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      Your Friday Briefing: China’s Campaign Against ‘Zero-Covid’ Protesters

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      Also, Russian missile attacks in Ukraine and a major deal for Indian women’s cricket.The protests in Beijing began as a vigil for people who died in an apartment fire in Xinjiang, in western China.Thomas Peter/ReutersChina’s intimidation campaignChina has arrested, detained and interrogated people who joined in the demonstrations against the government’s “Zero-Covid” restrictions last month. The Communist Party seems determined to warn off anyone who may have been emboldened by the protests, which led to Beijing’s decision to abandon the restrictions.Four young women, who are friends, are some of the first people known to have been arrested after they took part in protests in Beijing. “At the scene, we respected public order, we didn’t provoke any conflicts with the police,” Cao Zhixin, a 26-year-old editor, said in a video that she recorded in case she went missing. “So why do you still have to secretly take us away?” People close to the young women told my colleagues that the police had asked them about their use of Telegram, a messaging platform blocked in China. Authorities also inquired about their involvement in feminist activities, such as in a book club where they read feminist works.The authorities’ primary motivation is probably not to suppress these women in particular. Instead, precisely because they were not prominent organizers, their cases are a more general warning to others who might have drawn inspiration from the protests.A possible jail sentence: The police have accused the women of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” people familiar with the cases said — a vague crime that the authorities often charge their critics with in order to silence them. It is punishable by up to five years’ imprisonment.Russia targeted Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, as it has for months. Brendan Hoffman for The New York TimesRussian missiles hit UkraineAt least 11 people were killed in a wave of Russian missile strikes across Ukraine, according to Ukrainian officials. The Russian attacks came a day after Germany and the U.S. pledged to send tanks to help Ukrainian forces in the war.The announcement of tank shipments is a significant step up in Western military support. But experts predict it might take a couple of months for the coveted German-made Leopard 2 tanks to arrive, just as ground offensives from both sides could be underway. Already, Ukraine is pressing for the next weapons on its wish list: fighter jets. “Missiles again over Ukraine,” a Ukrainian lawmaker posted on Twitter. “We need F16,” referring to the U.S.-made F-16 fighter jet. U.S. officials have said that F-16s are complicated aircraft that take months to learn how to use. But they used similar arguments about Abrams tanks before President Biden’s decision to send them to Ukraine.Understand the Situation in ChinaThe Chinese government cast aside its restrictive “zero Covid” policy, which had set off mass protests that were a rare challenge to Communist Party leadership.Rapid Spread: Since China abandoned its strict Covid rules, the intensity and magnitude of the country’s outbreak has remained largely a mystery. But a picture is emerging of the virus spreading like wildfire.A Tense Lunar New Year: For millions of holiday travelers, the joy of finally seeing far-flung loved ones without the risk of getting caught in a lockdown is laced with anxiety.Digital Finger-Pointing: The Communist Party’s efforts to limit discord over its sudden “zero Covid” pivot are being challenged with increasing rancor on the internet.Economic Challenges: Years of Covid lockdowns took a brutal toll on Chinese businesses. Now, the rapid spread of the virus after a chaotic reopening has deprived them of workers and customers.In the region: The war has raised the influence of Central and Eastern European countries with negative views of Russia. Vocal pressure from these countries was crucial to the decisions on supplying tanks this week, Steven Erlanger, our chief diplomatic correspondent in Europe, writes in an analysis. “Today marks a new era where our women cricketers will get the platform they deserve,” Harmanpreet Kaur, a star cricketer, wrote on Twitter. Punit Paranjpe/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesA milestone for women’s cricketLocal investors in India this week bought five teams in a new women’s cricket league for a combined price of more than $570 million, one of the biggest one-day financial injections in the history of women’s sports.The numbers were remarkable even in India, which is familiar with jaw-dropping valuations for cricket teams. The country is the sport’s richest market, and its top men’s competition — the Indian Premier League — generates annual broadcast revenues on par with those of the N.F.L. ($10 billion) and England’s Premier League ($6.9 billion).The new Women’s Premier League is designed to be a sister version of the I.P.L. In a sign of its lucrative potential, an Indian media company has paid $116 million for the domestic TV and digital rights over five years. That makes the W.P.L. the world’s second-most valuable women’s sports league, behind only the W.N.B.A., according to an analyst at a media research firm.What’s next: The monthlong competition will happen in March. Top women’s cricketers can expect salaries to reach new highs when teams stock their rosters next month. THE LATEST NEWSAsia PacificNorth Korea said the lockdown was to fight the “world health crisis.”Kim Won Jin/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesNorth Korea imposed a five-day lockdown in Pyongyang to fight a “recurrent flu.” The government did not mention Covid-19.At the Australian Open women’s singles final tomorrow, two powerful players from Eastern Europe, Elena Rybakina and Aryna Sabalenka, will compete.TikTok, a Chinese-owned app, has started lobbying more aggressively in Washington, swarming the offices of lawmakers who have introduced bills to ban it.Around the WorldLast year was the