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    Learning to Become the World’s Second-Richest Man

    After officially eclipsing Bill Gates to reach the rank of the second-richest person on the planet, Elon Musk clearly deserved a lengthy video interview with the Wall Street Journal. It could probe into how Musk managed to become the world’s wealthiest and most admired innovator. The Journal couldn’t saddle any random hack with that formidable task, and so its editor-in-chief, Matt Murray, rose to the occasion. The interview lasted nearly half an hour and can be viewed on YouTube.

    Most people consider Musk a genius, although here at the Daily Devil’s Dictionary we have regularly referred to him as an accomplished hyperreal performer who captures (because he is captured by) the spirit of the age. Call it the Taoist principle of reversion, being and non-being. The causal relationship between cultural icons like Musk and their environment is reversible and self-perpetuating. Pushing the metaphor, Musk’s hyperreality exists in a quantum state where the reassuring idea of stable identity disappears. Musk creates today’s culture because today’s culture has created Musk. Culture innovates; innovators hitch a ride.

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    Interviews with Musk are generally painful to watch. This one is no exception. It reveals that there is nothing stable in Elon Musk’s thought processes and very little that is original. He is certainly deeply knowledgeable, with a well-focused technical vision of his companies and their products. But his attempts at “profound thought” are difficult to differentiate from the clichés promulgated by the ambient hyperreal culture, with its deep faith in anything, however superficial, that resembles technical progress and its belief that redesign and duplication on a massive scale equal innovation.

    Musk’s deepest wisdom includes things like his advice that “we don’t want to be complacent.” He brilliantly warns of the danger posed by “the gradual creep of regulations and bureaucracy.” He believes we must fear “regulatory capture by companies.” He sees a need to “have good feedback loops for the customer” and to “make the product better.” Clearly, these are the thoughts of an original thinker.

    Then Musk also offers this pearl of innovative insight, possibly borrowed from Ronald Reagan: “The best thing government can do is just get out of the way.” Murray might have seen this as an opening to plunge into the history of Musk’s lucrative relationship with the government. But he was apparently interested in deeper things.

    Just as everyone craves access to Warren Buffett’s secret formula for investing, Murray wants to know whether other people can be as brilliantly innovative as Musk. “Is it easily learnable?” he asks. Reporting on the interview, the website Inc. chose to focus on this theme: “During a candid and freewheeling interview with Wall Street Journal editor in chief Matt Murray this week, Musk argued that creating innovative products is ‘absolutely learnable.’”

    Today’s Daily Devil’s Dictionary definition:

    Learnable:

    The actions of very rich people that poor people should be encouraged to imitate.

    Contextual Note

    Murray believes that if there were more people like Elon Musk, the world would be a better place. Concerned with the future of humanity, he hopes that Musk can teach others, or at least serve as a model so that we can all eventually become the second-richest person in the world. Musk was initially taken aback by Murray’s question. He began his response by saying, “I think it is learnable” before convincing himself that the right thing to say was “I think that’s absolutely learnable.” The website Inc. helpfully repeated for its readers Musk’s three original recipes for learning. 

    Embed from Getty Images

    The first is: “Try hard.” Success is not for the lazy. The second is “Seek negative feedback” and then ask yourself this surprising question, “How can we make this better?” But even that requires its mystical corollary: you must “love your product.” The third is essentially negative: stay away from meetings, presentations and spreadsheets. Spend time on the factory floor. To prove his point, Musk mobilizes the metaphor of a general who leaves his “ivory tower” to fight with the troops on the front line. Inspiring! 

    Murray did at one point raise the more down-to-earth question of Musk’s relationship with government, an issue with financial implications WSJ’s readers tend to be interested in. But once Musk established the overriding principle that government should simply “get out of the way,” Murray saw no reason to follow it up. Luckily, other journalists have tried harder. Six years ago, New York Mag’s Intelligencer provided the details of Musk’s Amazon-style bullying and classic techniques of corruption.

    The piece summed up his dealings with the authorities in this succinct phrase: “This negotiation is straight out of the special-interest playbook.” It explained that in 2014 “SpaceX hired lobbyists and flew a key lawmaker to its offices. Musk gave about $12,000 in campaign contributions … During the meeting … Musk described his dream to take people to Mars. … He also said Texas needed to compete with other states.” 

