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    With Georgia Senate Wins, Democrats Solidify Power in Washington

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionliveLatest UpdatesCalls for Impeachment25th Amendment ExplainedTrump Officials ResignHow Mob Stormed CapitolAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyWith Georgia Senate Wins, Democrats Solidify Power in WashingtonSenator Chuck Schumer will fulfill his ambition of becoming majority leader as Senator Mitch McConnell returns to heading the minority, shifting the policy agenda as Joe Biden takes office.Senator Chuck Schumer, the Democratic leader, leaving his office on Wednesday, with framed portraits of former majority leaders behind him.Credit…Erin Schaff/The New York TimesJan. 7, 2021Updated 7:34 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — The stunning Democratic wins in two Georgia Senate races this week upended Washington’s power structure overnight, providing an unexpected opening to the incoming Biden administration by handing unified control of Congress to Democrats, who will be tested by governing with spare majorities.The victories by Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff mean that Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York, will control the Senate floor rather than Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and a man Democrats have long seen as the main impediment to their legislative ambitions.The momentous shift occurred even as a violent siege of the Capitol on Wednesday, egged on by President Trump, made clear the staunch refusal of his supporters to acknowledge President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. as the winner of the election, an explosive last gasp of Republican protest before Democrats assume full control. Thrust together at a secure location with top congressional leaders after being evacuated during the mayhem, Mr. McConnell found himself congratulating Mr. Schumer on his newfound status. In a wholesale change that will shift the policy agenda after Mr. Biden’s inauguration, liberals — including Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, the democratic socialist who will now lead the Budget Committee — will head Senate panels, rather than conservatives. Legislation from the Democratic-controlled House that had languished in the Senate will now get consideration across the Rotunda.The abrupt shift in circumstances invigorated Democrats who had been deflated in November when they failed to gain a Senate majority on Nov. 3 despite Mr. Biden’s victory. Given the traditional advantage Republicans have had in Georgia runoff elections, many Democrats had become resigned to the prospect that they would be sentenced to another two years in the Senate minority, stymied in delivering on Mr. Biden’s priorities.“We sure did not take the most direct path to get here, but here we are,” said Mr. Schumer, happy with the outcome any way he could get it, a result that put him in reach of fulfilling his ambition of becoming majority leader after four years as the chief of the minority.While the change in Senate control is momentous, particularly in easing the way for Mr. Biden to fill administration jobs and judicial vacancies, it does not mean that Democrats can have their way on everything — or even most things.The Democratic majority in the House shrank in the last election, emboldening Republicans and giving Speaker Nancy Pelosi less wiggle room in what is likely her last term. More than half of House Republicans voted to throw out certified presidential election results from Arizona and Pennsylvania overnight Wednesday and Thursday without evidence of fraud, reflecting both the extreme character of the House Republican conference and what is sure to be a reluctance to work with Mr. Biden.With the Senate divided 50 to 50 and Democrats in charge only by virtue of the tiebreaking power of the vice president, the filibuster also looms large. Democrats will need to attract at least 10 Republicans to advance most bills while contending with demands from the left for bolder action now that their party will control all of Congress.Democrats conceded the difficulties but still welcomed the reversal of fortune.