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    Ron DeSantis suspende su campaña presidencial: lo que hay que saber

    El gobernador de Florida, Ron DeSantis, suspendió su campaña presidencial el domingo y respaldó al expresidente Donald Trump, lo que marcó una espectacular implosión para un candidato que alguna vez fue visto como el que tenía la mayor probabilidad de destronar a Trump como el nominado del Partido Republicano en 2024.Su salida de la contienda tan solo dos días antes de las elecciones primarias de Nuevo Hampshire deja a Nikki Haley, la exgobernadora de Carolina del Sur, como la última rival de Trump que queda.La derrota devastadora de DeSantis por 30 puntos porcentuales frente a Trump en el caucus de Iowa del lunes pasado lo dejó ante una pregunta desalentadora: ¿por qué seguir adelante? El domingo, dio su respuesta y reconoció que no había sentido en continuar sin un “camino claro a la victoria”.“Hoy suspendo mi campaña”, dijo DeSantis en un video publicado después de que The New York Times informara que se esperaba que abandonara la contienda, y añadió: “Trump es superior al actual presidente, Joe Biden. Eso es claro. Firmé un compromiso de apoyar al nominado republicano y cumpliré ese compromiso. Tiene mi respaldo porque no podemos volver a la vieja guardia republicana de antaño”.DeSantis había volado de vuelta a Tallahassee el sábado por la noche después de hacer campaña en Carolina del Sur. Se esperaba que apareciera en un evento de campaña en Nuevo Hampshire el domingo por la tarde, pero fue cancelado.Incluso antes de que DeSantis hiciera su anuncio, Trump ya había comenzado a hablar de su candidatura en tiempo pasado. “Que descanse en paz”, dijo Trump sobre DeSantis en un mitin el sábado por la noche en Manchester.La semana pasada, DeSantis había comenzado a insinuar que podría estar buscando salir de la contienda, poniendo sus ojos en la elección de 2028 y admitiendo que Trump había logrado una victoria abrumadora en Iowa.El caos marcó los últimos días de su campaña, justo como había ocurrido al principio, cuando inició su campaña con un evento de transmisión en vivo ampliamente ridiculizado y con fallas técnicas en Twitter. Durante el fin de semana, el itinerario de DeSantis estuvo en constante cambio, ya que volaba entre Nuevo Hampshire y Carolina del Sur con poco aviso, posponiendo eventos y finalmente cancelando sus apariciones en los programas políticos matutinos del domingo.El respaldo de DeSantis a Trump fue rápido y somero. El gobernador de Florida no ofreció ninguna justificación para apoyar a Trump más allá de que el expresidente contaba con el respaldo de la mayoría de los republicanos en las encuestas, y que no era Haley. DeSantis tampoco pudo resistirse a dar un último golpe al candidato líder de su partido y volvió a plantear críticas sobre el manejo de la pandemia de Trump.Al darle su respaldo a Trump, DeSantis parecía estar tratando de unir al ala conservadora del partido detrás del expresidente mientras dejaba pasar el hecho de que estaba cediendo ante un hombre que lo había ridiculizado como si fuera un deporte sangriento.Después de anunciar su candidatura para la presidencia, con grandes expectativas, en mayo, DeSantis y su campaña resultaron ser un fracaso costoso: en conjunto con grupos externos bien financiados, gastaron decenas de millones de dólares con poco efecto evidente.La constante ridiculización de Trump —sobre cualquier cosa, desde las expresiones faciales de DeSantis hasta su elección de calzado— degradó su imagen como un guerrero conservador confiable. A lo largo de su campaña, los números de DeSantis cayeron aproximadamente a la mitad en las encuestas nacionales, lo que parece ser una sentencia tanto de sus habilidades como candidato como de su estrategia de intentar posicionarse a la derecha de Trump. Un apoyo cacareado y un sistema de sondeo pagado por su súper PAC (sigla en inglés que designa al comité de acción política), Never Back Down, apenas parecieron hacer una diferencia en la contienda.Por momentos, parecía como si DeSantis estuviera yendo de un episodio embarazoso a otro, mientras su campaña lidiaba con contratiempos como despidos masivos y las consecuencias de producir un video en redes sociales que presentaba un símbolo nazi.En Iowa, su osada promesa de ganar resultó ser vacía. En cambio, apenas venció a Haley, cuya imagen más moderada parecía ser inadecuada para los republicanos socialmente conservadores del estado. Invertir recursos en Iowa dejó sin fondos los esfuerzos de DeSantis en Nuevo Hampshire y Carolina del Sur, dos de los otros estados de nominación temprana, donde sus números en las encuestas se desplomaron. La pérdida de apoyo tanto de votantes como de donantes significó que no había mucho sentido en continuar hacia más derrotas inevitables.Aunque había comenzado su contienda en una posición relativamente fuerte, las encuestas ahora mostraban a DeSantis en un lejano tercer lugar en Nuevo Hampshire, con alrededor del 6 por ciento de los votos.Tanto DeSantis como sus aliados parecían estar quedándose peligrosamente con pocos fondos. Ningún anuncio a favor de DeSantis se había transmitido en la televisión de Nuevo Hampshire desde antes del Día de Acción de Gracias.En la noche de su derrota en Iowa, DeSantis había intentado convertir su resultado en algo positivo, diciendo que como el finalista del segundo lugar había “impulsado su candidatura” fuera del estado.Resultó que ese impulso fue válido por menos de una semana.El autobús perteneciente a Never Back Down, el comité de acción política de DeSantis, transitando por Hampton, Nuevo Hampshire. DeSantis tercerizó muchas de las operaciones de su campaña al PAC, un movimiento inusual. John Tully para The New York