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    Videos Show How Rioters Stormed Brazil’s Capital

    They set fire to the carpet in the lower house of Brazil’s Congress. They attacked the presidential offices, rifled through papers and tried to barricade themselves inside. They destroyed windows inside the Supreme Court.Thousands of supporters of Brazil’s right-wing former president, Jair Bolsonaro, stormed buildings representing the three branches of government to protest what they falsely believe was a stolen election.Where Rioters Have Stormed Government Buildings More

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    Aung San Suu Kyi Gets 33 Years in Prison in Myanmar

    Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has faced a series of charges since being detained in a coup in early 2021. Her trials came to an end on Friday, capping months of legal proceedings.Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s ousted civilian leader, was found guilty of corruption on Friday and sentenced to seven years in prison, almost two years after she was first detained by the military in a coup.Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, 77, a Nobel laureate, had already begun serving a 26-year prison sentence in connection with more than a dozen charges she has faced since being detained. The additional sentence she received on Friday makes it likely that she will remain behind bars for the rest of her life, unless the junta reduces her sentence to house arrest, overturns its own ruling, or falls from power. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s lawyers plan to appeal, according to a source familiar with the proceedings.Friday’s verdict, delivered in a courtroom that sits inside a prison in the capital, Naypyidaw, was expected to draw international condemnation.“The verdicts were unsurprising — this was purely a show trial,” said Richard Horsey, a senior adviser on Myanmar for the International Crisis Group. “As with the coup itself, the regime’s objective has been to silence Aung San Suu Kyi and remove her from the political landscape.”There is widespread speculation in Myanmar that the junta wanted to finish Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s trials by the end of the year so that it could focus on another goal: installing Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the military leader behind last year’s coup, as president when the country holds its next general election in mid-2023. A shadow government established by ousted civilian leaders after the February 2021 coup is immensely popular but has been unable to compete politically against the military or to gain international recognition. General Min Aung Hlaing’s military-backed party is almost certain to win the next election.Myanmar has been racked by violence since the coup. Protests erupted across the country as the junta’s opponents mounted a civil disobedience movement and national strike. The military responded with brutal force, shooting and killing protesters in the streets. Thousands of armed resistance fighters have continued to battle the Tatmadaw, as the army in Myanmar is known, using guerrilla tactics and training in the jungle.A protester with an image of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Yangon, Myanmar, weeks after the military coup in February 2021.The New York TimesLast week, the United Nations’ Security Council adopted a resolution condemning the junta’s rights abuses in the aftermath of the coup and demanding the release of political prisoners. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is one of more than 16,000 people who have been arrested since the coup for opposing military rule, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The group says more than 13,000 of them are still detained.Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has been charged with a series of crimes by the junta, including corruption, election fraud, inciting public unrest and breaching Covid-19 protocols. A number of other government leaders have also stood trial in recent months, and the regime has executed some pro-democracy activists as it continues to crack down on opponents.The military-controlled Election Commission first brought election fraud charges against Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in November 2021, about a year after her political party won in a landslide. During that trial, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and other senior government officials were accused of manipulating voter lists to secure their victory over the military-backed party. She has denied all of the charges against her.Friday’s sentencing pertained to a set of charges separate from the election-fraud case. She was found guilty of five counts of corruption that caused a loss of state funds. Prosecutors had argued that Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi did not follow the proper protocols when she rented one helicopter and bought a second, sometime between 2019 and 2021.While the junta has insisted that the charges against Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi are not politically motivated, the military has long considered her a threat and sought to minimize her influence in Myanmar, said U Kyee Myint, a human rights lawyer in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city.A United Nations Security Council meeting this month in New York during a vote on a draft resolution calling for an immediate end to violence in Myanmar and the release of political prisoners.Ed Jones/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images“As long as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is in politics, the military will never win,” Mr. Kyee Myint said. “That’s why long-term prison terms are imposed — to remove Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s influence in politics.”Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of Gen. Aung San, the country’s independence hero, who was assassinated when she was 2 years old. As an adult, she was one of many people who spent years in jail for their political opposition to the military junta that seized power in 1962 and ruled the country for decades.In 1991, she won a Nobel Peace Prize for her nonviolent resistance to the generals who had locked her up, turning her into an icon for global democracy. She eventually began a power-sharing arrangement with the military when her party, the National League for Democracy, won its first landslide election victory in 2015. Because the country’s military-drafted Constitution bars her from the presidency, she named herself foreign minister and state counselor, positions that gave her broad executive authority.By the time she was detained in 2021, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi had lost some of her luster, in large part because she had downplayed the army’s murderous campaign against Myanmar’s Rohingya Muslim minority, who have been forced to flee the country by the hundreds of thousands. But Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi still has legions of devoted followers in a country now ruled by General Min Aung Hlaing.“I think Min Aung Hlaing wanted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to suffer and die in prison, so he sentenced her to a long prison term,” said Daw Nge Nge Lwin, the owner of a gas station in Yangon and the aunt of a student activist who has been detained at the city’s notorious Insein prison. “But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi ruled the country with love and is loved by the people. I don’t think she’s someone who will die, depressed, in prison.”Renaud Egreteau, an expert on civil-military relations in Myanmar and a professor at the City University of Hong Kong, said that he expected her reputation to endure for years among her followers.Just as protesters carried banners featuring images of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s father decades after his assassination, he said, “We can assume that her own portrait will continue to be used as a call to collective action and protest against those holding illegitimate power, regardless of her own action.”“She is still the matriarchal figure that invokes resistance against the army,” Professor Egreteau added. “I doubt a farcical trial can change that.”People protesting as security forces blocked off the parimeter around NLD headquarters, in Yangon, Myanmar, in February.The New York TimesSince being detained in 2021, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has been allowed to speak only with her lawyers. They have been banned from speaking to the news media during the trials. Earlier this year, the country’s military-backed Supreme Court announced that it would auction off the residence where she spent nearly 15 years under house arrest during the previous military regime.“A time may come when the military sees advantages in allowing Suu Kyi to move to some form of house arrest, or even grant access to her for international envoys,” Mr. Horsey said. “But that time is not now, and the decision may fall to a postelection, military administration.” More