“It is not all going to be easy, but it is certainly better than being 52-48 and President Biden playing ‘Mother, May I?’ with Leader McConnell in moving any legislation to the floor,” said Senator Chris Coons, Democrat of Delaware, one of the incoming president’s closest allies on Capitol Hill.Yet Mr. McConnell, newly elected to his seventh term, has been in the position of leading the minority before and has proved effective in obstructing Democratic priorities.The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated Jan. 7, 2021, 9:15 p.m. ETBetsy DeVos, education secretary, is second cabinet member to resign.Here’s what Trump’s cabinet members have said about the storming of the Capitol.Lawmakers fear a coronavirus outbreak after sharing close quarters in lockdown.During President Barack Obama’s first term, Democrats had a filibuster-proof 60 votes for a period, and Mr. McConnell still managed to confound Democrats while gradually chipping away at their majority. Republicans took control in 2015, mainly through emphasizing party unity against Democratic initiatives.As minority leader, Mr. McConnell can be expected to employ the same tactics while focusing on the 2022 midterm elections and seeking to regain his Senate power. That will make the first two years of Mr. Biden’s administration extremely important when it comes to accomplishing any major priority.Republicans said they recognized that the legislative environment will be drastically different.“It’s the agenda, an agenda shift — totally changed,” said Senator Shelley Moore Capito, Republican of West Virginia. “They’re going to have the ability to run things from the House and, you know, shift the emphasis.”When the Senate last had a 50-to-50 split in 2001, the two leaders, the Republican Trent Lott of Mississippi and the Democrat Tom Daschle of South Dakota, worked out a power-sharing agreement. But those two leaders had a much deeper relationship than Mr. McConnell and Mr. Schumer — they had worked cooperatively on the impeachment trial of President Bill Clinton — and the Senate was less polarized than it is today.Mr. Schumer and Mr. McConnell will need to engage in talks to come up with some sort of governing framework.“I assume in the next couple weeks, Schumer and Mitch will sit down and kind of figure out how this is going to work,” said Senator John Thune of South Dakota, the No. 2 Republican. “We had a little bit of a pattern back in 2000, but times have changed. It’s different now.”Perhaps the biggest difference will be the committee chairmen, representing a significant swing in ideology. Besides Mr. Sanders, for example, Senator Sherrod Brown, the progressive Ohio Democrat and strong labor ally, is set to be head of the Banking Committee and will have a markedly different agenda than that of the outgoing Republican chairman, Senator Michael D. Crapo of Idaho.Mr. Brown said his first order of legislative business would be addressing the effect of the coronavirus pandemic and relief provisions set to expire, including an eviction moratorium.“We need to fix a lot of the damage Trump’s done, and then there’s pent-up demand for a whole lot of things,” Mr. Brown said. “What do we do about climate and about racial inequality, about wealth inequality, about structural racism?”Among other notable committee changes would be Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon as head of the tax-writing Finance Committee, and Senator Richard J. Durbin of Illinois as chairman of the Judiciary Committee rather than Senator Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, who was a chief driver of the Republican push to install more than 200 conservative judges on the nation’s federal courts the past four years. Senator Patty Murray of Washington, an aggressive backer of health law changes, is in line for the health committee.With the even partisan split, Democrats have begun talking about employing a special legislative process called reconciliation that applies budget rules to eliminate the threat of a filibuster, but what can be accomplished with that approach is limited. Activists are encouraging Democrats to try to eliminate the 60-vote filibuster to take advantage of their power while they have it.“A window of opportunity like this may not come around again for a long while,” said Brian Fallon, a former Schumer aide and head of the progressive group Demand Justice. “It is almost overwhelming to think of all the opportunities for legislating that now exist, but the priority must be democratic reforms that make institutions like the Senate and our courts more aligned with the will of the people.”But a handful of centrist Democrats, including Senator Joe Manchin III of West Virginia and Jon Tester of Montana, have said they have no interest in gutting the filibuster, instead regarding it as a way to force the kind of compromise they think could restore the Senate’s ability to legislate.“Bipartisan legislation tends to stand the test of time, and so hopefully we continue to work together and have it be encouraged by the filibuster,” Mr. Tester said.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Biden Denounces Storming of Capitol as a ‘Dark Moment’ in Nation’s History

