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    Despite Chaos and Big Losses, Republicans Still Control Most of Georgia

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionliveLatest UpdatesMoves to ImpeachHow impeachment Might WorkBiden Focuses on CrisesHow Mob Stormed CapitolAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyDespite Chaos and Big Losses, Republicans Still Control Most of GeorgiaDemocrats had huge breakthroughs in winning the presidential vote and two Senate runoff elections. But power in the state’s government largely remains in the hands of Republicans.Republicans prayed at their election night party in Atlanta on Tuesday. The party lost both Senate races after earlier losing the presidential vote in the state.Credit…Brandon Bell/Getty ImagesRichard Fausset and Jan. 10, 2021Updated 8:40 a.m. ETATLANTA — For two months, Georgia Republicans have watched their party descend into a morass of betrayal, chaos and blame. A top state election official accused President Trump of fomenting a “civil war” among fellow Republicans as he pressured the governor and the secretary of state to help overturn his electoral defeat.And, of course, there was the sting of defeat itself — in both the presidential race and the two Georgia Senate runoff elections last week, which relegated Republicans to minority status in both houses of Congress.But then there was Lauren McDonald Jr., a veteran state public service commissioner who goes by Bubba.Mr. McDonald was the third Republican candidate on Tuesday’s runoff ballot. And his 42,000-vote victory in a race in which many voters’ likely motivation was simple party affiliation was a comforting signal to many Georgia Republicans that their party was in better shape than shocking defeats at the top of the ballot might have indicated.Brian Robinson, a longtime Republican and a Georgia political consultant, said the party had certainly been left shaken by it all. However, he added, “Bubba McDonald showed there’s still a pretty strong generic Republican vote out there.”The recent trio of high-stakes Democratic victories in Georgia, fueled by the state’s changing demographics and by distaste for Mr. Trump, may mean that Georgia has finally achieved battleground status. And Democrats, observing a Republican house divided, are hoping for more. They are particularly focused on defeating incumbent Gov. Brian Kemp in 2022, anticipating that Stacey Abrams — Georgia Democrats’ biggest national star since Jimmy Carter — will take on Mr. Kemp in a rematch of their close and bitter 2018 race.But none of that will be easy in a state that retains a strong conservative streak, and where Republicans control most of the levers of power. Every statewide elected office in state government is currently in Republican hands. And Democrats, who had hoped to make big inroads in the state legislature, netted only two State House seats and one State Senate seat in November’s elections, leaving Republicans with comfortable majorities in both houses. Indeed, the possibility of enduring Republican strength in Georgia may illustrate the limits of the damage the Trump era may end up having beyond Washington, particularly in places where the G.O.P. has spent years building solid state parties that cater to a receptive conservative voting base. Republicans cemented or broadened gains in legislatures and state offices around the country even while they were losing the White House and the Senate.Mr. McDonald, in an interview on Friday, noted that he had been an early supporter of Mr. Trump’s and continued to count himself as one. “In my opinion, he’s been a very strong president,” he said. “But let’s turn the page and move on.”Even optimistic Georgia Republicans concede that it is difficult to know how badly the Republican brand has been damaged by Mr. Trump, particularly after he incited a mob to attack the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, and after his incessant and baseless argument that the election was stolen from him in Georgia and elsewhere. (Mr. McDonald declined to comment when asked