TimesEl planAl retirarse antes de Nuevo Hampshire, DeSantis se salvó de una derrota catastrófica el martes, deteniendo una larga y lenta hemorragia política.No había forma de evitar cuán malo resultaría. DeSantis había hecho un poco de campaña aquí, y en los días posteriores a Iowa sugirió que se concentraría, más bien, en Carolina del Sur, que no celebraría sus primarias hasta un mes después. Never Back Down comenzó a despedir a miembros del personal.Pero la caída de DeSantis había comenzado en Iowa, donde había apostado toda su campaña.Aunque los resultados no lo reflejaban, DeSantis siguió la misma estrategia allí que los candidatos republicanos usaron para ganar los últimos tres caucus disputados.DeSantis visitó todos los 99 condados de Iowa, respondió un sinfín de preguntas de los votantes y obtuvo el respaldo de dos figuras clave, la gobernadora Kim Reynolds y el líder evangélico Bob Vander Plaats.“Nadie trabajó más duro, y lo dimos todo en el campo”, dijo DeSantis el domingo en su video de salida de su candidatura.Su estrategia se basaba en la suposición de que los votantes republicanos podrían dividirse en tres grupos, basados en sus sentimientos hacia el expresidente: aquellos que siempre apoyarían a Trump, quienes nunca apoyarían a Trump y los electores a los que les gustaba Trump y sus políticas pero estaban listos para un nuevo portador de estandarte para el partido, quizás alguien más joven y con menos equipaje. Era ese tercer grupo de votantes el que DeSantis se propuso ganar. Una vez que lo hiciera, según la teoría, los que nunca apoyarían a Trump le seguirían.Pero a DeSantis le costó explicar por qué esos votantes de Trump poco comprometidos deberían elegirlo a él en lugar de al expresidente. Durante gran parte de la campaña apenas intentó crear un contraste y, en cambio, se centró en su historial en Florida. Los votantes lo cuestionaron repetidamente sobre cuándo desafiaría con firmeza al candidato favorito, incluso hasta los últimos días de la campaña.Con el tiempo, DeSantis se conformó con un argumento de que Trump había fallado en implementar gran parte de su agenda conservadora, y que solo DeSantis podría dar a los republicanos las victorias que anhelaban. Pero eso sonó hueco para muchos votantes del Partido Republicano, quienes creían que Trump había sido un presidente eficaz injustamente obstaculizado por los liberales y “el Estado profundo”.“Trump defendió a la gente”, dijo Brett Potthoff, de 30 años, un ingeniero de Sac City, Iowa, quien consideró apoyar a DeSantis en los caucus pero que al final afirmó que respaldaría a Trump. “Todo el mundo estaba tratando de hundirlo por cosas falsas”.Al principio de su candidatura, DeSantis evitó a los medios de comunicación. También tuvo dificultades para conectar con los votantes en los recorridos de campaña. Jordan Gale para The New York TimesEl fracaso de DeSantis con los votantes evangélicos blancos fue especialmente notable, dado lo mucho que se esforzó por ganárselos. El año pasado firmó una prohibición de aborto de seis semanas en Florida que ilegalizaba el procedimiento en un momento en el que muchas mujeres no saben que están embarazadas. Trump criticó la ley por ser demasiado dura, y DeSantis intentó usar el aborto como un tema divisivo para persuadir a los cristianos conservadores de apartarse del expresidente.No funcionó. Muchos líderes y votantes antiaborto adoraban a Trump por nombrar a los jueces de la Corte Suprema que ayudaron a anular Roe contra Wade, un objetivo de su movimiento durante décadas. No podían ser apartados de su lado.Mientras que DeSantis ganó poco con los evangélicos, perdió mucho entre los votantes del centro político, así como entre los donantes republicanos ricos con puntos de vista sociales más moderados. Su decisión de ceder el centro ayudó a crear un camino en la contienda para Haley, quien usó un tono más mesurado sobre el aborto. También le dificultó recrear la amplia coalición que le dio una reelección de 19 puntos de ventaja en Florida, que había creado con apoyo de mujeres e independientes, así como de votantes hispanos.Aun así, algunas cosas parecían estar fuera del control de DeSantis. Enfrentarse a Trump, quien en buena medida tiene los beneficios de alguien que estuvo en la presidencia, no era tarea fácil. Y en otra época, las imputaciones de Trump en cuatro casos criminales habrían parecido beneficiar a DeSantis. Pero lejos de disminuir la posición del expresidente entre los republicanos, los cargos en realidad unieron al partido en torno a él.Trump no fue el único candidato en atacar a DeSantis con mensajes negativos. Haley, quien había estado muy por detrás de DeSantis durante la mayor parte de la contienda, también lo criticó sin cesar.Al final, ningún candidato enfrentó más gastos negativos que DeSantis.Eso no impidió que, hasta la noche del caucus, DeSantis y su equipo prometieran un rendimiento dominante en Iowa. Sus asistentes señalaron que aproximadamente 40.000 habitantes de Iowa habían firmado cartas de compromiso para apoyarlo.Pero en una noche extremadamente fría, solo poco más de la mitad de esa cantidad de personas se presentaron para respaldarlo.DeSantis apenas superó a la exgobernadora de Carolina del Sur Nikki Haley en la contienda por el segundo lugar en Iowa, a pesar de haber hecho campaña más intensamente en el estado. Maansi Srivastava/The New York TimesTropezar en la línea de salidaDeSantis y su equipo cometieron una serie de errores propios, incluso antes de que entrara en la contienda.Tras una reelección dominante en 2022, con unos números de encuestas no muy lejos de los de Trump, DeSantis se quedó al margen. En lugar de comenzar de inmediato su candidatura para la presidencia, decidió esperar hasta después de la sesión