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    Georgia Runoff Updates

    Warnock and Ossoff Win

    Full Results

    Live Forecast

    Electoral College Votes

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    Disturbios y violencia en el Capitolio: el fin de la era Trump

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionliveWatch With AnalysisCertification UpdatesFact Check: Congressional DebateUpdates on UnrestAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyWashingtonDisturbios y violencia en el Capitolio: el fin de la era TrumpLuego de que el presidente Donald Trump hizo un llamado a sus seguidores para que no aceptaran su derrota electoral, los partidarios enojados irrumpieron en el Capitolio, suspendiendo la validación de las elecciones por parte del Congreso y protagonizando el violento final de su presidencia. Simpatizantes del presidente Trump frente al Monumento a Washington.Credit…Jason Andrew para The New York Times6 de enero de 2021Actualizado 20:36 ETRead in EnglishWASHINGTON — Durante años, los críticos del presidente Donald Trump que hicieron advertencias sobre los peores escenarios fueron tachados de alarmistas. Pero parece que la peor situación se materializó el miércoles cuando los partidarios del mandatario irrumpieron en el Capitolio de Estados Unidos, suspendiendo el proceso de validación de su derrota electoral y obligando a la evacuación del vicepresidente Mike Pence y los miembros del Congreso.En medio de una escena inolvidable, que evocó a los golpes de Estado y levantamientos en países autoritarios de todo el mundo, una turba atravesó las barricadas de seguridad, rompió las ventanas y entró en tropel al Capitolio. Mientras los legisladores huían, los agentes de la policía lanzaron gases lacrimógenos dentro de la ciudadela de la democracia estadounidense y sacaron armas para proteger la Cámara de Representantes en un enfrentamiento violento. Los alborotadores llegaron al estrado del Senado, donde poco antes estuvo el vicepresidente, y a la oficina de la presidenta Nancy Pelosi, donde uno se sentó en su escritorio.La inusitada invasión del Capitolio se produjo poco después de que Trump incitó a sus admiradores, en un mitin, a marchar a la sede del Congreso para protestar por la validación de los resultados de las elecciones que perdió, sugiriendo incluso que se uniría a ellos, aunque no lo hizo. Aunque no los instó de manera explícita a entrar por la fuerza en el edificio, les dijo que le estaban robando la presidencia y que nadie debería tolerar eso, lo que enardeció a la concurrencia provocando el estallido de violencia que poco después sucedería en el otro extremo de la avenida Pensilvania.Solo después de que la situación empeoró, Trump finalmente hizo un llamado a la calma. “Pido a todas las personas que están en el Capitolio de Estados Unidos que sean pacíficas”, escribió en Twitter. “¡Sin violencia! Recuerden, NOSOTROS somos el Partido de la Ley y el Orden: respeten la Ley y a nuestros grandes hombres y mujeres de azul. ¡Gracias!”.Pero, inicialmente, no les dijo que abandonaran el Capitolio o que permitieran que se reanudaran los procedimientos, al punto que incluso los propios asesores de Trump le imploraron que se pronunciara. “Condene esto ahora, @realDonaldTrump”, escribió en Twitter Alyssa Farah, quien acaba de renunciar como su directora de comunicaciones. “Eres el único al que escucharán. ¡Por nuestro país!”.Mick Mulvaney, quien se desempeñó como jefe de gabinete de Trump en la Casa Blanca, y luego se convirtió en un enviado especial, hizo un llamado similar. “El tuit del presidente no es suficiente”, escribió. “Él puede detener esto ahora y debe hacer exactamente eso. Dígale a esta gente que se vaya a casa”.Momentos después de que el presidente electo Joseph Biden apareció en televisión en vivo para deplorar la “sedición” en el Capitolio y pedirle a Trump que se presentara ante las cámaras, el presidente lanzó un video grabado en línea que ofrecía mensajes contradictorios. Reiteró sus quejas contra las personas que eran “tan malas y tan malvadas”, incluso cuando les dijo a sus seguidores que era hora de retirarse, sin condenar sus acciones.“Sé que están heridos”, les dijo. “Nos robaron una elección. Fue una elección arrolladora y todos lo saben, especialmente los del otro lado. Pero hay que irse a casa ahora”. Y añadió: “Los amamos. Son muy especiales”.Los críticos del mandatario lo responsabilizaron por alentar la respuesta violenta, al decirles repetidamente a los estadounidenses que le habían robado las elecciones cuando no fue así. “Esto es lo que el presidente ha causado hoy, esta insurrección”, dijo Mitt Romney, senador republicano por Utah, a un periodista cuando lo trasladaban junto con otros legisladores a un lugar seguro que las autoridades pidieron que no se revelara.Los partidarios de Trump irrumpieron por un extremo del Capitolio, luego de un mitin donde habló el presidente.Credit…Jason Andrew para The New York TimesAdam Kinzinger, representante republicano por Illinois y otro gran crítico del presidente, fue aún más lejos, y acusó a los simpatizantes de Trump de buscar el derrocamiento violento del gobierno. “Esto es un intento de golpe”, escribió en Twitter.The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated 6 de enero de 2021 a las 22:17 ETHe looted Speaker Pelosi’s office, but says he paid for his trophy.Video: Protesters linger as law enforcement surrounds the Capitol building.Congress resumes vote-counting as leaders on both sides repudiate siege.Los aliados republicanos del presidente, que tratan de obstaculizar el conteo de los electores de Biden con la esperanza de ayudar a Trump en su intento por aferrarse al poder, denunciaron la violencia sin flaquear en sus esfuerzos.