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    Aung San Suu Kyi Trial in Myanmar Nears End

    The prosecution of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has drawn international condemnation. The latest set of corruption charges could put her in prison for the rest of her life.Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s ousted civilian leader, is expected to appear in court on Friday to receive the last of several verdicts handed down to her by the military regime, capping off a secretive 13 months of trial proceedings during which the 77-year-old Nobel laureate has already been sentenced to decades in prison.Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was detained in a coup in February 2021. Since that time, the junta has charged her with a series of crimes, including corruption, election fraud, inciting public unrest and breaching Covid-19 protocols. Friday’s verdict stemmed from a set of corruption charges related to what prosecutors argue was Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s improper purchase of one helicopter and rental of another.Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and her political party won the November 2020 election in a landslide. Independent international observers declared the results free and fair. But less than three months after her election victory, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was detained by the military, a move that has drawn international condemnation.Since the military seized power on Feb. 1, 2021, Myanmar has been racked by violence. Protests erupted across the country as the junta’s opponents mounted a civil disobedience movement and national strike. The military responded with brutal force, shooting and killing protesters in the streets. Thousands of armed resistance fighters have continued to battle the Tatmadaw, as the army in Myanmar is known, using guerrilla tactics and training in the jungle.Last week, the United Nation’s Security Council adopted a resolution condemning the junta’s rights abuses in the aftermath of the coup.The military-controlled Election Commission first brought election fraud charges against Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in November 2021. During that trial, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and other senior government officials were accused of manipulating voter lists to secure their victory over the military-backed party.Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has denied all of the charges against her. The United Nations and other international organizations have demanded her freedom, though the junta has insisted that the charges are not politically motivated and has refused to let Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi speak with global leaders who have visited Myanmar in recent months.By Friday, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi had already begun serving a 26-year prison sentence in connection with more than a dozen charges she has faced since the coup. In the most recent case, prosecutors argued that an investigation found Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi did not follow the proper protocols when she rented one helicopter and bought a second, some time between 2019 and 2021.The latest verdicts come as the military seeks to minimize Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s influence in Myanmar, said U Kyee Myint, a human rights lawyer based in Yangon, Myanmar. Despite the regime’s efforts, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is still revered by many in the country.“As long as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is in politics, the military will never win,” Mr. Kyee Myint said. “That’s why long-term prison terms are imposed — to remove Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s influence in politics.”Earlier this year, the country’s military-backed Supreme Court announced that it would auction off Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s residence, where she spent nearly 15 years under house arrest during a previous military regime. Since being detained in 2021, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has been allowed to speak only with her lawyers. They have been banned from speaking to the news media during the trials. More

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    How Will History Remember Jan. 6?