legislativa de Florida, donde los legisladores aprobaron una serie de leyes conservadoras pensadas para darle más crédito con la derecha. Ese retraso permitió que Trump estableciera la narrativa de que DeSantis era débil y un traidor al movimiento MAGA.Luego, en lugar de anunciar que se postularía en un mitin tradicional, rodeado de su familia y seguidores animados, DeSantis eligió declarar el inicio de su candidatura durante una conversación transmitida en vivo con el empresario tecnológico Elon Musk en X, que se interrumpía con tanta frecuencia que fue un objeto de burlas. Ese inicio del 31 de mayo fue visto de manera generalizada como un desastre que marcó el tono para las siguientes semanas.Pronto comenzó a escasear el dinero. Los grandes donantes habían sido desanimados por los errores de DeSantis, su conservadurismo social estridente y una serie de videos extraños en las redes sociales, uno de los cuales incluía el símbolo nazi. Su campaña, construida para dar una batalla a nivel nacional, fue rápidamente considerada inflada e insostenible. A finales de julio, DeSantis despidió a más de un tercio de su personal de campaña. Iowa se convirtió en el único objetivo. A muchos de los miembros del personal que quedaban se les ordenó trasladarse a Des Moines.Al mismo tiempo, Never Back Down, que había sido promocionado como su arma secreta, cayó en la confusión. Los funcionarios de la campaña y del súper PAC debatieron la estrategia en una serie de memorandos conflictivos que se hicieron públicos porque la ley de financiamiento de campañas prohibía a las dos organizaciones coordinar la estrategia a puerta cerrada. Casi estalla una pelea a golpes entre el presidente de la junta del grupo, un amigo de la universidad de DeSantis llamado Scott Wagner, y su estratega principal, Jeff Roe. Poco después, cinco altos funcionarios de Never Back Down renunciaron o fueron despedidos, seguidos por Roe. Wagner, un abogado con poca experiencia política, asumió el control.El caos en la campaña y en el súper PAC socavó el mensaje de DeSantis de que era un líder competente y sin dramas. Y expuso lo poco que confiaba en alguien fuera de un pequeño círculo de asesores y amigos, y cuán limitada era la experiencia que muchos de esos ayudantes tenían a nivel presidencial.Seguidores esperando que DeSantis hable en su fiesta en la noche de los caucus de Iowa. Trump ganó por 30 puntos porcentuales. Jordan Gale para The New York TimesDeSantis también tuvo dificultades en la campaña. A pesar de tener una historia personal convincente, apenas habló de su biografía. Evitó a los medios de comunicación. Le resultó difícil conectar con los votantes y sus momentos incómodos se volvieron virales. Su respuesta más común al aprender el nombre de un votante era un entusiasta “¡OK!”. Tendía a hablar en acrónimos difíciles de seguir, refiriéndose a temas desconocidos que eran principalmente de interés para los ideólogos republicanos, como “ESG” (siglas en inglés de gobernanza ambiental, social y corporativa) y “DEI” (las siglas de diversidad, equidad e inclusión). Las encuestas mostraron que la mayoría de los votantes se preocupaban más por la economía y la inmigración.En su primer gran evento en Iowa después del Año Nuevo, un momento en el que por lo general los votantes comienzan a prestar más atención a la contienda, DeSantis abrió su discurso con una larga crítica del proceso de acreditación para las universidades.La conferencia no pareció tener impacto. En una sesión de preguntas y respuestas posteriormente, una votante confundida preguntó de qué estaba hablando el gobernador.“Creo que estaba diciendo la palabra ‘depredadores’”, le dijo a De Santis Patrica Janes, de 64 años, de Johnston, Iowa.“Acreditación”, explicó DeSantis. “Acreditador”.Un reajusteDeSantis sí hizo ajustes durante el transcurso de la campaña.Después de los despidos del personal, comenzó a hacer una contienda al estilo de quien va en desventaja, viajando de arriba abajo por Iowa para hacer paradas en pequeños pueblos y escuchar preguntas de los votantes. Habló con reporteros todos los días y dio entrevistas a las principales cadenas de televisión.“Parecía como que se estaba censurando durante mucho tiempo”, dijo Cody Ritner, de 26 años, un partidario de DeSantis de Decorah, Iowa, después de escuchar a DeSantis al final de la campaña. “Mejoró mucho cuando comenzó a soltarse”.La atmósfera en sus eventos también mejoró.Sin embargo, algunas de las tendencias obstinadas de DeSantis permanecieron. Continuó utilizando el dinero de sus donantes para pagar aviones privados en lugar de usar vuelos comerciales. Su campaña prohibió a los reporteros de The New York Times asistir a eventos durante más de un día en respuesta a un artículo crítico. Su oficina no invitó a legisladores estatales de Florida que habían respaldado a Trump a una fiesta de Navidad anual en la mansión del gobernador, aunque todos habían recibido invitaciones el año anterior.Casi nunca, como candidato, DeSantis parecía poder conducir la agenda del día. Algo que había hecho de manera tan efectiva como gobernador, por ejemplo, cuando cautivó a los medios nacionales e indignó a la izquierda al hacer que su gobierno trasladara migrantes a Martha’s Vineyard.Pero en la contienda presidencial, la fuerza de la personalidad de Trump borró todo lo demás.Como candidato, DeSantis raramente parecía capaz de dirigir la narrativa diaria, como lo había hecho como gobernador de Florida. John Tully para The New York TimesVida después de la derrotaDeSantis, quien había sido visto como una figura todopoderosa en el Capitolio del Estado, ahora enfrenta un regreso a Florida con su estatura reducida.Aún así, le quedan casi tres años como gobernador del tercer estado más grande del país, así como un historial comprobado de asegurar la aprobación de su agenda legislativa. Y sus calificaciones de preferencia generalmente siguen siendo altos entre los republicanos a nivel nacional.Mientras asimilaba su pérdida en Iowa, DeSantis argumentó que había dejado una “impresión” contundente. Dijo que había escuchado a varios votantes que habían declarado su lealtad a Trump esta vez, pero dijeron que lo apoyarían en 2028.Había algunas evidencias que respaldaban eso. A pesar de la dura contienda, muchos partidarios de Trump tenían cosas buenas que decir sobre DeSantis.Karen Kontos, de 65 años, salió el mes pasado de un evento de DeSantis en Ames, Iowa, impresionada por el candidato y sosteniendo una pancarta con su nombre. Sin embargo, no tenía intención votar por DeSantis, a quien comparó con una versión más joven de Trump.