“La violencia debe terminar, los que atacaron a la policía y violaron la ley deben ser procesados, y el Congreso debe volver al trabajo y terminar su tarea”, dijo Josh Hawley, senador republicano por Misuri y líder del esfuerzo de bloqueo de las elecciones, en una declaración.Aunque Washington ha sido el escenario de muchas protestas a lo largo de los años, incluidas algunas que se volvieron violentas, la convulsión del miércoles no se parecía a nada que haya visto la capital durante una transición de poder en los tiempos modernos, llegando a interrumpir literalmente la aceptación constitucional de la victoria electoral de Biden. Una presidencia que ha provocado hostilidad y divisiones durante cuatro años parece que termina con una explosión de ira, desorden y violencia.“Nunca nos rendiremos”, declaró Trump en su “Marcha para salvar América”, en el parque Elipse, poco antes del levantamiento, durante su último esfuerzo para justificar su intento fallido de revertir las elecciones democráticas con falsas afirmaciones de fraude que han sido desacreditadas por las votaciones, los jueces e incluso su propio fiscal general. “Nunca cederemos. Eso no pasará. No se concede cuando se trata de un robo. Nuestro país ya ha tenido suficiente. No lo soportaremos más, y de eso se trata todo esto”.Mientras la multitud en el Elipse coreaba: “¡Lucha por Trump! ¡Lucha por Trump!”, el presidente arremetió contra los miembros de su propio partido por no hacer más para ayudarlo a aferrarse al poder por encima de la voluntad del pueblo. “Hay tantos republicanos débiles”, se quejó, y luego juró vengarse de quienes considera que no han sido suficientemente leales. “Serán los primeros”, dijo.Se refirió a Brian Kemp, gobernador republicano de Georgia, que lo enfureció al no intervenir en las elecciones, llamándolo “uno de los gobernadores más tontos de Estados Unidos”. Y también atacó a William Barr, el fiscal general que no quiso validar sus quejas electorales. “De repente, Bill Barr cambió”, se quejó.Otros oradores, incluidos sus hijos Donald Trump Jr. y Eric Trump, criticaron a los legisladores republicanos por no defender al mandatario. “Esta reunión debería enviarles un mensaje a las personas que no hicieron nada para detener el robo”, dijo Donald Trump Jr. “Este ya no es su Partido Republicano. Este es el Partido Republicano de Donald Trump”.“Nunca nos rendiremos”, dijo Trump en el mitin del 6 de enero de 2021.Credit…Pete Marovich para The New York TimesPara muchos republicanos, ese es el problema. Incluso cuando la presidencia de Trump se estaba perdiendo, los republicanos se tornaron cada vez más en su contra, enfurecidos por las elecciones de segunda vuelta del martes en Georgia que parecían favorecer a los demócratas y los votos que obligaban a los legisladores a declararse a favor o en contra de los resultados de una elección democrática.Incluso Pence y Mitch McConnell, senador republicano por Kentucky y actual líder de la mayoría del Senado, quienes han sido algunos de los partidarios más leales de Trump durante los últimos cuatro años, finalmente rompieron con él de manera decisiva. Pence rechazó la petición del mandatario de que use su papel como director del recuento del Colegio Electoral para rechazar a los electores de Biden. Y McConnell pronunció un enérgico discurso en el que repudió el esfuerzo de Trump por revertir las elecciones.“Si estas elecciones fueran anuladas simplemente por las acusaciones del bando perdedor, nuestra democracia entraría en una espiral de muerte”, dijo McConnell en un discurso antes de que los alborotadores invadieran el Capitolio.Pence rechazó al presidente, minutos después de que lo presionara públicamente para que hiciera lo que incluso Jay Sekulow, abogado del mandatario, dijo que el vicepresidente no podía hacer: rechazar a los electores de los estados indecisos que perdieron los republicanos.“Espero que Mike haga lo correcto”, dijo Trump en el mitin del Elipse. “Yo espero que sí. Eso espero porque si Mike Pence hace lo correcto, ganaremos las elecciones”.Minutos después, Pence divulgó una carta en la que decía que no tenía el poder para hacer lo que el presidente quería. “Conferir al vicepresidente una autoridad unilateral para decidir las contiendas presidenciales sería completamente antitético” al diseño constitucional, escribió.Y agregó: “Creo que mi juramento de apoyar y defender la Constitución me limita al momento de reclamar una autoridad unilateral para determinar qué votos electorales deben contarse y cuáles no”.Como Pence no quería ni podía detener el conteo, los partidarios del presidente decidieron hacerlo ellos mismos. Y, durante varias horas, lo lograron.Peter Baker es el corresponsal principal de la Casa Blanca y ha cubierto las gestiones de los últimos cuatro presidentes para el Times y The Washington Post. También es autor de seis libros, el más reciente de ellos se titula The Man Who Ran Washington: The Life and Times of James A. Baker III. @peterbakernyt • FacebookAdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    A Full Guide to the Georgia Senate Election Runoff