deadliest year since the U.N. began tracking in 2005: At least 166 Palestinians were killed in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.Raneen Sawafta/ReutersNine Palestinians died in an Israeli raid on the occupied West Bank City of Jenin. So far this year, 30 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank.Around 200 children, mostly Albanian teenagers who sought asylum in the U.K., are missing. Some believe they have been abducted by gangs.Meta said it would reinstate Donald Trump’s accounts on Instagram and Facebook. Five police officers in Memphis were arrested and charged with murder after a young Black man, Tyre Nichols, died after a traffic stop.Turkey’s government is spending billions of dollars as President Recep Tayyip Erdogan tries to soften the blow of hyperinflation ahead of elections in May.The EconomyThe U.S. economy grew at an annual rate of 2.9 percent last quarter, a sign of a resilient rebound.IBM said it would lay off 3,900 employees, as tech job cuts continue.People are trying to bring eggs from Mexico into the U.S., where prices have surged.The Week in CultureU.S. senators attacked the parent company of Ticketmaster, calling it a monopoly and criticizing it for its botched ticket sales to Taylor Swift’s tour.The U.S. has returned $20 million worth of looted art, including a marble head of Athena, dated circa 200 B.C., to Italy. The show “Rick and Morty” severed ties with its lead voice actor and co-creator, who faces felony domestic abuse charges.The Splash Mountain ride at Walt Disney World has closed. Superfans are selling what they say is its water.A Morning ReadThis blast tunnel was designed to absorb energy from a bomb dropped on Ottawa.Ian Austen/The New York TimesA nuclear fallout shelter that Canada built during the Cold War for its top government officials opened as a museum in the late 1990s. Now, as Russia reminds the world of its atomic weapons, tourists are flocking to visit the decommissioned bunker.“That fear is still very real for people,” the museum’s executive director said. “It seems to have come back into the public psyche.”Lives lived: Eileen Yin-Fei Lo taught Americans to cook traditional Chinese food. She died at 85.ARTS AND IDEASIllustration by Najeebah Al-Ghadban; Searchlight Pictures (Chloé Zhao); Murray Close/Lionsgate (“The Hunger Games”); Lucasfilm/Disney (“Star Wars: The Rise of Skywalker”); Todd Wawrychuk/A.M.P.A.S. via Getty Images (Academy award)Women and the movie worldLast year, the top 20 box office earners in the U.S. were directed by men and very few female filmmakers were nominated for major awards. Still, my colleague Manohla Dargis is optimistic about women in movies for the first time ever.What is striking about 2022, she writes, is the number of movies headlined and directed by women that made an impact, culturally and economically. Also, a shift in consciousness has brought feminist concerns into the mainstream.Women-led movies are no longer an aberration at the box office. Women are directing and starring in more diverse types of films. They’re bringing the representational fight to the screen, from the Oscars leader “Everything Everywhere All at Once,” to “The Woman King,” which opened at No. 1 in September.“We are experiencing a sea change with women and movies,” Manohla writes. “It’s made my job as a critic more exciting.”PLAY, WATCH, EATWhat to CookKelly Marshall for The New York TimesFor a weekend project, make kouign-amann. Where to GoWith new museums and neighborhoods, Oslo is changing, but the Norwegian capital still celebrates the outdoors.What to WatchIn “Nostalgia,” a man who left Naples as a teenager returns after 40 years and is confronted with his misspent youth and his past crimes. ExerciseYou’re never too old for yoga.Now Time to PlayPlay the Mini Crossword, and a clue: Chimney grime (four letters).Here are the Wordle and the Spelling Bee.You can find all our puzzles here.That’s it for today’s briefing. I’ll be back Monday. — AmeliaP.S. Our Virus Briefing newsletter, which guided readers through the pandemic, published its final edition this week.“The Daily” is about childhood obesity.We’d like your feedback. You can email us at briefing@nytimes.com. More

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      As Turkey Elections Loom, Erdogan Fights for Political Future

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      President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is trying to soften the blow of inflation on the population and using legal threats to bolster his position ahead of a vote that could reshape his country.Just months before pivotal elections that could reshape Turkey’s domestic and foreign policy, the government is spending billions of dollars in state funds to bolster President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his governing party at the ballot box while unleashing an array of legal threats to weaken those who seek to unseat him.Some economists call the spending spree unsustainable, and potentially harmful, as Mr. Erdogan tries to soften the blow of hyperinflation on Turkish families in the run-up to the vote.Additionally, recent polls suggest that at least two potential opposition candidates could roundly beat Mr. Erdogan and one of them faces four legal challenges that could knock him out of the running and give Mr. Erdogan’s party control of Istanbul, Turkey’s largest city and home to one in five of the country’s eligible voters.Mr. Erdogan and his aides insist that they are setting policy purely to serve the country of 84 million, whose citizens have rewarded him and his party with multiple electoral victories over the past two decades. His critics counter that he has used his many years as Turkey’s top politician to concentrate power in his own hands and is now using it to shape the outcome of the election before voters even go to the polls.