“Piensan igual”, dijo. “Me gusta DeSantis. Tiene buenas ideas”.Pero, agregó Kontos, “no es Trump”.El domingo, incluso Trump le tendió una rama de olivo a su rival derrotado.Hablando con los partidarios en su sede de campaña de Nuevo Hampshire, Trump dijo que ya no se referiría DeSantis como “DeSanctimonious”, un apodo despectivo que había usado durante meses.“Ese nombre está oficialmente retirado”, dijo Trump.Catie Edmondson More

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    GOP Donors Face Dilemma as DeSantis Drops Out

    Ron DeSantis’s exit, and Nikki Haley’s struggle to make headway against Donald Trump, are forcing Republicans to make a tough choice.The narrowing race for the Republican presidential nomination is creating tough choices for anti-Trump donors.Sophie Park for The New York TimesIt’s down to Trump and Haley now The effort to pick anyone but Donald Trump as the Republican presidential nominee took another big, if expected, blow on Sunday when Ron DeSantis dropped out of the race and endorsed the former president. (Other former hopefuls, including Vivek Ramaswamy and Tim Scott, have also endorsed Trump.)The Republican faithful are coalescing around Trump in a way that raises questions about the next move by the wealthy donors who have sought to stop him.Nikki Haley is now the only potential roadblock to a Trump nomination. DeSantis came into the race as the most daunting opponent to the former president, but his misstep-laden campaign never turned into a serious threat. Among his strategic errors was betting that “anti-woke” fights, including his battle against Disney, would resonate with voters. (Politico reports that a top DeSantis fund-raiser had proposed a legally untested way for the campaign to remain afloat, but the Florida governor eventually yielded to electoral reality.)Haley has embraced her status as the last anti-Trump candidate standing: “May the best woman win,” she said on Sunday. But polls put her some 15 percentage points behind Trump in New Hampshire, as voters head to the polls tomorrow.It’s a sign that the influence of big-money donors is limited. DeSantis’s war chest was financed largely by deep-pocketed benefactors. And in recent months, Haley has drawn support from a bipartisan group of anti-Trump moguls, including the hedge fund billionaire Stanley Druckenmiller and the Democratic investor and LinkedIn founder Reid Hoffman. (JPMorgan Chase’s Jamie Dimon has publicly exhorted people of all political stripes to back Haley.)But as The Times’s Ken Vogel notes, winning over the moneyed class hasn’t guaranteed electoral success for years. Just ask Jeb Bush.What will those anti-Trump donors do? Some are continuing to back Haley: Several Wall Street titans, including Druckenmiller and Henry Kravis, will host a fund-raiser for her on Jan. 30, a week after the Republican and Democratic New Hampshire primaries. And Americans for Prosperity, a super PAC backed by the Koch business empire, said it would continue to back Haley through at least Super Tuesday in early March.But if Haley loses badly in New Hampshire, how long will business leaders accustomed to success stick with a failing bet? Ken Langone, a co-founder of Home Depot and one of her backers, said recently that he wants to see how she does tomorrow before giving more money.In other election news: The top outside political group backing President Biden raised $208 million last year. And Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen is heading to the Midwest this week to tout Biden’s economic record as data points increasingly turn positive.HERE’S WHAT’S HAPPENING The war in Gaza hits the Middle East’s economy. Three months in, the conflict has cost Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan more than $10 billion in economic losses, and risks pushing 230,000 into poverty. Meanwhile, international support for Israel is fraying as casualties in Gaza mount and as attacks by Houthi rebels on commercial vessels in the Red Sea are driving up shipping costs.Exxon Mobil sues climate investors to stop a proxy fight. The fossil-fuel giant asked a federal court in Texas to throw out a proposal from Follow This and Arjuna Capital that calls for speeding up the company’s efforts to cut greenhouse gases. A decision could clarify S.E.C. guidance on which shareholder proposals can be put up for a vote by company shareholders.Another Boeing model comes under regulatory scrutiny. The F.A.A. said on Sunday that airlines should inspect the door plugs on Boeing 737-900ER planes “as an added layer of safety.” Confidence in Boeing’s engineering and quality control has fallen after hundreds of Boeing 737 Max 9s were grounded in the wake of a door panel tearing off an Alaska Airlines jet in flight.S&P 500 futures are up again on Monday. After hitting a record on Friday, the benchmark index looks set to extend those gains. Last week’s