    Far-right groups stockpiling guns and explosives, preparing for a violent overthrow of a government they deem illegitimate. Open antisemitism on the airwaves, expressed by mainstream media figures. Leading politicians openly embracing bigoted, authoritarian leaders abroad who disdain democracy and the rule of law.This might sound like a recap of the last few years in America, but it is actually the forgotten story told in a remarkable new podcast, Ultra, that recounts the shocking tale of how during World War II, Nazi propagandists infiltrated far-right American groups and the America First movement, wormed into the offices of senators and representatives and fomented a plot to overthrow the United States government.“This is a story about politics at the edge,” said the show’s creator and host, Rachel Maddow, in the opening episode. “And a criminal justice system trying, trying, but ill-suited to thwart this kind of danger.”Maddow is, of course, a master storyteller, and never lets the comparisons to today’s troubles get too on the nose. But as I hung on each episode, I couldn’t help think about Jan. 6 and wonder: Will that day and its aftermath be a hinge point in our country’s history? Or a forgotten episode to be plumbed by some podcaster decades from now?When asked about the meaning of contemporary events, historians like to jokingly reply, “Ask me in 100 years.” This week, the committee in the House of Representatives investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol riot will drop its doorstop-size report, a critical early installment in the historical record. Journalists, historians and activists have already generated much, much more material, and more is still to come.In January, a Republican majority will take over the House and many of its members have pledged to begin their own battery of investigations, including an investigation into the Jan. 6 investigation. What will come from this ouroboros of an inquiry one cannot say, but it cannot help but detract from the quest for accountability for the events of that day.Beyond that, polling ahead of this year’s midterm elections indicated that Americans have other things on their minds, perhaps even more so now that the threat of election deniers winning control over voting in key swing states has receded. But what it means for the story America tells itself about itself is an open question. And in the long run, that might mean more accountability than our current political moment permits.Why do we remember the things we remember, and why do we forget the things we forget? This is not a small question in a time divided by fights over history. We all know the old saying: Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it. But there is another truism that to my mind often countervails: We are always fighting the last war.The story that Maddow’s podcast tells is a doozy. It centers on a German American named George Sylvester Viereck, who was an agent for the Nazi government. Viereck was the focus of a Justice Department investigation into Nazi influence in America in the 1930s. For good reason: Lawmakers helped him in a variety of ways. One senator ran pro-German propaganda articles in magazines under his name that had actually been written by Viereck and would deliver pro-German speeches on the floor of Congress written by officials of the Nazi government. Others would reproduce these speeches and mail them to millions of Americans at taxpayer expense.Viereck also provided moral and financial support to a range of virulently antisemitic and racist organizations across the United States, along with paramilitary groups called the Silver Shirts and the Christian Front. Members of these groups sought to violently overthrow the government of the United States and replace it with a Nazi-style dictatorship.This was front-page news at the time. Investigative reporters dug up scoop after scoop about the politicians involved. Prosecutors brought criminal charges. Big trials were held. But today they are all but forgotten. One leading historian of Congress who was interviewed in the podcast, Nancy Beck Young, said she doubts that more than one or two people in her history department at the University of Houston knew about this scandal.Why was this episode consigned to oblivion? Selective amnesia has always been a critical component of the American experience. Americans are reared on myths that elide the genocide of Indigenous Americans, the central role of slavery in our history, America’s imperial adventures and more. As Susan Sontag put it, “What is called collective memory is not a remembering but a stipulating: that this is important, and this is the story about how it happened.”Our favorite stories are sealed narrative boxes with a clear arc — a heroic journey in which America is the hero. And it’s hard to imagine a narrative more cherished than the one wrought by the countless books, movies and prestige television that remember World War II as a story of American righteousness in the face of a death cult. There was some truth to that story. But that death cult also had adherents here at home who had the ear and the mouthpiece of some of the most powerful senators and representatives.It also had significant support from a broad swath of the American people, most of whom were at best indifferent to the fate of European Jewry, as “The U.S. and the Holocaust,” a documentary series by the filmmakers Ken Burns, Lynn Novick and Sarah Botstein that came out in September, does the painful work of showing. A virulent antisemite, Rev. Charles E. Coughlin, hosted