“Erdogan is trying to fight this battle on ground he chooses, under the framework that he determines, with the weapons that he picks, and preferably with the opponent that he prefers,” said Ahmet Kasim Han, a professor of international relations at Beykoz University in Istanbul.Both Mr. Erdogan’s government and the political opposition view the simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections as a momentous opportunity to set the future course for a NATO member with one of the world’s 20 largest economies and strong diplomatic and business ties across Africa, Asia and Europe.Commemorating the anniversary of the death of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish Republic, in Istanbul in November. The elections coincide with the 100th anniversary of the foundation of modern Turkey.Sergey Ponomarev for The New York TimesAdding symbolism to the vote is timing. Mr. Erdogan has said it would be held on May 14, months before the 100th anniversary of the foundation of modern Turkey after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.In the meantime, he and his government have introduced vast spending for initiatives to insulate voters from the economy’s troubles, at least until the election.Since late December, Mr. Erdogan has increased the national minimum wage by 55 percent; bolstered the salaries of civil servants by 30 percent; expanded a program to give subsidized loans to tradesmen and small businesses; and moved to abolish a minimum retirement age requirement, allowing more than 1.5 million Turks to immediately stop working and to collect their pensions.Mr. Erdogan has said that if he wins, it would vindicate his efforts to build Turkey’s economy, increase its influence abroad and protect the country from domestic and international threats. Speaking to members of his Justice and Development Party, or A.K.P., in Parliament last week, he dismissed the political opposition as incompetent and billed himself as the best person to lead the country into its second 100 years, which he has called “Turkey’s century.”“Look, here I am as a politician who solves problems in his region and the world, who takes responsibilities, who sets directions,” he said.Mr. Erdogan has been Turkey’s paramount politician for two decades, as prime minister from 2003 to 2014 and as president since then. His first decade in power saw a drastic expansion of the economy that lifted millions of Turks out of poverty and expanded Turkish industry.But in recent years, the economy has weakened and Turkish opponents and Western officials have accused Mr. Erdogan of pushing the country toward autocracy, largely because of sweeping powers he has granted himself since a narrow majority of voters passed a referendum in 2017 that expanded the president’s role.Mr. Erdogan’s detractors say he has cowed the news media, limiting critical reporting, and extended his influence over the courts, leading to politically motivated trials. He has also taken charge of foreign and fiscal policy, sidelining the Foreign Ministry and the central bank.Mr. Erdogan’s government has put in place a series of measures recently to help benefit workers and small businesses amid a struggling economy.Sergey Ponomarev for The New York TimesA coalition of six parties have joined forces to try to unseat Mr. Erdogan and they say that if they win, they will restore the independence of government bodies and reduce the power of the president by returning to a parliamentary system.“The election is not only about changing the government,” Canan Kaftancioglu, the Istanbul chairwoman of the largest opposition party, the Republican People’s Party, said in an recent interview. “It is between those who are in favor of democracy and those who are against democracy.”Improving the opposition’s chances are the country’s economic troubles, which have caused some voters to question Mr. Erdogan’s stewardship. Largely because of his unorthodox financial policies, the national currency lost nearly two-thirds of its value against the dollar in the last two years and year-on-year inflation reached about 85 percent in November before dropping to 64 percent in December.Turkey’s peak inflation rate in 2022 was nearly 10 times that of the United States and was the second-highest among the Group of 20 largest economies, after Argentina. Soaring prices have eaten into the budgets of Turkish families and eroded the middle class, damaging Mr. Erdogan’s popularity.But the opposition faces major challenges, too.Mr. Erdogan is a deft political operative and orator who can rely on a vast party apparatus that is enmeshed with the state and its resources. The opposition has yet to name its candidate, leaving Mr. Erdogan to campaign unopposed and fueling speculation that the opposition is plagued by internal divisions that could render it ineffective or tear it apart.The recent government spending spree adds to other initiatives introduced last year: a cash support program for low-income families; government forgiveness of some debt; and state-funded accounts to protect local currency deposits from devaluation.Turkish families were hit hard by hyperinflation last year as the national currency, the lira, plunged.Sergey Ponomarev for The New York TimesMany economists say this flood of state spending could buoy voters until the election, but will most likely fuel even higher inflation and could tip the country into recession sometime after the vote.“The plan is, up until the election, they can spend lots of money,” said Ugur Gurses, a former central bank official and finance expert. “I think they think it is worth it if they are going to win. But if they lose, it will fall into the hands of the newcomers.”The opposition’s position has been further complicated by new legal threats to Ekrem Imamoglu, the mayor of Istanbul and one of the potential rivals who recent polls suggest could beat Mr. Erdogan.Last month, a court barred Mr. Imamoglu from politics for two years and seven months on charges that he insulted state officials. He had called electoral officials who overturned his initial victory in the 2019 Istanbul mayor’s race “fools.”The race was rerun a few months later, and Mr. Imamoglu beat Mr. Erdogan’s candidate again, this time by a much larger margin.Mr. Imamoglu remains in office while appealing the conviction. But in the weeks since last month’s court ruling, he has faced three new legal threats that could temporarily knock him out of politics and remove him from office, passing control of Turkey’s largest city to Mr. Erdogan.Ekrem Imamoglu, the mayor of Istanbul, waving to supporters at a rally in Istanbul in December. Recent polls suggest that he is one of the few opposition figures who could defeat Mr. Erdogan in an election.Khalil Hamra/Associated PressThe Interior Ministry has sued Mr. Imamoglu for alleged corruption during his previous job as an Istanbul district mayor in 2015; the interior minister has accused the mayor’s administration of employing more than 1,600 people with links to terrorism; and Mr. Imamoglu is being separately investigated for allegedly insulting another district mayor, who is a member of Mr. Erdogan’s party.Hasan Sinar, an assistant professor of criminal law at Altinbas University in Istanbul, dismissed the legal threats as “purely political.”