    In other words, the government’s role is to pony up the cash Musk needs before it gets out of his way. Taxpayers pay for the right to trust Musk’s unimpeded judgment to do the right things (i.e., whatever he wants) with the cash they have offered him. Among those right things is, of course, the odd campaign contribution, just to keep things running smoothly.

    In 2015, the Los Angeles Times reported that “Elon Musk has built a multibillion-dollar fortune running companies that make electric cars, sell solar panels and launch rockets into space. And he’s built those companies with the help of billions in government subsidies.” At the time, they set the figure at $4.9 billion. One analyst explained that “He definitely goes where there is government money. That’s a great strategy, but the government will cut you off one day.” That day has yet to come. Musk is now the one who has the power to decide when to cut the government off.

    At one point, Murray did ask Musk an embarrassing question: “What mistakes have you made?” Musk humbly admits he has made so many mistakes he wouldn’t have enough time to list them all. But he conveniently dodges the question by vaunting his involvement “on the factory floor.” He claims that “the morale is good” at Tesla, which is his Trump-like way of denying that he has ever made a serious mistake.

    Historical Note

    Musk’s employees have had the occasion to offer plenty of negative feedback, none of which he seems to have taken on board. Why should he? The government has not only backed him but is SpaceX’s main customer. The company “signed $5.5 billion worth of government contracts with NASA and the United States Air Force.” Just last week it was announced that “The FCC is giving SpaceX’s satellite internet service, Starlink, $886 million” as part of its program to bring broadband to rural America.

    Employees have regularly complained of Musk’s style of micro-management and his alacrity for making promises but failing to keep them. In September 2019, a court ruled that “the Tesla CEO and other company executives [had] been illegally sabotaging employee efforts to form a union.” Bloomberg reported last year that, after a leaker revealed a serious problem of mismanagement at the Gigafactory, “Musk set out to destroy him” — like a Mafia boss. On the other hand, the success of Musk’s companies, the pay and the challenge of the firm’s ambition has kept most of his employees reasonably happy.

    Nevertheless, Tesla has a few seriously worrying skeletons in its closet. Another whistleblower made some damning charges when he reported Tesla not only for “covering up and spying on its employees back in 2018” but for organizing a “drug cartel operation inside the Gigafactory.” These affairs have still not been adjudicated in the courts. Most likely, they will never be permitted to become public scandals. It is equally unlikely that Musk sees them as “learnable” moments.

    A year ago, Musk was officially worth about $20 billion. Two weeks ago, he became the world’s second-richest person, with a fortune estimated at $128 billion. He definitely works hard to earn what amounts to about 0.4 billion for every working day (assuming he takes weekends off and a month’s vacation). That’s the reward one can expect from spending the right amount of time on the factory floor.

    *[In the age of Oscar Wilde and Mark Twain, another American wit, the journalist Ambrose Bierce, produced a series of satirical definitions of commonly used terms, throwing light on their hidden meanings in real discourse. Bierce eventually collected and published them as a book, The Devil’s Dictionary, in 1911. We have shamelessly appropriated his title in the interest of continuing his wholesome pedagogical effort to enlighten generations of readers of the news. Read more of The Daily Devil’s Dictionary on Fair Observer.]

    The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy. More

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    ‘F*** Business’: The story of how corporate Britain got screwed by Brexit