rally was driven by investor bets on interest rates cuts and the artificial intelligence boom buoying tech stocks.Could Macy’s get hostile? Macy’s has rejected a $5.8 billion takeover bid from the investment firms Arkhouse Management and Brigade Capital that valued the struggling department store chain at roughly 20 percent above its closing share price on Friday.The investor group is now threatening to take the offer to shareholders. With a potential hostile bid looming, here are DealBook’s questions about what may come next.How would Arkhouse and Brigade pull off a deal? Macy’s board cited doubts about the investment firms’ financing when it rejected the proposal on Sunday. The company said the firms had proposed to pay 25 percent of the offer in equity. The rest would most likely be from debt such as leveraged loans, the market for which has been tight thanks in part to high interest rates.Could the rejection open the door to other bids? Arkhouse’s 2021 offer for Columbia Property Trust led to another buyer entering the picture. Macy’s has not reached out to prospective buyers, people familiar with the matter tell DealBook. But the retailer indicated in a statement that it would “be open to opportunities that are in the best interests of the company and all of our shareholders.”The list of prospective suitors is short, given the challenges facing the retail sector and the scarring memories of buyouts-gone-bad like with Sears.What is Macy’s turnaround plan? The retailer’s shares have fallen about 30 percent over the past five years, as the company lost significant market share, forcing it to close stores and lay off staff — including an announcement last week that it would cut 2,350 jobs.All eyes are on Tony Spring, who takes over as C.E.O. next month after having led Bloomingdale’s, Macy’s much-healthier higher-end brand. But duplicating that kind of success could be challenging, given Macy’s large and underperforming store base and its different shopper demographics.Taking the temperature of tech C.E.O.s Tech sector C.E.O.s are more optimistic about the economy this year, especially the potential for artificial intelligence and the I.P.O. market. But they also remain wary that geopolitical tensions could disrupt trade and increase headwinds in the capital markets, SoftBank’s latest annual survey of its portfolio companies shows.DealBook got an exclusive first look at the report, which includes start-ups backed bySoftBank’s two Vision Funds and its Latin America fund.Hope is returning after a dismal two years. Almost half of the C.E.O.s surveyed were more upbeat about the economy than they were a year ago and expected to raise capital this year.The improvement in sentiment is from a low base, cautioned Alex Clavel, co-C.E.O. of SoftBank Investment Advisers, which manages the funds. Last year was a hangover from 2022, when the fund-raising “faucets were turned off,” he said. Hopes didn’t pan out that I.P.O.s at the end of 2023 — including of the SoftBank-backed Arm — would lead to a flow of new listings, but 37 percent of C.E.O.s said public listings would pick up in the second half of 2024.A.I. excitement is high, even if it’s unclear how it will be deployed. “There is an increasing sense that 2024 is the year when we go from A.I. enthusiasm to A.I. impact,” Clavel said. A third of the C.E.O.s said they had increased A.I. investment by 50 percent last year and were using it to make products more cheaply or to improve efficiency.But some are proceeding cautiously. Clavel said one company has used A.I. to cut costs significantly but is holding off on more changes “because it’s going to be too unsettling” for the work force.The C.E.O.s said tensions with China were the top geopolitical risk. Still, that obstacle hasn’t significantly affected their businesses yet. The biggest concern for 2024: that wider instability, including war in the Middle East, could sap investor interest in I.P.O.s or raise energy costs in Europe.“I have lost confidence in the determination and ability of the Harvard Corporation and Harvard leadership to maintain Harvard as a place where Jews and Israelis can flourish.” — Larry Summers, the former Treasury secretary and ex-president of Harvard, after the university announced a new antisemitism task force on Friday. The committee is set to be co-chaired by Derek Penslar, a professor of Jewish history who Summers said was “unsuited” for the role in part because of his position on the extent of the school’s antisemitism problem.The week ahead On the agenda this week: earnings, inflation and central bank decisions.Tomorrow: Netflix, Procter & Gamble, Johnson & Johnson and Lockheed Martin release quarterly results. Also, the Bank of Japan is expected to maintain its ultra-loose monetary policy; the markets predict the country will exit its negative rates regime as soon as March.Elsewhere, the Academy Awards nominees are set to be announced.Wednesday: The Dutch chips-equipment manufacturer ASML, Tesla and AT&T report earnings.Thursday: It’s decision day for the European Central Bank, which is expected to hold steady on interest rates. On the other side of the Atlantic, U.S. fourth-quarter G.D.P. is set to be published.In earnings, LVMH, Intel, Visa and a slew of airlines including American, Southwest and Alaska Air Group are due to report.Friday: The Personal Consumption Expenditures report, the Fed’s preferred inflation gauge, will be released.THE SPEED READ DealsSony ended a $10 billion deal to combine its Indian assets with Zee Entertainment, a Mumbai-based media company. (Reuters)Macquarie, the big Australian investment firm, has raised 8 billion euros ($8.7 billion) for its latest European infrastructure fund. (FT)What Citigroup’s exit