his opinion about the storming of the Capitol.)Lauren McDonald, the Georgia public service commissioner, who goes by Bubba, was the only Republican to win in the runoff election last week.Credit…Erik S Lesser/EPA, via ShutterstockIt is also difficult to assess Mr. Trump’s influence after he leaves the White House. In Georgia, for instance, he has threatened to back a Republican primary challenger for governor as a means of punishing Mr. Kemp for his lack of fealty.Charles S. Bullock III, a political scientist at the University of Georgia, noted that Mr. Trump continued to have many ardent fans in the state and that many of them believed the election had been stolen. Even if Mr. Kemp were to survive a primary challenge from a Trumpist candidate, such a challenge could siphon off supporters and contributors before he even had the chance to square off against the formidable Ms. Abrams.More generally, Dr. Bullock said, Republicans should be nervous with their margins in statewide races having dwindled year after year. “The two parties may be just about evenly matched going into 2022,” he said. “But the trends have been moving toward the Democrats.”Some hoped that the widespread disgust over the storming of the Capitol would “break the spell of the cult” surrounding Mr. Trump, as Mr. Robinson described it. Mr. Kemp strongly condemned the action Wednesday, calling it “un-American.”The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated Jan. 10, 2021, 10:04 a.m. ETPatrick Toomey becomes the second Republican senator to call for Trump’s resignation.Federal authorities charge a man they say traveled to Washington for the rally and texted about shooting Pelosi.Inaugural donor list includes tech companies.Mr. Trump has been a dominant and fearsome force among Georgia Republicans, capable of elevating or debilitating the prospects of a candidate with a tweet. Yet after losing his own re-election campaign and then being blamed for the defeats in the Senate races, his grasp has eroded considerably, so much so that some party leaders and elected officials saw him as a liability and a cautionary tale of what could happen when a party was commandeered by a single personality.Lt. Gov. Geoff Duncan, one of the Republican state officials who became a target after resisting the president’s campaign of pressure to overturn his loss, contends that, ultimately, he will be vindicated.“I think that an overwhelming majority of the voters will come back our direction and reward us,” Mr. Duncan said. “And if they don’t see that as a valuable trait of their lieutenant governor, then I don’t want to represent them. I’ll be perfectly fine getting defeated if they don’t reward or recognize the value of honesty and integrity. I’m not their guy.”When Mr. Trump is taken out of the equation, Republicans’ fundamentals are indeed strong in Georgia, at least for the immediate future. Their legislative dominance means that Republicans this year will control the decennial redrawing of state legislative and congressional district maps, giving them the ability to protect their own and create new problems for some sitting Democratic office holders. In the legislative session that begins Monday, Republicans are promising to impose strict new limits on voting in the wake of record voter turnout.Republican legislators and state officials have discussed eliminating no-excuse absentee voting, which surged in popularity in the pandemic. They have also considered eliminating drop boxes for absentee ballots, curbing unsolicited absentee ballot applications and requiring a photo identification requirement for mail-in ballots.Georgia’s Republican House speaker, David Ralston, said he was unlikely to support eliminating no-excuse absentee voting. But any attempts to curtail the current system are likely to be cited by Democrats as examples of voter suppression, a charge they have leveled against Mr. Kemp, a former secretary of state, for years.Moreover, the Rev. Raphael Warnock, one of the two Democratic Senate victors this week along with Jon Ossoff, will have to run for re-election in 