    On 22 June 2016 – the day before the Brexit referendum – more than 1,000 business executives signed a letter backing the UK’s membership of the European Union.The group, which including the bosses of half of the companies in the FTSE 100, stated: “Britain leaving the EU would mean uncertainty for our firms, less trade with Europe and fewer jobs”.
    Business lost that battle of course. The electorate voted by 52 per cent to 48 per cent to leave.
    And the stark reality is that business has lost just about every battle since.
    After the referendum, corporate Britain fought for the UK to remain, if not in the European Union itself, then at least in the EU’s single market and the customs union. They lobbied for a liberal immigration regime.  But the customs union membership is going, single market membership will soon be history and the incoming new immigration regime will be much more restrictive.
    And now, if Boris Johnson fails to conclude a free trade deal, there is the prospect of tariffs on exports to and imports from a region with which we do almost half our trade. All from the end of this month.“It’d be hard to imagine a worse outcome than this,” admits one weary business representative.
    Even a thin free trade agreement would be well below the worst fears of many firms and lobby groups on that morning after the shock referendum result back in 2016.As ministers freely admit, the UK government has been battling for the abstract conception of “sovereignty”, not concrete business interests, in the negotiations with Brussels.Deal or no deal, business has lost the Brexit war.
    So how did it come to this?
    In June 2018 Boris Johnson, then Foreign Secretary in Theresa May’s government, was at an event for EU diplomats.  Belgium’s ambassador to the EU asked about businesses concerns about the possibility of a hard Brexit, which in those more innocent days was defined as the UK leaving the single market and customs union.
    “Fuck business,” was Johnson’s reported response.So whose fault is it that business has lost the Brexit war?
    Was it the fault of a Conservative Party driven by pro-Brexit ideology? Was it because ministers were too afraid to challenge the prejudices of party members? Or was it a failure of businesses to lobby effectively? Did corporate Britain fail to grasp the nature of the post-referendum world and the new priorities of the public?  Did politicians fuck business or did business, to some extent, screw themselves?  Opening the closetIt was this decision by Ms May which set the UK on an early course to a hard Brexit.
    “If we [business] had been bolder during that first six-month period and more collected that would have made a difference,” says Ms Sykes. More

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    Oman Has Much to Offer the EU

    Oman and the European Union share common interests in a number of political, economic, commercial and security fields. Oman’s strategic location and links to key international trade routes are of great importance to European interests in the region. In September 2018, Brussels and Muscat signed a cooperation agreement, in addition to the one signed by the European External Action Department and the Omani Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with the aim of strengthening political dialogue and cooperation in sectors of mutual interest.

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    Oman shares with the EU the challenge of maritime piracy, which is one of the most pressing security issues that both sides face in the Indian Ocean. Since 2008, Oman has been an important partner in Operation Atlanta, the EU Naval Force mission to combat piracy on the coasts of Somalia, the Horn of Africa and the Gulf of Aden.

    Oman’s policy of being open with the world and balanced between the poles on opposing sides of regional conflicts — especially those represented by the Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United States — is similar to many EU policies in the Middle East. Muscat has highlighted its role in many regional and international issues, with Omani diplomacy complementing EU efforts to preserve stability and security in the region in ways that serve European interests.

    Investor Confidence

    Oman is considered a major logistical center for the Middle East, with its three major ports of Sohar, Duqm and Salalah, as well as a number of economic, marine and land “free zones.” With the aim of establishing an integrated infrastructure system for Oman, the General Authority for Special Economic Zones and Free Zones was launched in August to supervise the Special Economic Zone in Duqm and the free zones in Mazyouna, Salalah and Sohar.

    Embed from Getty Images

    An attractive environment for foreign direct investment (FDI) was created with the coming into force of the Foreign Capital Investment Law in January this year that allows foreigners to own 100% of investment projects as well as granting tax exemptions and customs duties. Moreover, the law does not set a minimum investment capital, facilitates procedures for establishing investment projects, grants extended rights to the use of investment lands and permits the transfer of capital to investor countries.

    In addition, Oman is the fifth safest country in the world and the third in the region, according to a recent report by Numbeo, which adds to investor confidence. In the first quarter of 2020, FDI reached over 15 billion Omani rials ($40 billion). With money coming from Iran, Kuwait, China, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, numbers from the National Center for Statistics and Information indicate that American and British capital constituted the highest share of FDI. The EU, however, has seen low investment rates in the country, with only the Netherlands coming in at roughly 304.7 million rials.

    The Vice President of the European Investment Bank (EBI) Vazil Hudak, during the International Investors Forum held in Muscat in 2019, spoke of the strengths of EU investment in Oman and the “huge” opportunities it offers. EBI is the largest financial investment institution in the world, with assets of more than €600 billion ($726 billion) and annually lends out nearly €70 billion. The EU could deepen its bilateral cooperation with Oman, directing EIB investments to achieve sustainable economic development in Oman, particularly after the economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Crisis Cooperation

    In the long term, Oman has paid attention to improving its economy by diversifying sources of income and raising the contribution of non-oil sectors to the gross domestic product. Oman was the first of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries to develop plans to reduce its dependence on oil and diversify its economy. As a result of these policies, in 2020, Oman achieved nearly 3 billion rials in profits in the non-petroleum sector that made up 28% of the total contribution to the GDP, an increase of 6% over 2019.