from the $4 trillion market for municipal bonds, a field it once dominated, means for the business of financing state and local governments. (WSJ)Artificial intelligenceEleven Labs, an A.I voice-cloning start-up, raised $80 million in new funds from investors led by Andreessen Horowitz at a valuation of more than $1 billion. (Bloomberg)How Japan is turning to avatars, robots and A.I. to tackle its labor crisis. (FT)Best of the rest“‘America is Under Attack’: Inside the Anti-D.E.I. Crusade” (NYT)American clothing makers are pushing to change a trade rule that effectively lets foreign manufacturers ship directly to U.S. consumers without paying tariffs. (NYT)The Chinese electric carmaker BYD is going upmarket with a Lamborghini-style E.V. to step up its fight with Tesla. (WSJ)We’d like your feedback! Please email thoughts and suggestions to dealbook@nytimes.com. More

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    Ron DeSantis Drops Out of 2024 Presidential Race and Endorses Trump

    Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida suspended his campaign for president on Sunday and endorsed former President Donald J. Trump, marking a spectacular implosion for a candidate once seen as having the best chance to dethrone Mr. Trump as the Republican Party’s nominee in 2024.His departure from the race just two days before the New Hampshire primary election leaves Nikki Haley, the former governor of South Carolina, as Mr. Trump’s last rival standing.Mr. DeSantis’s devastating 30-percentage-point loss to Mr. Trump in the Iowa caucuses last Monday had left him facing a daunting question: Why keep going? On Sunday, he provided his answer, acknowledging there was no point in soldiering on without a “clear path to victory.”“I am today suspending my campaign,” Mr. DeSantis said in a video posted after The New York Times reported he was expected to leave the race, adding: “Trump is superior to the current incumbent, Joe Biden. That is clear. I signed a pledge to support the Republican nominee, and I will honor that pledge. He has my endorsement because we can’t go back to the old Republican guard of yesteryear.”Mr. DeSantis had flown home to Tallahassee late Saturday after campaigning in South Carolina. He had been expected to appear at a campaign event in New Hampshire on Sunday afternoon, but it was canceled.Even before Mr. DeSantis made his announcement, Mr. Trump had begun speaking about his candidacy in the past tense. “May he rest in peace,” Mr. Trump said of Mr. DeSantis at a Saturday evening rally in Manchester.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    Dean Phillips Drops DEI From Campaign Website After Bill Ackman Donation

    The campaign website for Representative Dean Phillips, the Minnesota Democrat mounting a long-shot primary challenge to President Biden, has a policy platform that signals liberal bona fides tempered by a Midwestern businessman’s practicality. It includes headers like “Climate Action,” “Women’s Health and Economic Security” and “Immigration Reform.”Sometime on Tuesday, one header was changed. Gone was “Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion.” In its place: “Equity and Restorative Justice.”The text beneath the header — including acknowledgments of racial disparities and vague promises to ensure equal opportunity — was untouched. But the tweak was nonetheless significant. Even more so was its timing: On Saturday, Mr. Phillips had received the endorsement of William A. Ackman, the billionaire investor who in recent months has become an outspoken critic of so-called D.E.I. programs in higher education.Mr. Ackman did not merely endorse Mr. Phillips; in a lengthy post on X on Saturday, where Mr. Ackman has a considerable following, he said that he had already given the maximum $3,300 donation allowed to Mr. Phillips’s campaign, and he announced that on Tuesday, after the federal holiday for Martin Luther King’s Birthday, he planned to wire $1 million to We Deserve Better, a super PAC formed late last year that is supporting Mr. Phillips’s candidacy.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    Bloomberg and Other Billionaires Donated to Adams’s Legal-Defense Fund

    Mayor Eric Adams of New York set up the fund amid a broad federal corruption investigation into his campaign’s fund-raising practices.Mayor Eric Adams raised $732,000 in less than two months to pay for legal expenses related to a federal investigation into his campaign fund-raising, according to a filing submitted Tuesday.The contributors to Mr. Adams’s defense fund include an array of wealthy players in business and politics, among them at least four who have been described as billionaires: the former New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg, the Ukrainian-British oligarch Leonard Blavatnik, the real estate and fertilizer tycoon Alexander Rovt and the cryptocurrency investor Brock Pierce.The fund has so far spent $440,000, most of it on WilmerHale, the law firm Mr. Adams hired to represent him in the investigation, the filing shows.City law permits elected officials to set up defense funds to pay for expenses related to criminal or civil investigations that are unrelated to their government duties and cannot be paid for with public money. The funds can collect up to $5,000 per donor but are not permitted to solicit or receive contributions from anyone with city contracts or business before the city.The Eric Adams Legal Defense Trust was set up late last year after the F.B.I. searched the home of Brianna Suggs, who was then Mr. Adams’s chief campaign fund-raiser. It made its first filing with the city’s Conflicts of Interest Board on Tuesday.Mr. Adams, who unveiled his preliminary city budget on Tuesday, said the support had come from donors who appreciated his “life of service,” from his time as a transit police officer to his tenure as mayor.