“It’s all about Imamoglu because he’s the rising star of the opposition and they want to stop him,” said Mr. Sinar, who filed a legal brief in support of Mr. Imamoglu with the court in the first insult case.While it was unclear whether Mr. Erdogan had personally intervened in the case, Mr. Sinar said he doubted that a judge would rule against such a high-profile figure without knowing that Mr. Erdogan would approve.“This is a political act that looks like a legal one,” he said, “and no one can do this if it is against the will of the president.”Safak Timur More

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      Britain’s Cautionary Tale of Self-Destruction

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      In December, as many as 500 patients per week were dying in Britain because of E.R. waits, according to the Royal College of Emergency Medicine, a figure rivaling (and perhaps surpassing) the death toll from Covid-19. On average, English ambulances were taking an hour and a half to respond to stroke and heart-attack calls, compared with a target time of 18 minutes; nationwide, 10 times as many patients spent more than four hours waiting in emergency rooms as did in 2011. The waiting list for scheduled treatments recently passed seven million — more than 10 percent of the country — prompting nurses to strike. The National Health Service has been in crisis for years, but over the holidays, as wait times spiked, the crisis moved to the very center of a narrative of national decline.Post-Covid, the geopolitical order has been thrown into tumult. At the beginning of the pandemic, commentators wondered about the fate of the United States, its indifferent political leadership and its apparently diminished “state capacity.” Lately, they have focused more on the sudden weakness of China: its population in decline, its economy struggling more than it has in decades, its “zero Covid” reversal a sign of both political weakness and political overreach, depending on whom you ask.But the descent of Britain is in many ways more dramatic. By the end of next year, the average British family will be less well off than the average Slovenian one, according to a recent analysis by John Burn-Murdoch at The Financial Times; by the end of this decade, the average British family will have a lower standard of living than the average Polish one.On the campaign trail and in office, promising a new prosperity, Boris Johnson used to talk incessantly about “leveling up.” But the last dozen years of uninterrupted Tory rule have produced, in economic terms, something much more like a national flatlining. In a 2020 academic analysis by Nicholas Crafts and Terence C. Mills, recently publicized by the economic historian Adam Tooze, the two economists asked whether the ongoing slowdown in British productivity was unprecedented. Their answer: not quite, but that it was certainly the worst in the last 250 years, since the very beginning of the Industrial Revolution. Which is to say: To find a fitting analogue to the British economic experience of the last decade, you have to reach back to a time before the arrival of any significant growth at all, to a period governed much more by Malthusianism, subsistence-level poverty and a nearly flat economic future. By all accounts, things have gotten worse since their paper was published. According to “Stagnation Nation,” a recent report by a think tank, there are eight million young Brits in the work force today who have not experienced sustained wage growth at all.Over the past several decades, the China boom and then the world’s populist turn have upended one of the basic promises of post-Cold War geopolitics: that free trade would not just bring predictable prosperity but also draw countries into closer political consensus around something like Anglo-American market liberalism. The experience of Britain over the same period suggests another fly in the end-of-history ointment, undermining a separate supposition of that era, which lives on in zombie form in ours: that convergence meant that rich and well-​governed countries would stay that way.For a few weeks last fall, as Liz Truss failed to survive longer as head of government than the shelf life of a head of lettuce, I found myself wondering how a country that had long seen itself — and to some significant degree been seen by the rest of the world — as a very beacon of good governance had become so seemingly ungovernable. It was of course not that long ago that American liberals looked with envy at the British system — admiring the speed of national elections, and the way that new governing coalitions always seemed able to get things done.Post-Brexit, both the outlook for Britain and the quality of its politics look very different, as everyone knows. But focusing on a single “Leave” vote risks confusing that one abrupt outburst of xenophobic populism with what in fact is a long-term story of manufactured decline. As Burn-Murdoch demonstrates in another in his series of data-rich analyses of the British plight, the country’s obvious struggles have a very obvious central cause: austerity. In the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, and in the name of rebalancing budgets, the Tory-led government set about cutting annual public spending, as a proportion of G.D.P., to 39 percent from 46 