    Despite the COVID-19 pandemic and accompanying lockdown measures that put strains on the economy, Oman has sought to avoid withdrawing from its sovereign reserves estimated to be worth $17 billion and moved toward setting policies to cut spending and adopt a short-term fiscal balance plan for the next four years with the aim of improving the economic situation and raising the country’s credit rating.

    The EU is currently witnessing difficult times as a result of the pandemic and the severe economic effects associated with it, coinciding with the UK’s exit from the European Union at the end of the year. In light of the circumstances, commercial and economic interests between Oman and the EU should expand into joint action, moving forward on pending agreements, including the free trade agreement that the two sides used to manage collectively through dialogue between the GCC and the EU. These negotiations were hit by apathy due to a lack of agreement over customs tariffs and the continuing blockade of Qatar since 2017. But talks on bilateral free trade agreements between Oman and the EU countries have become crucial to removing trade barriers and spurring economic growth.

    Tourism and transport sectors were among the most affected by the COVID-19 pandemic globally, with analysts predicting that tourism recovery will take up to two years, and air transportation estimated to take anywhere from two to six years. In 2018, the tourism sector contributed 2.6% to the country’s economy and was one of the five key sectors that Oman’s Ninth Five-Year Plan focused on. Given the damage inflicted on the sector during the pandemic, recovery should be stimulated by easing travel procedures. On December 9, Omani authorities issued a decision to exempt citizens of 103 countries (including the EU) from entry visa requirements for 10 days with the aim of stimulating transport and tourism after the pandemic.

    On the European Union side, the decision to exempt Omanis from the Schengen zone is still under consideration despite the ongoing talks between the two sides over the last years. An easing of entry requirements for Omanis will contribute to enhancing tourism traffic between the two sides.

    The cooperation and partnership in times of crisis creates opportunities for broader ties and paths toward economic sustainability, political stability and security for countries. The European Union is an important partner for Oman and can take advantage of the sultanate’s fortunate geographical location. The advancement of Oman-EU relations is an important factor for both sides, especially in the post-COVID-19 era.

    *[Fair Observer is a media partner of Gulf State Analytics.]

    The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy. More

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    Britain to drop tariffs on US related to Airbus subsidy dispute after Brexit next year