2022, because, in defeating Senator Kelly Loeffler, he is technically finishing out the term of the retired former Senator Johnny Isakson. He is likely to be a top target for national Republicans.The activists who have been helping drive turnout and bolster Democrats know they have their work cut out for them.President Trump threatened to back a different Republican candidate for governor as a means of punishing Gov. Brian Kemp, above, for his lack of fealty.Credit…Dustin Chambers for The New York Times“It’s going to remain a purple state,” said Esteban Garces, a co-executive director of Poder Latinx, an organization that had been heavily involved in registering and mobilizing Latino voters in Georgia during the recent elections.“They were narrow, and that’s the truth of it,” Mr. Garces said of the recent wins by Democrats in the presidential and Senate races. “That means the work on the ground is going to have to be replicated time and again.”Kelly Dietrich, the chief executive of the National Democratic Training Committee, an organization that prepares Democrats to run for elected office, said he was “bullish” on Mr. Warnock’s 2022 run, as well as for other Democratic candidates in Georgia. “It’s that long-term infrastructure required to build long-term power,” he said of the work being done.He added that Republicans would be weighed down by the identity crisis left in the wake of the Trump administration.“This reckoning is their own doing,” Mr. Dietrich said. “They’ve created a monster, and they can’t control it.”Some reckoning has already begun. This week, Erick Erickson, the influential conservative radio host and Trump critic, called for the resignation of the chairman of the Georgia Republican Party, David Shafer, a staunch supporter of the president who also promulgated claims of electoral fraud after Mr. Trump’s loss. Mr. Erickson argued that that strategy, which might have depressed Republicans’ desire to turn out in the runoff, ran counter to Republicans’ interests. (Mr. Shafer could not be reached for comment.)The invasion of the U.S. Capitol may also continue to have political repercussions in Georgia. On Friday, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported that a robocall telling Trump supporters to march on the Capitol and “fight to protect the integrity of our elections” had been put out by the Rule of Law Defense Fund, an arm of the Republican Attorneys General Association. That group is chaired by Chris Carr, the Georgia attorney general.Katie Byrd, a spokeswoman for Mr. Carr, said Friday that Mr. Carr had “no knowledge” of the decision to put out the robocall and noted that he had publicly condemned “the violence and destruction we saw at the U.S. Capitol.”And despite some of the positive signs, Republicans are also weighing how the last days of the Trump era have weakened them and are ruminating on the future of their party’s collective identity. Trey Allen, a Republican commissioner in Columbia County, near Augusta, said the party would have to move beyond being defined by a single personality and focus on classic conservative themes that are still popular with many Georgia voters.“We will hopefully tighten up our platform,” said Mr. Allen, a self-described Reagan Republican who voted for Mr. Trump twice, “and focus on the things that make conservatives who they are: strong economy, strong military, less government, more freedoms.”Mr. Duncan said that Republicans needed to prioritize policy over personality. He imagined what he described as “G.O.P. 2.0,” a version of the party that embraced traditional conservative ideals while also being more empathetic and having a more gentle tone, to win back voters who rejected Mr. Trump’s vitriolic style.“If we don’t learn from our mistakes,” he said, “we’re going to continue to lose from our mistakes. This is the perfect moment in time to start G.O.P. 2.0 and realize we can never let a person be more important than a party.”AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    'Hateful' Tweet About Stacey Abrams Costs UT-Chattanooga Football Coach His Job