by far the biggest radio show in the country. At his peak in the 1930s about 90 million people a week tuned in to hear his diatribes against Jews and communism.In some ways, it is understandable that this moment was treated as an aberration. The America First movement, which provided mainstream cover for extremist groups, evaporated almost instantly after the attack on Pearl Harbor. Maybe it was even necessary to forget. When the war was over there was so much to do: rebuild Europe, integrate American servicemen back into society, confront the existential threat of nuclear war with the Soviet Union. Who had the time to litigate who had been wrong about Germany in the 1930s?Even professional historians shied away from this period. Bradley Hart, a historian whose 2018 book “Hitler’s American Friends” unearthed a great deal of this saga, said that despite the wealth of documentary material there was little written about the subject. “This is a really uncomfortable chapter in American history because we want to believe the Second World War was this great moment when America was on the side of democracy and human rights,” Hart told me. “There is this sense that you have to forget certain parts of history in order to move on.”As anyone who has been married for a long time knows, sometimes forgetting is essential to peace. Even countries that have engaged in extensive post-conflict reconciliation processes, like South Africa and Argentina, were inevitably limited by the need to move on. After all, you make peace with your enemies, not your friends.The aftermath of Jan. 6 is unfolding almost like a photo negative of the scandal Maddow’s podcast unfurls. With very few exceptions almost everyone involved in the pro-Nazi movement escaped prosecution. A sedition trial devolved into a total debacle that ended with a mistrial. President Harry Truman, a former senator, ultimately helped out his old friend Senator Burton K. Wheeler, a figure in the plot to disseminate Nazi propaganda, by telling the Justice Department to fire the prosecutor who was investigating it.But the major political figures involved paid the ultimate political price: they were turfed out of office by voters.Many of the perpetrators of the Jan. 6 riot, on the other hand, have been brought to justice successfully: Roughly 900 people have been arrested; approximately 470 have pleaded guilty to a variety of federal charges; around 335 of those charged federally have been convicted and sentenced; more than 250 have been sentenced to prison or home confinement. Stewart Rhodes, the leader of the Oath Keepers, was convicted of seditious conspiracy, the most serious charge brought in any of these cases. In their report to be released this week, the Jan. 6 committee is expected to recommend further criminal indictments. One big question looming over it all is whether former President Donald Trump will be criminally charged for his role in whipping up the frenzy that led to the assault on the Capitol.A broader political reckoning seems much more distant. Election deniers and defenders of the Jan. 6 mob lost just about every major race in swing states in the 2022 midterms. But roughly 200 Republicans who supported the lie about the 2020 election being stolen won office across the country, The New York Times reported.What larger narrative about America might require us to remember Jan. 6? And what might require us to file it away as an aberration? The historian’s dodge — “ask me in 100 years” — is the only truly safe answer. But if the past is any guide, short-term political expediency may require it to be the latter.After all, it is only now that decades of work by scholars, activists and journalists has placed chattel slavery at the center of the American story rather than its periphery. What are the current battles about critical race theory but an attempt to repackage the sprawling, unfinished fight for civil rights into a tidy story about how Black people got their rights by appealing to the fundamental decency of white people and by simply asking nicely? In this telling, systematic racism ended when Rosa Parks could sit in the front of the bus. Anything that even lightly challenges finality of racial progress is at best an unwelcome rupture in the narrative matrix; at worst it is seen as a treasonous hatred of America.History, after all, is not just what happened. It is the meaning we make out of what happened and the story we tell with that meaning. If we included everything there would be no story. We cannot and will not remember things that have not been fashioned into a story we tell about ourselves, and because we are human, and because change is life, that story will evolve and change as we do.There is no better sign that our interpretation of history is in for revision than the Hollywood treatment. Last week it was reported that Steven Spielberg, our foremost chronicler of heroic World War II tales, plans to collaborate with Maddow to make Ultra into a movie. Perhaps this marks the beginning of a pop culture reconsideration of America’s role in the war, adding nuance that perturbs the accepted heroic narrative.And so I am not so worried about Jan. 6 fading from our consciousness for now. One day, maybe decades, maybe a century, some future Rachel Maddow will pick up the story and weave it more fully into the American fabric, not as an aberration but a continuous thread that runs through our imperfect tapestry. Maybe some future Steven Spielberg will even make it into a movie. I bet it’ll be a blockbuster.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. More