    The Department for International Trade has announced that the UK will unilaterally drop tariffs on US goods related to the long-standing Airbus-Boeing state aid dispute from next year when the UK leaves the European Union’s customs union.The move is being seen by some as an attempt by the UK to curry favour with the incoming Biden administration and encourage Washington to look more kindly on proposals for an US-UK post-Brexit trade deal, whose prospects have been thrown into doubt by Joe Biden’s election victory.The EU imposed retaliatory tariffs on $4bn worth of US-made products, ranging from molasses to orange juice, in November, after being authorised to do so by the World Trade Organisation (WTO).This included the UK, as the country remains, until 31 December, an effective member of the EU customs union. But the Trade Department announced on Tuesday night that when the UK exists the post-Brexit transition in less than 24 days and gains full control over UK tariff policy, it will remove these import levies.The move might prove controversial because, as part of the same dispute (and also sanctioned by the WTO) the US has hit $7.5bn of EU goods with tariffs, including a 15 per cent levy on imports of Airbus aircraft.Airbus employs some 6,000 workers at Broughton in Wales, where the wings of its line of aircrafts are assembled.  The European aviation giant company announced plans to make 1,700 redundancies in its UK operations this year because of the losses caused by a slump in air travel this year.The Trade Department said, however, it would roll over EU tariffs on US steel next year, put in place in retaliation for Donald Trump’s import tariffs on European steel, including metal manufactured in Britain.And it added that it “reserves the right” to re-impose the Airbus-related tariffs at any point unless the US moves towards a settlement that lifts retaliatory tariffs on UK exports.
    The Trade Secretary, Liz Truss, said the move on Airbus-related tariffs would show the US “we are serious about ending a dispute that benefits neither country”.
    “Ultimately, we want to de-escalate the conflict and come to a negotiated settlement so we can deepen our trading relationship with the US and draw a line under all this,” she said.
    The Trump administration had been keen on an early US-UK trade deal, but in an interview with The New York Times earlier this month Joe Biden said: “I’m not going to enter any new trade agreement with anybody until we have made major investments here at home and in our workers”.Sam Lowe of the Centre for European Reform said de-escalating trade tensions with the US was in the UK’s interests, although he felt it wasn’t likely to be a game changer over the timing of a US-UK trade deal.
    If the UK could negotiate a settlement with the US on the Boeing-Airbus dispute that would certainly be in everyone’s interestSam Lowe, Centre for European Reform“While a trade agreement with a Biden administration is unlikely to arise any time soon, if the UK could negotiate a settlement with the US on the Boeing-Airbus dispute that would certainly be in everyone’s interest, particularly the British producers who are currently facing US tariffs as a result,” he said.
    Holger Hestermeyer of King’s College London, however, suggested the UK move could be primarily motivated by legal considerations.“The UK does not have a sufficiently solid legal basis to impose tariffs related to the Boeing dispute, as the EU and not the UK has been granted authorisation to take countermeasures,” he said.“The situation is different with regard to steel as the legal basis there is entirely different and the UK can rely on the same construct as the EU.”The EU and the US have been in a 16-year battle over claims that they have each given illicit state aid to their respective leading aircraft manufacturers.
    The World Trade Organisation last year effectively ruled that both had been guilty of the practice, allowing each side to impose tariffs on the other in retaliation, with the US going first. The US’s tariffs hit Gouda cheese, French wine and Scotch single-malt whisky.The EU had hoped that it could negotiate a settlement with the US whereby it would not have to impose its own tariffs, but it went ahead with the import levies in November, after finding the Trump administration was refusing to engage. More

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    Trump officials scramble to justify decision not to buy extra Pfizer vaccine doses

    The Trump administration on Tuesday scrambled to justify a decision not to buy millions of backup doses of a Covid-19 vaccine developed by Pfizer as the vaccine appeared likely to become the first approved for use in the United States.Government regulators with the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) announced favorable preliminary findings on Tuesday from a review of Pfizer data, following approval for use in the UK and the first post-approval vaccination there.The Trump administration last spring made a deal for 100m doses of the Pfizer vaccine candidate, but the administration turned down an offer to reserve additional doses, Scott Gottlieb, a current Pfizer board member and former FDA commissioner, confirmed on Tuesday.“Pfizer did offer an additional allotment coming out of that plan, basically the second-quarter allotment, to the US government multiple times – and as recently as after the interim data came out and we knew this vaccine looked to be effective,” Gottlieb told CNBC.“I think they were betting that more than one vaccine is going to get authorized and there will be more vaccines on the market, and that perhaps could be why they didn’t take up that additional 100m option agreement.”With global demand for its vaccine soaring following successful trial results and approval in the United Kingdom, New York-based Pfizer cannot guarantee the United States additional doses before next June, the New York Times reported.The extent to which the decision not to acquire more of the Pfizer vaccine could impede the vaccination effort in the United States was unclear.The news came as the US was on the verge of surpassing 15 million coronavirus cases, the highest number in the world.A second vaccine candidate is currently up for emergency approval from the FDA, and multiple additional vaccine candidates – some of them easier to manage than the Pfizer vaccine, which must be stored at extremely cold temperatures – are in the final stages of clinical review.But Donald Trump and officials involved in the vaccine development program scrambled on Tuesday to head off the perception that the government had failed to get first in line for sufficient supplies of a vaccine produced by an American-based company. US-based Pfizer partnered and its German pharmaceutical partner, BioNTech, are on track to have the first vaccine approved in the US.To celebrate the good vaccine news and tout his role in it, Trump planned to host an event at the White House on Tuesday billed as a “vaccine summit”. He planned to unveil an executive order to prioritize vaccine shipments to “Americans before other nations,” but as with many headline-grabbing orders issued by Trump the decree did not appear to be impactful or enforceable, analysts said.Asked on ABC’s Good Morning America on Tuesday how the order would work, the official in charge of the government’s vaccine development program, Operation Warp Speed, Moncef Slaoui, said: “Frankly, I don’t know.”Health officials named by president-elect Joe Biden, who will lead the vaccine rollout effort after taking office next month, were not invited to the White House event, underscoring the risks of a lack of continuity in the effort.And executives from two drug companies, Pfizer and Moderna – whose own vaccine candidate is also up for approval from the FDA – were invited to the White House by Trump but declined, Stat News reported.Slaoui defended the administration’s decision not to buy more doses of the Pfizer vaccine, in his appearance Tuesday on ABC, saying they were looking at several different vaccines during the summer when it had the option to lock in additional Pfizer vaccine doses.“No one reasonably would buy more from any one of those vaccines because we didn’t know which one would work and which one would be better than the other,” said Slaoui. Before taking his current post, Slaoui resigned from the Moderna board.The US government has also contracted for 100m doses of the Moderna vaccine. Both vaccines require two doses per patient, although a preliminary report on the Pfizer vaccine issued on Tuesday by the FDA found some protection after just one dose.The report, which found “no specific safety concerns identified that would preclude issuance” of an emergency use authorization, accelerated the path to approval. “FDA has determined that [Pfizer] has provided adequate information to ensure the vaccine’s quality and consistency for authorization of the product under an EUA,” the report said.A spokeswoman for the Department of Health and Human Services told the Times that in addition to Pfizer and Moderna, the government had signed contracts for doses for other vaccine candidates that have not yet reached the stage of seeking regulatory approval.“We are confident that we will have 100 million doses of Pfizer’s vaccine as agreed to in our contract, and beyond that, we have five other vaccine candidates, including 100 million doses on the way from Moderna,” she said. More