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    Georgia Runoff Updates

    Warnock and Ossoff Win

    Full Results

    Live Forecast

    Electoral College Votes

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    With Georgia Senate Wins, Democrats Solidify Power in Washington

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionliveLatest UpdatesCalls for Impeachment25th Amendment ExplainedTrump Officials ResignHow Mob Stormed CapitolAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyWith Georgia Senate Wins, Democrats Solidify Power in WashingtonSenator Chuck Schumer will fulfill his ambition of becoming majority leader as Senator Mitch McConnell returns to heading the minority, shifting the policy agenda as Joe Biden takes office.Senator Chuck Schumer, the Democratic leader, leaving his office on Wednesday, with framed portraits of former majority leaders behind him.Credit…Erin Schaff/The New York TimesJan. 7, 2021Updated 7:34 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — The stunning Democratic wins in two Georgia Senate races this week upended Washington’s power structure overnight, providing an unexpected opening to the incoming Biden administration by handing unified control of Congress to Democrats, who will be tested by governing with spare majorities.The victories by Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff mean that Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York, will control the Senate floor rather than Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and a man Democrats have long seen as the main impediment to their legislative ambitions.The momentous shift occurred even as a violent siege of the Capitol on Wednesday, egged on by President Trump, made clear the staunch refusal of his supporters to acknowledge President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. as the winner of the election, an explosive last gasp of Republican protest before Democrats assume full control. Thrust together at a secure location with top congressional leaders after being evacuated during the mayhem, Mr. McConnell found himself congratulating Mr. Schumer on his newfound status. In a wholesale change that will shift the policy agenda after Mr. Biden’s inauguration, liberals — including Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, the democratic socialist who will now lead the Budget Committee — will head Senate panels, rather than conservatives. Legislation from the Democratic-controlled House that had languished in the Senate will now get consideration across the Rotunda.The abrupt shift in circumstances invigorated Democrats who had been deflated in November when they failed to gain a Senate majority on Nov. 3 despite Mr. Biden’s victory. Given the traditional advantage Republicans have had in Georgia runoff elections, many Democrats had become resigned to the prospect that they would be sentenced to another two years in the Senate minority, stymied in delivering on Mr. Biden’s priorities.“We sure did not take the most direct path to get here, but here we are,” said Mr. Schumer, happy with the outcome any way he could get it, a result that put him in reach of fulfilling his ambition of becoming majority leader after four years as the chief of the minority.While the change in Senate control is momentous, particularly in easing the way for Mr. Biden to fill administration jobs and judicial vacancies, it does not mean that Democrats can have their way on everything — or even most things.The Democratic majority in the House shrank in the last election, emboldening Republicans and giving Speaker Nancy Pelosi less wiggle room in what is likely her last term. More than half of House Republicans voted to throw out certified presidential election results from Arizona and Pennsylvania overnight Wednesday and Thursday without evidence of fraud, reflecting both the extreme character of the House Republican conference and what is sure to be a reluctance to work with Mr. Biden.With the Senate divided 50 to 50 and Democrats in charge only by virtue of the tiebreaking power of the vice president, the filibuster also looms large. Democrats will need to attract at least 10 Republicans to advance most bills while contending with demands from the left for bolder action now that their party will control all of Congress.Democrats conceded the difficulties but still welcomed the reversal of fortune.