“They said, ‘We want to help,’” he said. “People have known my character, and they said, ‘We want to help.’”The four billionaires and their relatives contributed a total of $40,000 to the fund. Mr. Pierce, a former child actor who is now a cryptocurrency investor, has previously supported the mayor. Mr. Adams has praised cryptocurrency, and he flew on Mr. Pierce’s private jet to Puerto Rico shortly after he was elected mayor. Since his campaign, Mr. Adams has also nurtured a relationship with Mr. Bloomberg, who left City Hall at the end of 2013.Frank Carone, Mr. Adams’s first chief of staff and a longtime adviser, and his relatives pitched in $20,000, while Lori Fensterman, the wife of Mr. Carone’s former law partner, gave $5,000. The mayor himself gave two donations totaling $120.Among the other donors were Jenifer Rajkumar, a state assemblywoman from Queens and a close ally of Mr. Adams, who gave $2,500; Angelo Acquista, a pulmonologist and diet book author, and his wife, Svetlana Acquista, who gave Mr. Adams a total of $10,000; and Michael Cayre, an owner of Casa Cipriani who, with two family members, donated $15,000. Mr. Cayre recently organized a gala at the club that reportedly raised about $10 million for victims of the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks, with Mr. Adams in attendance. The bulk of the fund’s expenses so far, about $397,000, was paid to WilmerHale, where Mr. Adams’s defense team includes Brendan McGuire and Boyd Johnson, two former top prosecutors at the Southern District of New York, which is conducting the investigation along with the F.B.I. Mr. McGuire also formerly worked as Mr. Adams’s chief counsel in City Hall.The fund also paid $7,500 to Pitta L.L.P., a law firm whose co-managing partner, Vito Pitta, is overseeing the fund. It paid about $25,000 to two companies for “vetting and investigative services” and “forensic data collection.”The City Council authorized legal defense funds in 2019 after the Conflicts of Interest Board ruled that city gift restrictions prohibited Mr. Adams’s predecessor, Bill de Blasio, from soliciting more than $50 per donor to pay for legal bills he had accumulated during state and federal investigations into his fund-raising.The investigation into Mayor Adams’s fund-raising came into view in early November. On the same day as the search of Ms. Suggs’ home, F.B.I. agents also searched the New Jersey houses of Rana Abbasova, an aide in Mr. Adams’s international affairs office, and Cenk Ocal, a former Turkish Airlines executive who served on his transition team. A few days later, agents stopped Mr. Adams after a public event and seized several electronic devices from the mayor.Federal officials in Manhattan are examining whether the Turkish government conspired with Mr. Adams’s campaign to funnel donations into campaign coffers and whether Mr. Adams pressured Fire Department officials to sign off on a new high-rise Turkish consulate despite safety concerns.Neither Mr. Adams nor anyone else connected to the investigation has been accused of wrongdoing. The mayor and his representatives have said that he has followed the law scrupulously.On Tuesday, new campaign fund-raising disclosures for the 2025 mayor’s race also became public — the first such filings since the federal investigation into the Adams campaign came to light. They showed that Mr. Adams’s campaign raised $524,800 since July — a significantly lower figure than in the first half of 2023, when he raised $1.3 million.The mayor’s campaign received nearly 600 donations from lawyers and real estate leaders, but only about two dozen of the donations came after the Nov. 2 raid on the fund-raiser’s home. More

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    Biden and Democratic Allies Announce $97 Million Fund-Raising Haul

    President Biden’s re-election campaign said on Monday that, along with two allied committees, it had pulled in $97 million during the most recent fund-raising period. Together, they entered 2024 with more than $117 million in cash on hand, the campaign said.The Biden operation’s $97 million haul is significant, but its cash on hand number is just $27 million more than it had at the end of September, a function of the campaign’s significant spending on new personnel and more than $25 million in advertising it bought in general-election battlegrounds, where Mr. Biden’s poll numbers have been weak.The Biden campaign released its fund-raising data more than two weeks before it was required to do so, a clear attempt to distract attention from the Iowa caucuses on Monday, the first nominating contest for the Republican presidential candidates aiming to oust Mr. Biden from the White House.“The Team Biden-Harris coalition knows the stakes of this election and is ready to win this November,” said Julie Chávez Rodríguez, Mr. Biden’s campaign manager. “These numbers prove that the American people know the stakes and are taking action early to help defeat the extreme MAGA Republican agenda again.”Former President Donald J. Trump, who has a large lead in polls of the Republican race and is widely expected to win in Iowa, has not yet released his year-end fund-raising numbers. The Trump campaign had $37.5 million in cash on hand at the end of September, the last time filings were reported, and Mr. Biden’s campaign had $32.2 million.In January 2020, Mr. Trump’s re-election campaign committee alone had $102.8 million on hand — a function of a cash bonanza that followed his first impeachment.Of the other top Republican candidates, only former Gov. Nikki Haley of South