percent. The cuts were far larger and more consistent than nearly all of Britain’s peer countries managed to enact; spending on new physical and digital health infrastructure, for instance, fell by half over the decade. In the United States, political reversals and partisan hypocrisy put a check on deep austerity; in Britain, the party making the cuts has stayed steadily in power for 12 years.The consequences have been remarkable: a very different Britain from the one that reached the turn of the millennium as Tony Blair’s “Cool Britannia.” Real wages have actually declined, on average, over the last 15 years, making America’s wage stagnation over the same period seem appealing by comparison. As the political economist William Davies has written, the private sector is also behaving shortsightedly, skimping on long-term investments and extracting profits from financial speculation instead: “To put it bluntly, Britain’s capitalist class has effectively given up on the future.” Even the right-wing Daily Telegraph is now lamenting that England is “becoming a poor country.”Of course, trends aside, in absolute terms Britain remains a wealthy place: the sixth-largest economy in the world, though its G.D.P. is now smaller than that of India, its former colony. And while the deluded promises of Brexit boosters obviously haven’t come to pass, neither have the bleakest projections: food shortages, crippling labor crunches or economic chaos.Instead, there has been a slow, sighing decay — one that makes contemporary Britain a revealing case study in the way we talk and think about the fates of nations and the shape of contemporary history. Optimists like to point to global graphs of long-term progress, but if the political experience of the last decade has taught us anything, it is that whether the world as a whole is richer than it was 50 years ago matters much less to the people on it today than who got those gains, and how they compare with expectations. Worldwide child mortality statistics are indeed encouraging, as are measures of global poverty. But it’s cold comfort to point out to an American despairing over Covid-era life expectancy declines that, in fact, a child born today can still expect to live longer than one born in 1995, for instance, or to tell a Brit worrying over his or her economic prospects that added prosperity is likely to come eventually — at the same level enjoyed by economies in the former Eastern Bloc.Can Britain even stomach such a comparison? The wealthy West has long regarded development as a race that has already and definitively been won, with suspense remaining primarily about how quickly and how fully the rest of the world might catch up. Rich countries could stumble, the triumphalist narrative went, but even the worst-case scenarios would look something like Japan — a rich country that stalled out and stubbornly stopped growing. But Japan is an economic utopia compared with Argentina, among the richest countries of the world a century ago, or Italy, which has tripped its way into instability over the last few decades. Britain has long since formally relinquished its dreams of world domination, but the implied bargain of imperial retreat was something like a tenured chair at the table of global elders. As it turns out, things can fall apart in the metropole too. Over two centuries, a tiny island nation made itself an empire and a capitalist fable, essentially inventing economic growth and then, powered by it, swallowing half the world. Over just two decades now, it has remade itself as a cautionary tale.David Wallace-Wells (@dwallacewells), a writer for Opinion and a columnist for The New York Times Magazine, is the author of “The Uninhabitable Earth.” More

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      Your Wednesday Briefing: Ukraine Cracks Down on Corruption

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      Also, another mass shooting in California and New Zealand’s next leader.No issue is more critical for Ukraine than the billions of dollars and advanced weaponry provided by Western allies.Nicole Tung for The New York TimesA corruption scandal in UkraineSeveral top Ukrainian officials were fired yesterday amid a ballooning corruption scandal, in the biggest upheaval in President Volodymyr Zelensky’s government since the Russian invasion began.There was no sign that the scandal involved the misappropriation of Western military assistance, which is essential for Ukraine’s continued survival. But even a whiff of malfeasance could slow aid. The move suggested an effort by Zelensky to clean house and reassure allies that his government would show zero tolerance for graft.The firings followed a number of allegations of corruption — including reports that Ukraine’s military had agreed to pay inflated prices for food meant for its troops — and general bad behavior. But Ukraine’s cabinet ministry, which announced the firings on Telegram, provided no details about specific reasons.Zelensky said he hoped that punishment would be taken as a “signal to all those whose actions or behavior violate the principle of justice,” and added: “There will be no return to what used to be in the past.”Details: A deputy defense minister was fired, as was a deputy prosecutor general who took a wartime vacation to Spain. A senior official in Zelensky’s office also resigned after he was criticized for using an SUV that was donated for humanitarian missions.Other updates: The U.S. is moving closer to sending tanks to Ukraine, officials said. Germany said it will make its own decision soon.Turkey indefinitely postponed a meeting with Finland and Sweden to discuss their bid to join NATO, amid Turkish anger over recent protests in Stockholm that included the burning of a Quran.The hands on the Doomsday Clock moved closer to midnight than ever, in part because of the war.