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    Protesters in Peru Demand Justice for Ousted President Pedro Castillo

    Eight days after Pedro Castillo’s removal from office and arrest, thousands of his supporters have joined protests demanding his reinstatement. To them, he is the voice of the marginalized.LIMA, Peru — Outside a detention center at the foot of the Andes Mountains, a camp has formed in recent days, with as many as 1,000 people traveling hundreds of miles to demand freedom for the highest-profile detainee: their former president, Pedro Castillo.They will stay until he is reinstated, said one supporter, Milagros Rodriguez, 37, or until “civil war begins.”Mr. Castillo, a former schoolteacher and union activist who promised to fight for the poor, is the man at the center of Peru’s dizzying political drama, having been removed from office last week after he tried to dissolve Congress and create a government that would rule by decree. Within hours he was under arrest, accused of rebellion, and his vice president was sworn into office.Now, Dina Boluarte is the sixth president in five years in a country reeling from a long history of high-level scandals and deep divisions between its rural poor and urban elite.During a virtual court hearing televised live on Thursday, a judge ordered Mr. Castillo be kept in pretrial detention for 18 months while his case proceeds. Mr. Castillo refused to appear at the hearing.What started out as a relatively peaceful transfer of power has quickly erupted into widespread violence that has left at least 16 dead, many of them teenagers, and led to attacks against police stations, courthouses, factories, airports and a military base.Protesters outside the detention center on Thursday.Marco Garro for The New York TimesAt least 197 civilians and more than 200 police officers have been injured in clashes, according to the country’s ombudsman’s office, which in a statement Thursday called on security forces to “immediately cease the use of firearms and tear gas bombs dropped from helicopters.”The government has responded to the unrest by imposing a national state of emergency, suspending the guarantee of many civil liberties, including the freedom of assembly. In an effort to quell the unrest, the new president has called for early elections, for as soon as December 2023, a move that Congress is debating.Ms. Boluarte, a former ally of Mr. Castillo, has found herself increasingly at odds with the rural Peruvians who voted the two of them into office last year. On Thursday, her government expanded the state of emergency, imposing a curfew in 15 provinces.What to Know About the Ousting of Peru’s PresidentCard 1 of 4Who is Pedro Castillo? More

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    Perú en estado de emergencia