“It is not all going to be easy, but it is certainly better than being 52-48 and President Biden playing ‘Mother, May I?’ with Leader McConnell in moving any legislation to the floor,” said Senator Chris Coons, Democrat of Delaware, one of the incoming president’s closest allies on Capitol Hill.Yet Mr. McConnell, newly elected to his seventh term, has been in the position of leading the minority before and has proved effective in obstructing Democratic priorities.The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated Jan. 7, 2021, 9:15 p.m. ETBetsy DeVos, education secretary, is second cabinet member to resign.Here’s what Trump’s cabinet members have said about the storming of the Capitol.Lawmakers fear a coronavirus outbreak after sharing close quarters in lockdown.During President Barack Obama’s first term, Democrats had a filibuster-proof 60 votes for a period, and Mr. McConnell still managed to confound Democrats while gradually chipping away at their majority. Republicans took control in 2015, mainly through emphasizing party unity against Democratic initiatives.As minority leader, Mr. McConnell can be expected to employ the same tactics while focusing on the 2022 midterm elections and seeking to regain his Senate power. That will make the first two years of Mr. Biden’s administration extremely important when it comes to accomplishing any major priority.Republicans said they recognized that the legislative environment will be drastically different.“It’s the agenda, an agenda shift — totally changed,” said Senator Shelley Moore Capito, Republican of West Virginia. “They’re going to have the ability to run things from the House and, you know, shift the emphasis.”When the Senate last had a 50-to-50 split in 2001, the two leaders, the Republican Trent Lott of Mississippi and the Democrat Tom Daschle of South Dakota, worked out a power-sharing agreement. But those two leaders had a much deeper relationship than Mr. McConnell and Mr. Schumer — they had worked cooperatively on the impeachment trial of President Bill Clinton — and the Senate was less polarized than it is today.Mr. Schumer and Mr. McConnell will need to engage in talks to come up with some sort of governing framework.“I assume in the next couple weeks, Schumer and Mitch will sit down and kind of figure out how this is going to work,” said Senator John Thune of South Dakota, the No. 2 Republican. “We had a little bit of a pattern back in 2000, but times have changed. It’s different now.”Perhaps the biggest difference will be the committee chairmen, representing a significant swing in ideology. Besides Mr. Sanders, for example, Senator Sherrod Brown, the progressive Ohio Democrat and strong labor ally, is set to be head of the Banking Committee and will have a markedly different agenda than that of the outgoing Republican chairman, Senator Michael D. Crapo of Idaho.Mr. Brown said his first order of legislative business would be addressing the effect of the coronavirus pandemic and relief provisions set to expire, including an eviction moratorium.“We need to fix a lot of the damage Trump’s done, and then there’s pent-up demand for a whole lot of things,” Mr. Brown said. “What do we do about climate and about racial inequality, about wealth inequality, about structural racism?”Among other notable committee changes would be Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon as head of the tax-writing Finance Committee, and Senator Richard J. Durbin of Illinois as chairman of the Judiciary Committee rather than Senator Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, who was a chief driver of the Republican push to install more than 200 conservative judges on the nation’s federal courts the past four years. Senator Patty Murray of Washington, an aggressive backer of health law changes, is in line for the health committee.With the even partisan split, Democrats have begun talking about employing a special legislative process called reconciliation that applies budget rules to eliminate the threat of a filibuster, but what can be accomplished with that approach is limited. Activists are encouraging Democrats to try to eliminate the 60-vote filibuster to take advantage of their power while they have it.“A window of opportunity like this may not come around again for a long while,” said Brian Fallon, a former Schumer aide and head of the progressive group Demand Justice. “It is almost overwhelming to think of all the opportunities for legislating that now exist, but the priority must be democratic reforms that make institutions like the Senate and our courts more aligned with the will of the people.”But a handful of centrist Democrats, including Senator Joe Manchin III of West Virginia and Jon Tester of Montana, have said they have no interest in gutting the filibuster, instead regarding it as a way to force the kind of compromise they think could restore the Senate’s ability to legislate.“Bipartisan legislation tends to stand the test of time, and so hopefully we continue to work together and have it be encouraged by the filibuster,” Mr. Tester said.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Strong Georgia Democratic Voter Turnout Helped Warnock and Ossoff Win