“Tragedy upon tragedy,” the governor of California tweeted yesterday.Jim Wilson/The New York TimesAnother mass shooting in CaliforniaA gunman on Monday killed at least seven people near San Francisco, less than 48 hours after a gunman killed 11 people in Los Angeles. The back-to-back shootings have shocked California, which has one of the lowest mortality rates from gun violence in the U.S., as well as some of its toughest gun laws.The cases, which bracketed celebration of the Lunar New Year, claimed the lives largely of immigrant victims: Asian Americans in their 50s, 60s and 70s in Monterey Park, a thriving Chinese American suburb of Los Angeles, and Asian and Latino agricultural workers around Half Moon Bay, near San Francisco. The suspects were immigrant Asian men in their 60s and 70s — a rare age bracket for assailants in mass shootings. In Half Moon Bay, officials said the 66-year-old suspect, who was taken into custody “without incident,” may have been targeting his co-workers. And in Monterey Park, police are still looking for a motive. The gunman targeted a dance hall he knew well.Understand the Situation in ChinaThe Chinese government cast aside its restrictive “zero Covid” policy, which had set off mass protests that were a rare challenge to Communist Party leadership.Rapid Spread: Since China abandoned its strict Covid rules, the intensity and magnitude of the country’s outbreak has remained largely a mystery. But a picture is emerging of the virus spreading like wildfire.A Tense Lunar New Year: For millions of holiday travelers, the joy of finally seeing far-flung loved ones without the risk of getting caught in a lockdown is laced with anxiety.Digital Finger-Pointing: The Communist Party’s efforts to limit discord over its sudden “zero Covid” pivot are being challenged with increasing rancor on the internet.Economic Challenges: Years of Covid lockdowns took a brutal toll on Chinese businesses. Now, the rapid spread of the virus after a chaotic reopening has deprived them of workers and customers.Reaction: The White House said it was renewing a push for sweeping gun control measures that would renew an expired assault weapons ban.The U.S.: In the first 24 days of this year, at least 69 people have been killed in at least 39 separate mass shootings. Just yesterday, a gunman in Washington state killed three people in a convenience store. Chris Hipkins, 44, has an unpolished everyman persona and a Mr. Fix-It reputation. Hagen Hopkins/Getty ImagesHipkins distances himself from ArdernChris Hipkins, who is due to be sworn in as New Zealand’s leader today, is making a respectful, but pointed effort to create space between himself and Jacinda Ardern ahead of the national election in October.He’s trying to rebrand the Labour Party and appeal to centrist, middle-class voters who have cooled on Ardern and her leftist policies. In one example, he seems to prefer calling the country New Zealand, as opposed to Aotearoa, the Maori name favored by Ardern.“I supported Jacinda Ardern as our prime minister, I think she did an amazing job,” he said. “But look: We’re different people, and we’ll have a different style.”Analysis: Hipkins was a top architect of the Ardern government’s key policies and its stringent Covid response. But he has a scrappier and more combative style. Those traits, and his reputation as a practical figure capable of hard work, could resonate with voters outside of cities.From Opinion: Ardern put New Zealand on the geopolitical map, but she failed to keep many of her promises, Josie Pagani argues.THE LATEST NEWSU.S. News The U.S. sued Google, accusing it of illegally abusing a monopoly over the technology behind online advertising.Aides to Mike Pence found classified documents at his home in Indiana last week, one of his advisers said.Health officials proposed offering new Covid-19 booster shots each fall, a strategy long employed against the flu.Other Big StoriesBrazilian authorities said an illegal fishing trafficker ordered the assassinations of a British journalist and an Indigenous rights activist who were killed in the Amazon in June.Eastern Europeans once powered British agriculture. After Brexit, British farmers are strapped for workers.Developing nations are struggling to cover the costs of expensive medical therapies.A Morning ReadChinese developers ran out of money amid a crackdown on excessive debt and a slowing economy. Qilai Shen for The New York TimesHundreds of thousands of Chinese people poured their life savings into apartments that were still under construction. But then, China’s decades-long real estate boom came to a sudden halt. Now, the unfinished structures that dot the country are ugly reminders of dashed dreams and broken promises. “It was a simple dream,” one man said, “to have a home, a family.”ARTS AND IDEASFrom left, Stephanie Hsu, Michelle Yeoh and Ke Huy Quan in “Everything Everywhere All at Once.”Allyson Riggs/A24, via Associated PressThe Oscar nomineesIn a year when moviegoers returned en masse to big-budget spectacles — and skipped nearly everything else — Oscar voters yesterday spread nominations remarkably far and wide.The sci-fi movie, “Everything Everywhere All at Once,” led with 11 total nominations. Some of its stars, including Michelle Yeoh, Ke Huy Quan and Stephanie Hsu, also got acting nods.“The Banshees of Inisherin” and “All Quiet on the Western Front” were tied for second, with nine nominations each. The drama “Tár” received a best picture nod, while the blockbuster sequels “Top Gun: Maverick” and “Avatar: The Way of Water” were also recognized in the category.In some ways, the spread reflected the jumbled state of Hollywood. Movies from streaming services were hot for the last few years, and then not. Studios are unsure about how many films to release in theaters and no one knows whether anything besides superheroes, sequels or horror can succeed. Widening the aperture of films nominated for best picture could also help the Oscar ceremony, which needs a real boost after years of flagging ratings.Here’s a full list of the nominees, the biggest snubs and surprises and our critics’ picks for their top Oscar nominations. The 95th Academy Awards will be on March 12, in Los Angeles.PLAY, WATCH, EATWhat to CookDavid Malosh for The New York Times. Food Stylist: Barrett Washburne.Everyone knows soup is the best food. Here are 24 recipes to prove it. (I’m looking forward to trying this recipe for Taiwanese beef noodle soup, which cooks for about two hours.) What to Read“Cobalt Red” exposes the horrors of mining the cobalt that is used in our smartphones. What to WearHow to pack for a work trip.HealthHere’s why weather changes can worsen pain from old injuries.Now Time to PlayPlay the Mini Crossword, and a clue: Like a tired baby (five letters).Here are the Wordle and the Spelling Bee.You can find all our puzzles here.That’s it for today’s briefing. See you next time. — AmeliaP.S. My colleague David Dunlap explained how The Times keeps reporters safe when they cover deadly viruses.“The Daily” is on the classified documents found in President Biden’s home. We’d like your feedback! Please email thoughts and suggestions to briefing@nytimes.com. More

