefits – will now find Republicans more combative as everything comes to be seen through the prism of the 2024 election.Expect the Republican majority to launch an array of congressional investigations ranging from the reasonable (Biden’s botched withdrawal to Afghanistan) to the grandstanding (Anthony Fauci’s coronavirus pandemic measures and Biden’s son Hunter’s laptop).Expect a battle over lifting the limit on US debt with the potential to cause havoc in the economy. Expect a possible attempt by the the Maga wing of the party to impeach Biden on spurious grounds, effectively as payback for Democrats having twice hit Trump with the ultimate sanction.But Republican overreach could prompt a public backlash and generates sympathy for the incumbent president.Paul Ryan, the most recent Republican House speaker, from 2015 to 2019, warned on the new Control podcast: “The last thing I think the American people want to see is a new majority used as a tool for Trump’s vindictive campaign or a vendetta. That’s not what a majority is for; a majority is for advancing the interests of the American people. Looking forward, not looking backward to settle some guy’s scores. So that’s going to be a bit of a challenge.”Ryan added: “It’s important that the adults in the room temper this by not just chasing conspiracy theories, going down rabbit holes or overreaching and just getting to truth and making sure that you hold an executive branch accountable.”If Republicans are unable to resist the rabbit holes, none of it will be healthy for the governance of democracy, adding to the feedback loop that disaffected millions of people and made them crave a “drain the swamp” outside like Trump in the first place.Hyperpartisan cable news and social media will continue to pour fuel on the flames. Twitter, now controlled by Elon Musk, might welcome back Trump just in time for an epically savage presidential campaign.The chaos would also harm America abroad. Biden has spent two years trying to rebuild alliances and assure the world that its democracy is secure.At a press conference in the state dining room on Wednesday, Biden retold the story of how, just after taking office, he attended a meeting of G7 leaders and assured them that America is back. “One of them turned to me and said, ‘For how long?’ It was a deadly earned question. ‘For how long?’”In other words, was Trump the blip or is Biden the blip?The sight of election-denying extremists ruling the roost in the US Capitol will hardly calm nerves in Berlin or Tokyo. Greene, a congresswoman from Georgia, recently declared: “Under Republicans, not another penny will go to Ukraine. Our country comes first.”Even McCarthy has warned Tuesday that Republicans will not write a “blank check” for Ukraine if they win the House. The bipartisan consensus in Washington on this issue – seen as critical to Biden’s perennial theme of democracy standing up to autocracy – could crumble with huge global ramificationsWith a portrait of a pensive Abraham Lincoln looking on, Biden reflected on Wednesday: “The American people made it clear. They don’t want every day going forward to be a constant political battle. There’s too much of that going on. There’s too much that we have to do. The future of America is too promising to be trapped in an endless political warfare.”But as reporters pressed him over whether he will run in 2024, and with Trump expected to announce his own White House bid next week, the next phase of political warfare is already under way. Given America’s structural flaws and democratic deficits, it’s probably going to get worse before it gets better.TopicsHouse of RepresentativesRepublicansNancy PelosiUS politicsDonald TrumpJoe BidenBarack ObamaanalysisReuse this content More

John Fetterman’s rise from small-town mayor to Pennsylvania senatorThe unconventional senator-elect who ‘bet on the people of Pennsylvania’ and won will now head to Washington and sit in a deeply divided Congress

US midterm election results 2022: live
Arguably it was Donald Trump who launched the political career of John Fetterman, the Pennsylvania Democrat who clinched the state’s US Senate seat in Tuesday’s election.In the days after the 2020 presidential vote, the former US president infamously claimed there had been widespread election fraud, including in Pennsylvania, where Fetterman was lieutenant governor.Trump branded midterms’ ‘biggest loser’ as DeSantis win fuels 2024 talkRead moreFetterman disagreed.“The president is no different than any other random internet troll,” the Democrat said in an interview with MSNBC, in a comment that delighted Trump opponents in the US and beyond.When Trump later said he would sue Pennsylvania over alleged, but nonexistent, voter fraud, Fetterman’s response was equally succinct.