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    Georgia Runoff Updates

    Warnock and Ossoff Win

    Full Results

    Live Forecast

    Electoral College Votes

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    Trump’s Real Claim to Fame

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyTrump’s Real Claim to FameWhen it comes to the president, there can never be enough losing.Opinion ColumnistJan. 6, 2021, 8:32 p.m. ETCredit…Brendan Smialowski/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesDonald Trump’s worst nightmare has come true: He’s going to be remembered by history as the Biggest Loser.Think about it. He lost the election. Then he threw his energy into the campaigns of two Senate candidates in Georgia, both of whom lost. Then he returned to Washington, where his supporters delayed the certification of the election with a thug-like assault on the nation’s capitol.When the first horrific videos showed Trump throngs storming the suddenly evacuated Senate, the president of the United States responded with “stay peaceful.” Which is certainly good advice, but hardly of the emotional intensity he uses when howling about himself.Trump followed up with a video to his supporters. “I know your pain, I know your hurt,” he said while urging them to go home in peace. Great start! Which he instantly followed up with LoserSpeak.“We had an election that was stolen from us,” he added. “It was a landslide election and everyone knows it. Especially the other side.”You see now that within a couple of sentences, Trump has managed to turn his call for calm with a couple of jabs that would tend to convince some people that breaking through the windows and doors of the nation’s capitol was an excellent and righteous plan.All this happened while Congress was attempting to certify the election of Joe Biden, a normally feel-good ritual that, as Chuck Schumer noted, was turned into “an act of political courage.”While we never thought of Trump as a guy who’d bring us together, his post-election behavior has been so appalling that most of the Senate found itself in a kind of bipartisan revulsion.“I’ve served 36 years in the Senate. This will be the most important vote I’ve ever cast,” said Mitch McConnell as he prepared to support the certification of Biden’s victory.Even Mike Pence refused to do his bidding. Trump, listening to the advice of allies like Rudy Giuliani, was convinced that the vice president had “the absolute right” to throw out the election results. (“If Mike Pence does the right thing, we win the election.”) Pence thought otherwise. Not totally clear whether his opinion was really based on constitutional law or a vision of four years more of White House meetings with his current boss.Some of the Republicans, of course, were raring to get on the Trump bandwagon. We have to take a moment here to mention Senator Ted Cruz’s contribution in demanding an official audit of the election before anything else could happen.Cruz reminded his colleagues that was exactly what happened after the controversial election of 1876, adding that recent polling shows that 39 percent of Americans believe the election “was rigged.” This is a reasonable rationale if you want to base major decisions about a presidential election on “recent polling” and the fate of Rutherford B. Hayes.Trump is apparently incapable of doing anything but claiming he won. Over and over again. “Big difference between losing and … having it stolen,” he told a crowd in Georgia this week. “We win every state, and they’re gonna have this guy be president?”The Georgia elections were a kind of prelude to Wednesday’s disaster. Trump was in theory there to help two Republican candidates in their big Senate campaigns. But he was absolutely useless except when it came to tooting his own horn.“I’ve had two elections. I won both of them. It’s amazing,” he told one crowd, before launching into an attack on Georgia’s “incompetent governor” and “crazy secretary of state,” both of whom happen to be Republicans.And the Republicans lost in Georgia, making Democrats the Senate majority. It’s not clear that Trump could have helped the cause if he’d been a slightly more selfless campaigner. But his I-was-robbed message was certainly not the one you’d send to encourage voters to go to the polls.“I mean I could go on and on. … I could just go on forever,” Trump said in another I-won speech in front of the White House. Damned straight. It’s becoming increasingly clear that he is probably going to spend the rest of his life explaining how he actually won re-election “in a landslide.”Be thankful you’re not one of the family or Mar-a-Lago regulars. Thanksgiving dinners will probably feature a half-hour disquisition on the Arizona vote, and the distribution of gifts at Christmas will be a reminder that some people don’t get the rewards they really deserve.Things are tough in America right now, but in a couple of weeks he’ll be out of the White House. At least we have something Trump-related to look forward to.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Un giro demócrata en Georgia