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      Representative Ruben Gallego Running for Kyrsten Sinema’s Senate Seat

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      Representative Ruben Gallego of Phoenix is set to challenge Ms. Sinema from the left, after she resigned from the Democratic Party.Representative Ruben Gallego, a progressive Democrat from Phoenix, announced on Monday that he would run for the Senate in 2024, setting up a potential face-off with Senator Kyrsten Sinema over her seat that could carry high stakes for Democrats’ control of the upper chamber.Mr. Gallego, a 43-year-old former state lawmaker and U.S. Marine veteran, began his campaign with a video in which he declares his run to a group of fellow veterans at American Legion Post 124 in Guadalupe, Ariz., near Phoenix. In it, he highlights his humble Chicago origins and his combat experience in Iraq, and he pledges to fight to extend the American dream to more families.“It’s the one thing that we give every American, no matter where they’re born in life,” he says, crediting belief in the dream for his own climb into the halls of Congress. Ms. Sinema, whose opposition to key elements of her party’s agenda had angered Democrats, left the party in December and registered as an independent. Democrats in Arizona quickly turned their attention to her seat. It is expected that Ms. Sinema will seek re-election, but she has not yet announced her intentions.In his campaign ad, Mr. Gallego sought to draw sharp contrasts between himself and Ms. Sinema, taking subtle swipes at the first-term senator over her leadership and ties to corporate interests.Politics Across the United StatesFrom the halls of government to the campaign trail, here’s a look at the political landscape in America.2023 Races: Governors’ contests in Kentucky, Louisiana and Mississippi and mayoral elections in Chicago and Philadelphia are among the races to watch this year.Voting Laws: The tug of war over voting rights is playing out with fresh urgency at the state level, as Republicans and Democrats seek to pass new laws before the next presidential election.2024 Presidential Race: As the 2024 primary approaches, the wavering support of evangelical leaders for Donald J. Trump could have far-reaching implications for Republicans.Democrats’ New Power: After winning trifectas in four state governments in the midterms, Democrats have a level of control in statehouses not seen since 2009.“We could argue different ways about how to do it, but at the core, if you’re more likely to be meeting with the powerful than the powerless, you’re doing this job incorrectly,” he says in the video, which was released in English and Spanish. “I’m sorry that politicians have let you down, but I’m going to change that.”A head-to-head matchup between Mr. Gallego and Ms. Sinema in the general election is likely to split the coalition of Democrats and independents who have powered Democratic victories in Arizona in recent elections. The divide could provide an opening for a Republican to retake a seat that has helped Democrats retain their narrow majority in the Senate.Democrats in Arizona previously made motions that they intended to rally behind Ms. Sinema’s Democratic challenger. Mr. Gallego’s campaign team includes veterans from Senator Mark Kelly’s re-election bid in Arizona, as well as Democratic consultants who served on the successful 2022 Senate campaigns for Raphael Warnock in Georgia and John Fetterman in Pennsylvania. Mr. Gallego’s campaign also has taken on Chuck Rocha, a longtime Democratic strategist focused on mobilizing Latino voters.Representative Greg Stanton, a Democrat who had also shown interest in running for the seat, said this month that now was “not the right time,” clearing the path for Mr. Gallego in the primary.Among the Republicans weighing Senate runs are Kari Lake, the Trump-endorsed news anchor who last year lost her race for governor, and Blake Masters, who was defeated in a Senate race by Mr. Kelly.For both Mr. Gallego and Ms. Sinema, the greatest factor will be the Republican nominee, said Mike Noble, a longtime nonpartisan pollster based in Phoenix.A center-right candidate could consolidate Republican and right-leaning independent voters, most likely narrowing the chances for both Ms. Sinema and Mr. Gallego. A hard-right candidate like Ms. Lake or Mr. Masters, on the other hand, would most likely intensify the contest between Mr. Gallego and Ms. Sinema for moderates and the state’s large independent electorate, about one-third of voters.