Carolina has revealed her end-of-year fund-raising totals. This month, she announced she had raised $24 million in the fourth quarter for her campaign and its two associated committees. The campaign said it had $14.5 million in cash to begin the new year.The Biden campaign offered few useful details about the money it has raised. The campaign pointed to 520,000 individual donors during the three-month period that ended Dec. 31, but did not reveal how much of its money came from donors who gave less than $200, the typical measuring stick for grass-roots enthusiasm.Small-dollar donors are vital to a campaign’s health because they can be tapped for repeated contributions, and they are a sign of grass-roots engagement with a candidate.It is not clear yet how much of the cash raised by the Biden operation is in the campaign account that can accept contributions of $6,600 per person or other accounts to which donors can give nearly $1 million. How the money is divided won’t be known until Jan. 31, when all of the federal campaign committees are required to file fund-raising reports with the Federal Election Commission. More

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    Trump’s Dominance and Snowy Weather Put Iowa’s Caucus Economy on Ice

    Even before a snowstorm brought Des Moines to a near standstill on Friday, the city felt decidedly more subdued than it usually does around the Iowa caucuses: quiet restaurants, empty streets, bartenders with little to do.The numbers confirm it: The 2024 caucuses are expected to bring less than 40 percent of the direct economic impact to the capital that the 2020 contest provided — an estimated $4.2 million, down from $11.3 million four years ago. Direct economic impact measures what visitors do, like sleeping, driving, eating and drinking.It is a striking decline that reflects, among other things, diminished media engagement in a presidential race that is less competitive than in past years, when the state has been inundated by presidential hopefuls, their campaigns and teams of journalists in hot pursuit.“Media is way down,” said Greg Edwards, the chief executive of the Greater Des Moines Convention and Visitors Bureau, which provided the numbers. “The major networks aren’t sending their major anchors like they have in the past.”The $4.2 million figure does not represent the caucuses’ total economic boom to Iowa. Tens of millions of dollars have flowed into the state in recent months, culminating this week in a frenzy of events. The campaigns and their supporting super PACs have spent $119.6 million on television advertising in Iowa, according to an analysis by AdImpact, a media-tracking firm.Downtown Des Moines on Friday, when presidential candidates canceled several events.Hilary Swift for The New York TimesWe are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    A Super PAC Forms to Support No Labels

    A political group intending to support a presidential candidate run by the group No Labels plans to file paperwork with the Federal Election Commission on Wednesday, with a handful of Republican and Democratic strategists as advisers.The group, New Leaders ’24 political action committee, expects a No Labels ticket to materialize this year. No Labels has said it would mount a campaign if President Biden and former President Donald J. Trump are their parties’ nominees, in a rematch of the 2020 campaign that is increasingly likely.The group will be advised by Rob Stutzman, a Republican and former deputy chief of staff to Arnold Schwarzenegger during his governorship as well as an adviser for Mitt Romney’s 2008 presidential campaign. Kathleen Shanahan, a Republican and former chief of staff to Jeb Bush during his governorship, will be the chief executive, and Andrew Fishman, whom the group identified as a Democrat and who has a business background, will serve as treasurer, Mr. Stutzman said.Officials said they had $2 million in initial commitments, but they expect up to $300 million if there’s a “viable” ticket.It remains to be seen whether No Labels, which counts former Senator Joe Lieberman of Connecticut and Larry Hogan, the former Republican governor of Maryland, among its leadership, will find what it calls a unity ticket to run in 2024. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia, who recently said he would not seek re-election, has suggested he is considering a presidential campaign, and he is seen as a top potential candidate by some in the group.A super PAC is necessary, officials say, because No Labels, which doesn’t have to disclose its donors, can’t operate as a campaign committee and is focused only on trying to ensure ballot access in various states.Independent and third-party candidacies, which have been tried repeatedly, have served as spoilers in previous presidential races. And Democrats have been vocal about concern that a ticket like the one No Labels is looking to run could tilt the election in Mr. Trump’s favor.“I think that our democracy is at risk, and I think that No Labels is perilous to our democracy,” Representative Nancy Pelosi, the California Democrat and former House speaker, said at a recent event. “I say that without any hesitation.”Asked why Mr. Stutzman, a vocal critic of Mr. Trump, would be involved in the effort, he said he believed that the “right ticket” could peel off center-right Republican voters, as opposed to drawing from Mr. Biden. Polls show that he is facing a tight battle in a head-to-head matchup with Mr. Trump.Ryan Clancy, the chief strategist for No Labels, said, “If we offer our line to a unity presidential ticket, it will need a lot of support to rally voters, and it looks like New Leaders 2024 will be well positioned to provide it.” More