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    Here’s what Brexit will mean for your house prices and mortgages

    On 31 December the post-Brexit transition period ends and, with or without a free trade deal with the European Union, the UK will start life outside the EU’s single market and customs union.That will, pretty much all economists tell us, have a substantial economic impact on our lives.  But what exactly will those impacts be – and how will ordinary people experience them?
    Below we describe how the two varieties of Brexit are likely to impact house prices and mortgages – two areas which people commonly equate with their wealth and personal finances.Leaving the EU with a free trade deal would, according to the Treasury’s independent Office for Budget Responsibility be a long-term drag on the economy, reducing economic output by around 4 per cent relative to otherwise.
    But it would mean any short-term disruption, above and beyond the huge coronavirus impact, would be avoided.
    During the lockdown earlier this year the housing market largely ground to a halt, with the number of transactions collapsing in April.But the traded price of the average house hasn’t collapsed this year. And the market has been bolstered by a stamp duty holiday from the chancellor announced in the summer, which lasts until March 2021.All this suggests that leaving the EU with a successful trade deal probably won’t have a short-term negative impact on house prices.
    In the longer term, the price of housing will be determined by the balance of supply of new housing and the demand for it and also interest rates. Moving from EU membership to a free-trade deal with the bloc is unlikely to directly influence these major structural determinants.As for mortgages, most borrowers’ repayments are indirectly determined by the main national interest rate set by the Bank of England. Leaving the EU with a trade deal would be a more benign economic scenario from the point of view of the Bank’s rate setting committee.It might bring forward the date at which the Bank raises rates, relative to a no-deal scenario on 31 December. And that could push up mortgage repayments for many households.Yet the Bank is mindful of the overall economy, which is still in the grip of the coronavirus emergency, and financial markets are not expecting significant rate rises from the Bank any time soon, whether there is a Brexit deal or not.Some surveyors are nervous about the impact of a no-deal Brexit on the UK housing market.  Several cite it, alongside the impact of Covid, in the latest survey by the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors (RICS) as a potential dampener on the market.  If unemployment rises sharply next year because of the coronavirus crisis and a no-deal Brexit that’s unlikely to be positive for house prices.Yet it’s hard to say with any confidence that house prices would fall in the event of a no-deal Brexit, especially as they have held up extraordinarily well in the face of the coronavirus crisis, which has seen the biggest shock to the UK economy in some three hundred years.
    As for mortgages, financial markets are currently pricing in the Bank of England cutting interest rates below zero in the coming months to help support the economy. Many analysts think a no-deal Brexit could be the factor that pushes the Bank to take such a plunge into negative territory for the first time.While negative interest rates probably wouldn’t result in a fall in average mortgage repayments from their current ultra-low levels, it would ensure they didn’t rise.  This could help cushion the financial blow of a no-deal Brexit for some households. But for those who work in sectors such as manufacturing, which are especially exposed to the shock of a no-deal Brexit, the bigger threat to their livelihoods would probably be redundancy than rising mortgage repayments. More