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    Georgia Runoff

    Full Results

    Electoral College Votes

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    Has Georgia Reached a Turning Point for Democrats? The Senate Is at Stake

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyHas Georgia Reached a Turning Point for Democrats? The Senate Is at StakeThe growth of the Atlanta area and the efforts to protect African-Americans’ voting rights have transformed the state’s political landscape.Mr. Sokol, a professor of history at the University of New Hampshire, is the author of three books on the civil rights movement, most recently “The Heavens Might Crack: The Death and Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.”Jan. 5, 2021, 5:00 a.m. ETCredit…Jim Watson/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesIn Georgia’s Senate runoff elections, Republicans are banking on a strategy that generations of segregationist politicians perfected: Array the voters in rural counties, overwhelmingly white and conservative, against those in the Atlanta area. From the Jim Crow era to our day, the antagonism between rural enclaves and greater Atlanta has shaped Georgia’s politics.The Republican senators, David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler, have decided that the key is turning out their rural base. Yet the rapid growth of metropolitan Atlanta, combined with tireless efforts to protect African-Americans’ voting rights, has transformed the state’s political landscape.Joe Biden’s victory in Georgia was especially meaningful not only because it upended decades-long trends in party politics but also because it represented a possible turning point in a much longer racial history. Mr. Biden is the first Democrat to carry Georgia since Bill Clinton in 1992. Mr. Clinton, though, won the state with only 43.5 percent of the vote, and he performed well among white voters in rural areas. Mr. Biden put together a very different political coalition — more urban and suburban, more multiracial and more progressive. It is this coalition that the Democratic Senate candidates, Jon Ossoff and the Rev. Raphael Warnock, are counting on.Politicians in Jim Crow Georgia possessed a tool that Mr. Perdue and Ms. Loeffler would have envied: the county-unit system. The winner of each county received all of its unit votes. The eight largest counties had six unit votes apiece, 30 counties possessed four unit votes each, and the smallest 121 counties held two unit votes apiece. In 1950, Georgia’s three least-populous counties — with 9,267 total residents — combined for six unit votes, the same as Fulton County, with 473,572 residents. This system of malapportionment empowered demagogues, none more successful than Eugene Talmadge.Wealthy executives bankrolled Talmadge’s numerous political campaigns, while many white farmers supplied the votes. (He served three terms as the state’s governor — two from 1933 to 1937 and one from 1941 to 1943.) Talmadge was a vocal opponent of the New Deal, yet he depended on the support of those impoverished Georgians who stood to benefit from many federal programs. The journalist Robert Sherrill, in his book “Gothic Politics in the Deep South,” explained why “the people” still stood by Talmadge: “Old Gene had never done anything for them, but he made them feel like people, fit for laughter, supreme over the black man at least, and sharing with him the sly knowledge that since only the rich could profit from government, the poor man was foolish to take government seriously.”In many ways, Talmadge — though he was a Democrat and his party backed the social programs of the early New Deal — created a blueprint for today’s Republican Party. He combined racial animus with anti-government rhetoric, piled up votes among rural whites and exploited a system that gave those voters disproportionate power.In the Georgia Senate races, the Republicans’ most insistent line of attack is that a Democratic-controlled Senate will lead America to socialism. Ms. Loeffler’s opponent, Mr. Warnock, would become Georgia’s first African-American senator. In one debate, Ms. Loeffler referred to “radical liberal Raphael Warnock” no fewer than 13 times. (Mr. Warnock responded that his economic philosophy derived from Matthew 25.) This is not so different from the way Talmadge raged against the New Deal as a socialist-inspired plot that would bring racial equality to Georgia.Talmadge defended white supremacy and encouraged his supporters to use intimidation and violence to keep Black voters away from the polls. After losing a bid for re-election in 1942, he ran again for governor in 1946. He whipped white Georgians into a frenzy. Just before a Democratic primary in July, Talmadge told a crowd, “If I’m your governor, they won’t vote in our white primary.” In Butler, a veteran named Maceo Snipes cast his ballot in that primary election, becoming the first African-American to vote in Taylor County. The next day, four white men went to Snipes’s home and shot him. Snipes died days later.Roughly 85,000 Black Georgians voted in that election, though tens of thousands were disenfranchised — by either voter purges or outright intimidation. An estimated 98 percent of African-Americans voted for Talmadge’s opponent James Carmichael, a businessman and more moderate Democrat. Carmichael won the popular vote by more than 16,000, but Talmadge won a solid majority of county-unit votes — and he thus won the primary election. (Talmadge also won the general election but died before his inauguration.)As Jim Crow began to crumble in the 1960s, so did the county-unit system. The Supreme Court’s 1962 decision in Baker v. Carr established the principle of one person, one vote, and its 1963 ruling in Gray v. Sanders outlawed Georgia’s system.The state’s politics have since been reshaped by demographic change. Democrats now perform poorly in white rural areas but rely on the expanding suburbs. Two counties tell this tale: Bacon County, in rural southeastern Georgia, and Cobb County, in suburban Atlanta. Bacon County was Talmadge country. In 1946, Talmadge defeated Carmichael by 1,317 votes to 277. Cobb County went strongly for Carmichael, and it formed part of the urban-suburban coalition that gave Carmichael a popular-vote victory.In 2020, the old Talmadge strongholds were President Trump’s territory. He won Bacon County by a margin of more than 70 percentage points, but suburban areas like Cobb County powered Mr. Biden’s victory. Cobb was a Republican bastion from the 1960s through 2012, but in the past decade, the county has grown even more racially diverse and decidedly Democratic, supporting Mr. Biden by a margin of more than 14 points.Mr. Biden won 30 counties in Georgia, and Trump won the other 129. Mr. Biden’s coalition encompassed the suburbs together with Atlanta, and Mr. Warnock and Mr. Ossoff are mobilizing voters in those places. Even if the architects of the county-unit system could not have fathomed the dramatic changes that have remade the Atlanta area, this was the kind of urban-suburban coalition that they feared. For those who believe the nation can achieve a multiracial democracy, the same coalition holds their most fervent hopes.Jason Sokol (@jasokol) is a professor of history at the University of New Hampshire and the author of three books on the civil rights movement, including “The Heavens Might Crack: The Death and Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.”The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Georgia Is Getting More Blue. The Senate Races Will Tell How Much.