​​“The president can sue a ham sandwich,” he said.As Americans remained glued to their screens awaiting the results of the 2020 election – Biden was only declared the winner four days after election day, after states including Pennsylvania painstakingly counted their votes – Fetterman’s televised lampooning of Trump’s increasingly unhinged claims brought him a national profile, which he would channel into his Senate campaign.It also probably didn’t hurt that Fetterman is instantly recognisable. At 6ft 8in tall, and almost permanently dressed in a hoodie and shorts, the tattooed, bald, goateed Fetterman is easy to pick out of a crowd.His appearance, and his background as the long-serving mayor of the small, struggling Pennsylvania steel town of Braddock, lends itself to his public persona, too: a blue-collar Democrat, someone who is tough, no nonsense, who will stick up for the regular guy.01:19Fetterman brought that aura and popularity to his Senate run, and in the Democratic primary the 53-year-old led the polls by 20% almost throughout the race, as his progressive stance on increasing the minimum wage, abortion rights, healthcare and marijuana gained widespread support.Everything, it seemed, was going perfectly, until 13 May, when Fetterman had a stroke. Doctors removed a blood clot from his brain and implanted a pacemaker, and Fetterman won the Democratic primary, in absentia, four days later, but it has been a long recovery.Fetterman said he “​​almost died” from the stroke and he was kept away from the campaign trail for months before he resumed limited public appearances in August, but he has continued to have difficulty speaking and processing others’ speech.In a debate with Mehmet Oz, the Republican candidate, in October, two 70in screens were installed in front of the candidates, which carried transcriptions of the moderator’s questions and Oz’s responses.“I sometimes will hear things in a way that’s not perfectly clear. So I use captioning so I’m able to see what you’re saying,” Fetterman said during an interview with NBC in October. “And every now and then I’ll miss a word. Or sometimes I’ll maybe mush two words together. But as long as I have captioning, I’m able to understand exactly what’s being asked.”Fetterman’s appearance in the debate, in which he stumbled over his phrasing and struggled to get out rebuttals to Oz’s own points, had Democrats worried, and the polls tightened in the days before the vote.“Let’s also talk about the elephant in the room,” Fetterman said during the debate, as he tried to get ahead of any criticism.“I had a stroke. He never let me forget that.”01:28Fetterman was referring to Oz, whose campaign launched unsavory attacks, with one Oz aide, Rachel Tripp, claiming Fetterman might not have had a stroke if he “had ever eaten a vegetable in his life”.For his part, during the campaign Fetterman and his team channeled the straight-talking, playful personality he showcased in the wake of the 2020 election, skewering Oz over everything from the Republican’s tone-deaf complaints over the price of “crudités” to Oz’s lack of connection to Pennsylvania. (Oz lived in New Jersey for decades before apparently moving to Pennsylvania, into a house owned by his wife’s family, in October 2020. He announced his candidacy for the Senate two months later.)Fetterman’s image as an earthy, working-class hero enabled him to position himself as the opposite to Oz’s elitist, rich man vibe, and to appeal to a broad range of Pennsylvanians, although the truth isn’t quite that simple.The Democrat has an MBA from the University of Connecticut and a master’s from Harvard, and has acknowledged growing up in a “cushy” environment made possible by his father’s successful insurance business. Fetterman has said he received financial assistance from his parents for almost all of his 13 years as Braddock’s mayor – the job only paid $150 a month – until he became Pennsylvania’s lieutenant governor in 2019.There seems little disingenuous about Fetterman, however, who chose not to move into the lieutenant governor’s mansion when elected, instead remaining in Braddock, where he lives, as he has often told crowds at rallies, opposite a steel mill. His passion for the town is visible on his right forearm, where nine tattoos mark the dates that people were killed “through violence” in Braddock while he was mayor.Having spent the bulk of his political career in charge of a town of 2,000 people, Fetterman will now represent Pennsylvania’s population of nearly 13 million. As he spoke to the crowd in the early hours of Wednesday, it seemed like a challenge he was ready for.“This campaign has always been about fighting for anyone that ever got knocked down that got back up. This race is for the future of every community across Pennsylvania, for every small town or person that ever felt left behind,” Fetterman said.“We bet on the people of Pennsylvania and you never let us down.”TopicsUS midterm elections 2022PennsylvaniaDemocratsUS SenateUS politicsfeaturesReuse this content More