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyOn PoliticsUn giro demócrata en GeorgiaWarnock derrota a Loeffler en Georgia, y Ossoff lleva impulso al contarse los últimos votos.6 de enero de 2021 a las 09:26 ETRead in EnglishEs miércoles, y esta es tu guía sobre política. Inscríbete aquí para recibir On Politics, nuestro boletín en inglés, en tu bandeja de entrada de lunes a viernes.Cómo están las cosasEl reverendo Raphael Warnock ha ganado su desafío a la senadora Kelly Loeffler en Georgia, convirtiéndose en el primer senador negro electo en la historia del estado, y posiblemente ayudando a los demócratas a tomar el control del Senado cuando Joe Biden asuma la presidencia.El destino de la cámara alta sigue indefinido, ya que aún no se ha anunciado un ganador oficial en la otra segunda vuelta de las elecciones al Senado por Georgia, entre David Perdue y su contrincante demócrata, Jon Ossoff.Sin embargo, dado que la mayoría de los votantes lo hacen de manera consistente por dos candidatos de un mismo partido, Ossoff parece tener buenas posibilidades de unirse a Warnock en el podio de ganadores una vez que se cuenten todos los votos. En esta página puedes seguir los resultados finales tal y como se van anunciando.Incluso una vez que se declare un ganador en la disputa entre Perdue y Ossoff, la historia puede no estar completamente terminada. Si la elección se decide al fin por menos de medio punto porcentual, la ley de Georgia dicta que el candidato que quede en segundo lugar podrá solicitar un recuento.Sin embargo, los funcionarios dijeron ayer que estarían listos para realizar un recuento rápidamente, en particular después de pasar por tres recuentos distintos después de las elecciones generales, ya que el presidente Donald Trump y sus aliados impugnaron repetidamente los resultados.La historia de las elecciones de Georgia giró en gran medida en torno a la participación de los votantes negros, que constituyeron un porcentaje más alto del electorado que en las elecciones generales de noviembre. Y deja abierta la cuestión de hasta qué punto los esfuerzos de Trump por desacreditar los sistemas de votación en Georgia perjudicaron a su propio partido.Más de 1,2 millones de votos fueron emitidos en persona el día de las elecciones, lo que superó las expectativas de los funcionarios. Se esperaba que el día de las elecciones la alta concurrencia a las urnas jugase a favor de los republicanos, pero suficientes demócratas votaron ayer para evitar que Perdue y Loeffler sacaran ventaja. Como en las elecciones generales, quienes votaron anticipadamente se inclinaron más hacia los demócratas.Perdue superó a Loeffler por decenas de miles de votos, lo que refleja su índice de favorabilidad ligeramente más alto, pero al final ambos candidatos parecían estar en camino de terminar muy por detrás de la única otra republicana en la boleta para un cargo estatal, la comisionada de servicios públicos de Georgia, Lauren McDonald Jr., conocida como Bubba, quien fue reelegida ayer.Loeffler había atacado agresivamente a Warnock, especialmente en los últimos días de la campaña, pero Perdue los pasó en cuarentena después de haber estado expuesto al coronavirus la semana pasada.Ninguno de los dos titulares parecía capaz de escapar a las preguntas que se avecinaban sobre su actividad bursátil, un tema en el que ambos demócratas habían insistido a cada paso de la campaña. Tanto Perdue como Loeffler se deshicieron de grandes cantidades de acciones en la fase inicial de la pandemia del coronavirus, antes de que el público se diera cuenta de lo mucho que dañaría a la economía. Ambos senadores fueron investigados por el Departamento de Justicia, aunque finalmente no se presentaron cargos contra ninguno de ellos.El vicepresidente Mike Pence le dio la noticia a Trump anoche de que no podría entregarle un segundo mandato presidencial cuando el Congreso se reúna hoy, dijeron personas al tanto de la conversación.Trump ha afirmado sin fundamento que Pence podría bloquear por iniciativa propia la certificación de los resultados del Colegio Electoral una vez que el Congreso los haya aprobado, pero Pence le dijo ayer que no tenía ese poder.Loeffler y otros 12 senadores han dicho que se unirán a varios republicanos en la Cámara para impugnar los resultados. Pero los líderes republicanos del Senado —y, no hace falta decirlo, el liderazgo demócrata de la Cámara— han indicado que se opondrán a cualquier movimiento para evitar la victoria de Biden.Los resultados de Georgia irán apareciendo a cuentagotas, así que prepárate para hoy tener la atención dividida entre los últimos miles de votos que determinarán el destino del Senado y los últimos estertores de la presidencia de Trump.Y puede que tengas que dividir aún más tu atención, si las protestas de la derecha en las calles de Washington se vuelven destructivas o violentas, como algunos espectadores temen.Los acontecimientos políticos probablemente han desviado la atención de las noticias en Kenosha, Wisconsin, un punto álgido de la carrera presidencial de este año, donde el principal fiscal de la ciudad anunció ayer que no presentaría cargos contra el agente de policía blanco que disparó a Jacob Blake, un hombre negro.El disparo a Blake, que ahora está paralizado de la cintura para abajo, desencadenó protestas y disturbios, lo que llevó a Trump a señalar a la ciudad como un ejemplo de la necesidad de “ley y orden”. El presidente expresó más tarde su apoyo a Kyle Rittenhouse, un adolescente miembro de un grupo armado que disparó a tres manifestantes en Kenosha, y mató a dos de ellos.Un abogado de la familia de Blake dijo que era posible que demandaran. “Estaremos considerando la posibilidad de presentar una demanda civil en un futuro próximo para buscar justicia para Jacob”, dijo el abogado B’Ivory LaMarr.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More