    La medida suspenderá algunos derechos civiles, como la libertad de reunión, y profundiza una crisis que se desató cuando el Congreso destituyó al presidente electo la semana pasada.LIMA — El gobierno de Perú declaró un estado de emergencia en todo el país el miércoles, una medida que intenta controlar la violencia generalizada tras la destitución del presidente electo del país, quien había intentado disolver el Congreso, la semana pasada.Se trató de un inesperado giro de los acontecimientos, incluso en un país habituado a la agitación política y las protestas.La medida de emergencia, anunciada por Alberto Otárola, ministro de Defensa del país, significaría la suspensión de la libertad de reunión y de tránsito, entre otros derechos civiles, por 30 días. Fue promulgada el miércoles por la noche por la nueva presidenta del país, Dina Boluarte, y especificó que sería aplicada por la policía nacional con el apoyo de las fuerzas armadas. El decreto no impuso toque de queda.La medida es la respuesta más significativa del gobierno a una crisis que estalló el miércoles pasado, cuando el entonces presidente, Pedro Castillo, intentó disolver el Congreso, con el que había estado enfrentado desde que asumió el cargo el año pasado.En cuestión de horas, el Congreso de Perú lo acusó y Castillo fue detenido, lo que desencadenó oleadas de protestas de partidarios enfadados que creen que su destitución fue ilegítima.Diversos analistas políticos aseguraron que, aunque gobiernos anteriores han declarado estados de emergencia en algunas partes del país, la medida no se había utilizado de manera tan amplia desde la década de 1990, cuando el país fue aterrorizado por el grupo terrorista marxista Sendero Luminoso.En declaraciones a los periodistas afuera del palacio presidencial el miércoles, Boluarte, quien asumió el cargo hace apenas una semana, pidió mantener la calma.Dina Boluarte, la nueva presidenta de Perú, asumió el cargo hace apenas una semana e hizo un llamado a mantener la calma. Desde entonces, la violencia ha estallado en varias partes del país.Cris Bouroncle/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images“El Perú no puede desbordarse en sangre”, dijo antes de mencionar los días de Sendero Luminoso. “Ya esa experiencia la hemos vivido en los ochenta, en los noventa, y creo que no queremos volver a esa historia dolorosa que nos ha marcado la vida y el rostro a miles y miles de peruanos”.El intento de Castillo de disolver el Congreso e instalar un gobierno que gobernaría por decreto fue denunciado por sus opositores y muchos de sus aliados como un intento de golpe de Estado. Boluarte, exvicepresidenta, fue juramentada como presidenta ese mismo día.Al inicio, la reacción de la gente a la rápida transición de poder fue relativamente discreta. Pero en los últimos días han surgido manifestantes en masa, principalmente en áreas rurales, que han participado en ataques contra comisarías, juzgados, fábricas y aeropuertos, entre otros objetivos.Al menos seis personas han muerto, la mayoría manifestantes jóvenes, y más de 100 policías han resultado heridos, según las autoridades peruanas.Recientemente, la policía de Perú anunció que desde el pasado miércoles 71 personas, acusadas de perturbar la tranquilidad pública, han sido detenidas en los departamentos de Lima, Apurímac, Arequipa, Ica y La Libertad.Las manifestaciones están respaldadas por la mayor federación de sindicatos, la asociación más grande de pueblos indígenas de la Amazonía peruana y muchas organizaciones que representan a los agricultores pobres, entre otros grupos.Hasta ahora, no ha surgido ningún líder que busque unificar a los distintos grupos. Perú ha sido afectado por la agitación política y los escándalos de corrupción de alto nivel que han derivado en seis presidentes desde 2016.Al menos seis personas han muerto en las protestas, la mayoría manifestantes jóvenes, y más de 100 policías han resultado heridos, según las autoridades peruanas.Franklin Briceño/Associated PressEn Cusco, las protestas han bloqueado carreteras de la región, impidiendo el suministro a las minas de cobre y los mercados de alimentos y cerrando Machu Picchu y otras ciudades turísticas, dijo el gobernador regional, Jean Paul Benavente. Calculó que unos 3000 turistas —entre ellos, ciudadanos estadounidenses— están varados en la capital regional o en el Valle Sagrado y otras zonas cercanas a Machu Picchu.En una entrevista telefónica el miércoles, Benavente dijo que el ejército aún no se había desplegado para apoyar a la policía en la protección de la infraestructura clave. Mientras hablaba, los manifestantes se replegaban tras un nuevo intento de ocupar el aeropuerto de la ciudad de Cusco.Benavente dijo que había ayudado a apaciguar la situación al recordarle a los líderes de la protesta que el aeropuerto ya no estaba operativo.“Son dirigentes que dan la cara, que dan diálogo”, dijo. “Lamentablemente, hay turbas, hay grupos muy focalizados que a veces se desbordan e intentan hacer este tipo de actos vandálicos”.Benavente es uno de los pocos funcionarios electos que parecía tener la esperanza de que el diálogo pudiera generar una salida pacífica y legal a la crisis. La demanda principal que une a todos los manifestantes, dijo, son nuevas elecciones generales. Si el Congreso y el gobierno pueden ejecutar con rapidez una reforma a la Constitución para permitir elecciones anticipadas, pronto se podría alcanzar una “tregua”. De otro modo, lo más probable es que las demandas se vuelvan más radicales, dijo.Castillo, quien antes fue maestro y era activista sindical proveniente de una familia rural pobre, animó a muchos peruanos como él con su plataforma de izquierda en las elecciones del año pasado. Hizo campaña con la promesa de abordar la pobreza y la desigualdad. Su eslogan, “No más pobres en un país rico”, y su llamado a reescribir la Constitución convenció a muchos agricultores rurales en una nación profundamente desigual donde la élite urbana se opuso con vehemencia a su candidatura.Muchos de sus seguidores dijeron que estaban frustrados por un sistema diseñado para ayudar a las élites.Pero después de asumir el cargo, tuvo dificultades para gobernar, y su gobierno resultó empañado por acusaciones de corrupción, incompetencia y mala gestión.Después de la detención de Castillo la semana pasada, sus partidarios acusaron a la élite política de llevarlo al suicidio político y aseguraron que la clase dominante política nunca le dio la oportunidad de gobernar plenamente. En entrevistas, algunas personas dijeron que sentían que les habían robado el voto, llevándolos a las calles.José Godoy, politólogo peruano, se mostró crítico con la decisión de declarar el estado de emergencia.Significa “la constatación de que se privilegian medidas de fuerza antes que un diálogo con la ciudadanía”, dijo. “Esto disminuye la credibilidad de Boluarte”.Godoy agregó que esa decisión también afectará a la economía.“Me parece desproporcionado”, dijo. “Creo que debió darse solo en los lugares donde hay realmente convulsión”.Castillo es uno de los varios presidentes de izquierda que llegaron al poder en Latinoamérica en los últimos años mientras prevalecía un enfado profundo contra los políticos de la clase dominante. Muchos de estos líderes han buscado unirse a partir de una promesa común que busca zanjar la profundización de la desigualdad y quitarle el control a la élite política.El lunes por la noche, varias de esos países alineados emitieron un comunicado conjunto en la que llamaban al presidente destituido “víctima de un antidemocrático hostigamiento” e instando a los líderes políticos de Perú a respetar la “voluntad popular” de los ciudadanos que votaron por él.El comunicado, emitido por los gobiernos de Colombia, Bolivia, Argentina y México, se refiere a Castillo como “presidente” y no menciona a Boluarte.Mitra Taj More