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    Electoral College Results

    Election Disinformation

    Full Results

    Biden Transition Updates

    “),e+=””+b+””,e+=””,d&&(e+=””,e+=””,e+=”Live”,e+=””),e+=””,e}function getVariant(){var a=window.NYTD&&window.NYTD.Abra&&window.NYTD.Abra.getAbraSync&&window.NYTD.Abra.getAbraSync(“STYLN_elections_notifications”);// Only actually have control situation in prd and stg
    return[“www.nytimes.com”,”www.stg.nytimes.com”].includes(window.location.hostname)||(a=”STYLN_elections_notifications”),a||”0_control”}function reportData(){if(window.dataLayer){var a;try{a=dataLayer.find(function(a){return!!a.user}).user}catch(a){}var b={abtest:{test:”styln-elections-notifications”,variant:getVariant()},module:{name:”styln-elections-notifications”,label:getVariant(),region:”TOP_BANNER”},user:a};window.dataLayer.push(Object.assign({},b,{event:”ab-alloc”})),window.dataLayer.push(Object.assign({},b,{event:”ab-expose”})),window.dataLayer.push(Object.assign({},b,{event:”impression”}))}}function insertNotification(a,b){// Bail here if the user is in control
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    // if (Cookie.get(‘stylnelecs’) === data.timestamp) return;
    {expireLocalStorage(“stylnelecs”),currentNotificationContents=a.text;// Construct URL for tracking
    var b=a.link.split(“#”),c=b[0]+”?action=click&pgtype=Article&state=default&module=styln-elections-notifications&variant=1_election_notifications&region=TOP_BANNER&context=Menu#”+b[1],d=formatNotification(c,a.text,a.kicker,a.image);insertNotification(d,function(){var b=document.querySelector(“.nytslm_notification_link”);return b?void(b.onclick=function(){window.localStorage.setItem(“stylnelecs”,a.timestamp)}):null})}})}(function(){navigator.userAgent.includes(“nytios”)||navigator.userAgent.includes(“nyt_android”)||window.stylnelecsHasLoaded||(// setInterval(getUpdate, 5000);
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    Democrats Rush to Turn Out Black Voters in Georgia, Looking Beyond Atlanta

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    Electoral College Results

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    Pence Welcomes Futile Bid by G.O.P. Lawmakers to Overturn Election