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    Here’s what Brexit will mean for your wages, benefits and taxes OLD

    On 31 December the post-Brexit transition period ends and, with or without a free trade deal with the European Union, the UK will start life outside the EU’s single market and customs union.That will, pretty much all economists tell us, have a substantial economic impact on our lives.  But what exactly will those impacts be – and how will ordinary people experience them?
    Below we describe how the two varieties of Brexit are likely to impact peoples’ wages, benefits and taxes.There are various ways of modelling the economic impact of the UK leaving the EU.  One is to analyse the likely overall economic impact on the UK economy of higher trade barriers with the EU, the bloc with which we currently do around half of our trade.Virtually every macroeconomic trade model shows that leaving the EU with a free trade deal would hold back the UK economy’s growth relative to staying in the bloc. The Office for Budget Responsibility, the Treasury’s own independent forecaster, this week estimated it would impede UK GDP growth over the next 15 or so years by around 4 per cent relative to where it otherwise would have been.  This picture would be roughly the same if we successfully concluded ambitious trade deals with the likes of countries such as the US, Australia and New Zealand.  The Government’s own economic modelling team estimates all these deals combined would add a maximum of 0.2 per cent of GDP in the long run.This 4 per cent of GDP loss accounts for £80bn in today’s money, or around £3,000 for each of the UK’s 28 million households. This could be experienced in the form of lower wages, lower benefits and higher taxes than otherwise would have accrued to households.  £3,000A rough indication of the size of the economic pain that would be borne by the average household from leaving the EU with a Brexit dealIt’s impossible to say exactly how much individual households would suffer financially, because this will depend on which sectors of the economy members of a household work in and the decisions of future politicians about redistribution through benefits and taxes. But this £3,000 figure gives a rough indication of the size of the economic pain that would be borne by the average householdAnother way to model Brexit is to examine different sectors such as agriculture, finance, fishing, manufacturing and so on. These exercises show that some sectors, specifically those that do a great deal more in trade with the Continent than others, would face more damage.  Modelling suggests clothing, chemicals, pharmaceuticals, motor manufacturing, agriculture and financial services would be hit the most.  This implies that workers in those industries would likely face a more severe economic hit. But firms in sectors that don’t trade much with Europe, such as construction, might well be relatively unaffected. However, it’s important to stress that such sectors could also be negatively impacted by future restrictions on EU migration, which would have implications for the wages of those who currently work in them.Leaving the EU without a trade deal on 31 December would, according to the UK’s independent Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR), hold back UK GDP growth by around 2 per cent in 2021, or £40bn.  That translates into a loss of £1,500 per UK household. And over 15 years the OBR estimates, based on the modelling done by a host of independent researchers, that the damage would hit 6 per cent of GDP, or around £120bn, or around £4,000 per household.
    Again, it’s impossible to say precisely which households would suffer because this would depend on which sectors people work in and the decisions of future politicians about benefits and taxes.  Yet this is a rough indication of the size of the economic pain that would be borne – in some way – by the average UK household.
    The impact of a no-deal Brexit on particular sectors would be even more unequally felt than leaving the EU with a free trade deal.  Many exporting firms would face EU tariffs, which would make those exports less competitive and likely reduce demand for them, blowing a hole in the incomes of people working in these sectors.The impact on the automotive sector would be especially severe because all cars exported to the EU ( the destination of half of UK-manufactured cars), would be hit by a 10 per cent tariff.The OBR thinks unemployment would rise by around 300,000 next year, relative to otherwise, if we left the EU without a free trade deal. It’s likely that these lost jobs would be concentrated in those sectors which are heavily reliant on EU trade. Researchers at the Institute for Fiscal Studies calculate that lower-skilled workers more likely to be hit economically by a no-deal Brexit.“These tend to be older men with skills specific to their occupation who, history suggests, may struggle to find equally well-paid work if their current employment were to disappear,” they note. More