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    Peru Declares National State of Emergency Amid Deadly Protests

    The measure suspended some civil rights, including the freedom of assembly, and deepens a crisis set off when the elected president was impeached by Congress last week.LIMA, Peru — The government of Peru declared a nationwide state of emergency on Wednesday as it sought to control widespread violence following the ouster last week of the country’s elected president, who had tried to dissolve Congress.It was an extraordinary turn of events even in a country accustomed to political upheaval and protest.The emergency measure, which was announced by Alberto Otárola, the country’s defense minister, suspended the rights of assembly and freedom of transit, among other civil liberties, for 30 days. It was signed into law Wednesday evening by the country’s new president, Dina Boluarte, and specified it would be enforced by the national police force with the support of the military. The decree did not impose a curfew.The move is the most significant government response to a crisis that erupted last Wednesday when the president, Pedro Castillo, tried to disband Congress, which he had been feuding with since taking office last year.Within hours, Peru’s Congress impeached him and Mr. Castillo was arrested, setting off waves of angry protests by supporters who believe his removal was illegitimate.Several political analysts said that while past governments have declared states of emergency in certain parts of the country, the measure had not been used this widely since the 1990s, when the country was brutalized by a Marxist terrorist group called the Shining Path.Speaking to reporters outside the presidential palace on Wednesday, Ms. Boluarte, who took office a week ago, called for calm.Dina Boluarte, Peru’s new president, took office just a week ago, and called for calm. Since then violence has erupted across parts of the country.Cris Bouroncle/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images“Peru cannot overflow with blood,” she said, and then referred to the Shining Path days. “We have already gone through that experience in the 1980s and ’90s, and we do not want to return to that painful story that has marked the lives of thousands of Peruvians.”Mr. Castillo’s attempt to dissolve Congress and install a government that would rule by decree was denounced by both opponents and many of his allies as a coup attempt. Ms. Boluarte, the former vice president, was sworn in that same day.What to Know About the Ousting of Peru’s PresidentCard 1 of 4Who is Pedro Castillo? More