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyPence Welcomes Futile Bid by G.O.P. Lawmakers to Overturn ElectionVice President Mike Pence signaled his support as 11 Republican senators and senators-elect said that they would vote to reject President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory.The group, led by Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, brings to nearly one-quarter the proportion of Senate Republicans who have broken with their leaders to join the effort to invalidate the victory of Joseph R. Biden Jr.Credit…Anna Moneymaker for The New York TimesJan. 2, 2021Updated 8:35 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — Vice President Mike Pence signaled support on Saturday for a futile Republican bid to overturn the election in Congress next week, after 11 Republican senators and senators-elect said that they would vote to reject President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory when the House and Senate meet to formally certify it.The announcement by the senators — and Mr. Pence’s move to endorse it — reflected a groundswell among Republicans to defy the unambiguous results of the election and indulge President Trump’s attempts to remain in power with false claims of voting fraud.Every state in the country has certified the election results after verifying their accuracy, many following postelection audits or hand counts. Judges across the country, and a Supreme Court with a conservative majority, have rejected nearly 60 attempts by Mr. Trump and his allies to challenge the results.And neither Mr. Pence nor any of the senators who said they would vote to invalidate the election has made a specific allegation of fraud, instead offering vague suggestions that some wrongdoing might have occurred and asserting that many of their supporters believe that it has.The senators’ opposition to certifying Mr. Biden’s election will not change the outcome. But it guarantees that what would normally be a perfunctory session on Capitol Hill on Wednesday to ratify the results of the presidential election will instead become a partisan brawl, in which Republicans amplify specious claims of widespread election rigging that have been debunked and dismissed for weeks even as Mr. Trump has stoked them.The spectacle promises to set a caustic backdrop for Mr. Biden’s inauguration in the coming weeks and reflects the polarized politics on Capitol Hill that will be among his greatest challenges.It will also pose a political dilemma for Republicans, forcing them to choose between accepting the results of a democratic election — even if it means angering supporters who dislike the outcome and could punish them at the polls — and joining their colleagues in displaying unflinching loyalty to Mr. Trump, who has demanded in increasingly angry fashion that they back his bid to cling to the presidency.The conundrum is especially acute for Mr. Pence, who as president of the Senate has the task of presiding over Wednesday’s proceedings and declaring Mr. Biden the winner, but has his own future political aspirations to consider as well. On Friday, a federal judge dismissed a lawsuit brought by House Republicans to pressure Mr. Pence to do otherwise, and instead unilaterally overturn the results.But on Saturday evening, Marc Short, his chief of staff, issued a statement saying that Mr. Pence “shares the concerns of millions of Americans about voter fraud and irregularities in the last election.”The vice president, the statement continued, “welcomes the efforts of members of the House and Senate to use the authority they have under the law to raise objections and bring forward evidence before the Congress and the American people on Jan. 6th.”Vice President Mike Pence, as president of the Senate, has the task of presiding over Wednesday’s proceedings and declaring Mr. Biden the winner.Credit…Stefani Reynolds for The New York TimesIn a joint statement on Saturday, the Senate Republicans — including seven senators and four who are to be sworn in on Sunday — called for a 10-day audit of election returns in “disputed states,” and said they would vote to reject the electors from those states until one was completed. They did not elaborate on which states.The group is led by Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and includes Senators Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, James Lankford of Oklahoma, Steve Daines of Montana, John Kennedy of Louisiana, Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee and Mike Braun of Indiana, and Senators-elect Cynthia Lummis of Wyoming, Roger Marshall of Kansas, Bill Hagerty of Tennessee and Tommy Tuberville of Alabama.Together with Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri, who announced this week that he would object to Congress’s certification of the election results, they bring to nearly one-quarter the proportion of Senate Republicans who have broken with their leaders to join the effort to invalidate Mr. Biden’s victory. In the House, where a band of conservatives has been plotting the last-ditch election objection for weeks, more than half of Republicans joined a failed lawsuit seeking to overturn the will of the voters, and more are expected to support the effort to challenge the results in Congress next week.Representative Mo Brooks, Republican of Alabama, has said he will object to certifying the results, and with Mr. Hawley’s support, that challenge would hold weight, prompting senators and representatives to retreat to their chambers on opposite sides of the Capitol for a two-hour debate and then a vote on whether to disqualify a state’s votes. Both the Democratic-controlled House and Republican-controlled Senate would have to agree to toss out a state’s electoral votes — something that has not happened since the 19th century and is not expected to this time.In their statement, the Republicans cited poll results showing most members of their party believe the election was “rigged,” an assertion that Mr. Trump has made for months, and which has been repeated in the right-wing news media and by many Republican members of Congress.