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    Here’s what Brexit will mean for your wages, benefits and taxes

    On 31 December the post-Brexit transition period ends and, with or without a free trade deal with the European Union, the UK will start life outside the EU’s single market and customs union.That will, pretty much all economists tell us, have a substantial economic impact on our lives.  But what exactly will those impacts be – and how will ordinary people experience them?
    Below we describe how the two varieties of Brexit are likely to impact peoples’ wages, benefits and taxes.There are various ways of modelling the economic impact of the UK leaving the EU.  One is to analyse the likely overall economic impact on the UK economy of higher trade barriers with the EU, the bloc with which we currently do around half of our trade.Virtually every macroeconomic trade model shows that leaving the EU with a free trade deal would hold back the UK economy’s growth relative to staying in the bloc. The Office for Budget Responsibility, the Treasury’s own independent forecaster, this week estimated it would impede UK GDP growth over the next 15 or so years by around 4 per cent relative to where it otherwise would have been.  This picture would be roughly the same if we successfully concluded ambitious trade deals with the likes of countries such as the US, Australia and New Zealand.  The Government’s own economic modelling team estimates all these deals combined would add a maximum of 0.2 per cent of GDP in the long run.This 4 per cent of GDP loss accounts for £80bn in today’s money, or around £3,000 for each of the UK’s 28 million households. This could be experienced in the form of lower wages, lower benefits and higher taxes than otherwise would have accrued to households.  £3,000A rough indication of the size of the economic pain that would be borne by the average household from leaving the EU with a Brexit dealIt’s impossible to say exactly how much individual households would suffer financially, because this will depend on which sectors of the economy members of a household work in and the decisions of future politicians about redistribution through benefits and taxes. But this £3,000 figure gives a rough indication of the size of the economic pain that would be borne by the average householdAnother way to model Brexit is to examine different sectors such as agriculture, finance, fishing, manufacturing and so on. These exercises show that some sectors, specifically those that do a great deal more in trade with the Continent than others, would face more damage.  Modelling suggests clothing, chemicals, pharmaceuticals, motor manufacturing, agriculture and financial services would be hit the most.  This implies that workers in those industries would likely face a more severe economic hit. But firms in sectors that don’t trade much with Europe, such as construction, might well be relatively unaffected. However, it’s important to stress that such sectors could also be negatively impacted by future restrictions on EU migration, which would have implications for the wages of those who currently work in them.Leaving the EU without a trade deal on 31 December would, according to the UK’s independent Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR), hold back UK GDP growth by around 2 per cent in 2021, or £40bn.  That translates into a loss of £1,500 per UK household. And over 15 years the OBR estimates, based on the modelling done by a host of independent researchers, that the damage would hit 6 per cent of GDP, or around £120bn, or around £4,000 per household.
    Again, it’s impossible to say precisely which households would suffer because this would depend on which sectors people work in and the decisions of future politicians about benefits and taxes.  Yet this is a rough indication of the size of the economic pain that would be borne – in some way – by the average UK household.
    The impact of a no-deal Brexit on particular sectors would be even more unequally felt than leaving the EU with a free trade deal.  Many exporting firms would face EU tariffs, which would make those exports less competitive and likely reduce demand for them, blowing a hole in the incomes of people working in these sectors.The impact on the automotive sector would be especially severe because all cars exported to the EU ( the destination of half of UK-manufactured cars), would be hit by a 10 per cent tariff.The OBR thinks unemployment would rise by around 300,000 next year, relative to otherwise, if we left the EU without a free trade deal. It’s likely that these lost jobs would be concentrated in those sectors which are heavily reliant on EU trade. Researchers at the Institute for Fiscal Studies calculate that lower-skilled workers more likely to be hit economically by a no-deal Brexit.“These tend to be older men with skills specific to their occupation who, history suggests, may struggle to find equally well-paid work if their current employment were to disappear,” they note. More