“A fair and credible audit — conducted expeditiously and completed well before Jan. 20 — would dramatically improve Americans’ faith in our electoral process and would significantly enhance the legitimacy of whoever becomes our next president,” they wrote. “We are acting not to thwart the democratic process, but rather to protect it.”They also acknowledged that their effort was likely to be unsuccessful, given that any such challenge must be sustained by both the House, where Democrats hold the majority, and the Senate, where top Republicans including Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, have tried to shut it down.“We fully expect most if not all Democrats, and perhaps more than a few Republicans, to vote otherwise,” the senators wrote.Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, the top Democrat on the Rules Committee with jurisdiction over federal elections, called the Republican effort a “publicity stunt” that would ultimately fail, but said it was dangerous nevertheless, amounting to “an attempt to subvert the will of the voters.” She noted in an interview that hundreds of millions of votes had already been “counted, recounted, litigated and state-certified” across the country.“These baseless claims have already been examined and dismissed by Trump’s own attorney general, dozens of courts and election officials from both parties,” said Mike Gwin, a spokesman for Mr. Biden’s campaign.While lawmakers have sought to register their opposition to past presidential election results by challenging Congress’s certification, the move has generally been more symbolic than substantive, given that the loser had already conceded and senators rarely joined with members of the House to force a vote. But as Mr. Trump continues to perpetuate the myth of widespread voter fraud, a growing number of Republicans in Congress have been eager to challenge the results, either out of devotion to the president or out of fear of enraging the base of their party that still reveres him even in defeat.That is the case even though the vast majority of them just won elections in the very same balloting they are now claiming was fraudulently administered.Mr. McConnell has discouraged senators from joining the House effort, and Senator John Thune of South Dakota, the No. 2 Republican, told reporters the challenge to the election results would fail in the Senate “like a shot dog,” prompting a Twitter rebuke from Mr. Trump.Senator Ben Sasse, Republican of Nebraska, on Thursday condemned the attempt, calling it a “dangerous ploy” intended to “disenfranchise millions of Americans.” He accused fellow Republicans of making a political calculation to try to further their careers at the expense of the truth by tapping into Mr. Trump’s “populist base.”But Josh Holmes, a Republican strategist and Mr. McConnell’s former chief of staff, warned that those involved in the effort would come to regret their stance.“Rarely can you predict with 100% assurance that years from now everyone who went down this road will wish they had a mulligan,” Mr. Holmes wrote on Twitter.Senator Patrick J. Toomey, a Pennsylvania Republican who has announced that he will not seek re-election in 2022, also blasted the effort, saying that Mr. Hawley, Mr. Cruz and others were “directly” undermining the “right of the people to elect their own leaders.”For years, Mr. Trump has railed against contests in which he lost, disliked the outcome or feared he might be defeated. He objected to the results of the Emmys, falsely claimed President Barack Obama did not win the popular vote, asserted that Mr. Cruz “stole” a primary victory from him in Iowa in 2016 and predicted that the election in which he defeated the Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton would be “rigged.” In the months leading up to November’s election, he also warned that he would be cheated out of a victory, and refused to commit to a peaceful transfer of power.As Mr. Biden racked up victories in November, Mr. Trump indulged in increasingly outlandish fictions, spreading disinformation about the election’s results and encouraging his followers to challenge the vote at every step. In recent weeks, as his legal defeats have stacked up, the president has become more vitriolic in his condemnations of Republicans who fail to support his false claims of having been the true victor in the election, and has lavished praise on those who parrot his accusations.On Saturday, Mr. Trump cheered on the Republican senators who announced they would object to certifying the election, writing on Twitter: “Our country will love them for it!”The vote tally and procedures in every battleground state that Mr. Trump contests have been affirmed through multiple postelection audits. Mr. Biden won the election with over seven million more votes than Mr. Trump and with 306 Electoral College votes, surpassing the threshold of 270 needed to win the presidency.Nevertheless, more than a month after Mr. Biden’s victory, with increasing numbers in their party marching in lock step with Mr. Trump, some Republicans felt the need on Saturday to explain why they planned to vote to uphold the results of a democratic election.“I swore an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States and that is what I will do Jan. 6,” Senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska said in a statement. She is to face voters next November.Senator Mitt Romney of Utah warned of the consequences of backing a bid to subvert the election’s outcome.“I could never have imagined seeing these things in the greatest democracy in the world,” he said in a statement. “Has ambition so eclipsed principle?”Maggie Haberman More