“Heading into next year’s election, Kyrsten Sinema would like nothing else for Christmas than to have Kari Lake as the Republican nominee come 2024,” Mr. Noble said. “They both would love it.”Ms. Sinema was elected to the Senate in a groundbreaking victory in 2018, in the first Democratic triumph since 1976 in a contest for an open Senate seat in Arizona. Her victory pointed to broader political shifts in the state. Once a longtime conservative bastion, Arizona has become a national battleground as the state’s Republican Party has veered further right, while growing numbers of Latino and independent voters have pushed the state to the center.Ms. Sinema embraced solidly centrist positions in defeating her Republican opponent. Voter drives to register more Latinos, who generally vote Democratic in Arizona, also paid off for Ms. Sinema. But distaste for the senator has been growing among Latino activists and other parts of her Democratic base as she has positioned herself as a bulwark against major parts of her former party’s agenda, mainly attempts to increase taxes on corporate America and Wall Street.National Democrats have been tight-lipped about their approach to the 2024 race, as some worry that a full-on offensive against Ms. Sinema in the general election might inadvertently help elect a Republican.Mr. Gallego, who has been among Ms. Sinema’s fiercest critics, had been fielding input from his family over the holidays over whether he would run. He would be the first Latino senator from Arizona should he prevail.In his campaign video released Monday, he describes his hard upbringing as one of four children raised by a single mother in Chicago. He made it to Harvard and worked to pay his way through school before enlisting in the Marine Corps. His combat experience on the front lines in Iraq, where he came under heavy fire and lost some of his closest friends, left him with post-traumatic stress disorder but also inspired him to go into public service, he said.The ad positions Mr. Gallego as an advocate of strong government and a fighter for working-class families who he said “feel they are one or two paychecks away from going under.”“The rich and the powerful, they don’t need more advocates,” he said. “It’s the people that are still trying to decide between groceries and utilities that need a fighter for them.” More

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      Your Monday Briefing: A Lunar New Year Shooting

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      Also, New Zealand’s next leader and a Lunar New Year travel surge in China.A massacre in California took place hours after a joyous Lunar New Year celebration. Mark Abramson for The New York TimesA Lunar New Year rampagePolice in California are on the hunt for a gunman who killed 10 people in the city of Monterey Park in Los Angeles County on Saturday. The mass shooting happened hours after a celebration for the eve of the Lunar New Year, the most important holiday in many Asian countries. Thousands had attended the event. (Follow our live coverage.)The sheriff of Los Angeles County said yesterday that the authorities were looking for an Asian man between 30 and 50 years old. He opened fire at a dance hall, and witnesses said he seemed to shoot indiscriminately. At least 10 others were injured. The authorities offered no motive for the attack.The mass shooting is the latest tragedy to strike Asian Americans, who have faced rising violence throughout the pandemic. Monterey Park is about 65 percent Asian American, and has been called “the first suburban Chinatown.” It is perhaps best known as the first city in the continental U.S. where a majority of inhabitants have ethnically Asian ancestry.A pattern: This mass shooting is the deadliest in the U.S. since the Uvalde massacre last May, when a gunman killed 19 children and two teachers in Texas. There have been 33 mass shootings in the U.S. so far in 2023, according to a nonprofit research group.Chris Hipkins is set to become New Zealand’s new prime minister.Marty Melville/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesNew Zealand’s next leaderChris Hipkins, who oversaw the country’s unique pandemic approach, is set to become New Zealand’s new prime minister next month. Hipkins, 44, was a clear front-runner to become the leader of the Labour Party after Jacinda Ardern’s surprise resignation last week. As the health minister, and then the minister for New Zealand’s Covid-19 response, he was the face of the country’s stringent, but widely applauded, response to the pandemic.The incoming leader faces a number of major challenges. Voters are looking for respite from inflation, a continuing housing crisis and other entrenched social problems such as crime and child poverty. He could struggle to get beyond his association with pandemic policy, which tainted Ardern’s leadership.Up ahead: In a national election in October, Hipkins will face Christopher Luxon, the leader of the center-right National Party. Analysis: Leaders often resign in parliamentary systems. But Ardern’s departure stands out, my colleague Max Fisher writes: “It was particularly striking to see a leader voluntarily relinquish power at a moment when the world’s strongmen — and even some elected presidents — are clinging ferociously to theirs.”Lunar New Year is the most important holiday on China’s calendar.Gilles Sabrié for The New York TimesChina’s tense Lunar New YearFor many Chinese people traveling for Lunar New Year, the joy of finally seeing loved ones for the holiday without the risk of a lockdown is laced with anxiety. Many are traveling from cities to rural areas, where health care services are woefully underdeveloped. They fear spreading the virus to older relatives.They’re also on the move just weeks after the government lifted its “zero Covid” restrictions. One official said it was “the most challenging spring festival in recent years,” as outbreaks continue to spread. “It’s precisely because we’ve opened up that I feel so tense,” one villager said.But after years of muted celebrations, hundreds of millions of people are aching for reunions. In one sign of national relief, some people on social media are celebrating congestion at travel hubs as a sign of a return to normal — or at least to a new normal.Details: Before the pandemic, the travel rush was the world’s largest annual migration. This year, China expects traffic to nearly double compared with 2022, exceeding two billion passenger trips over the holiday period.Zero Covid fallout: Some Chinese entrepreneurs have left the country, my colleague Li Yuan writes in an analysis. They moved to Singapore, and took their wealth with them.THE LATEST NEWSAsia PacificPakistan’s blasphemy laws are often used to settle personal scores or persecute minorities.Akhtar Soomro/ReutersPakistan tightened its blasphemy laws. Insulting Islam was already punishable by death, but now those who insult people connected to the Prophet Muhammad can face prison time.Some cruise ships have been forced to idle at sea for days because they cannot pass New Zealand’s tight “biofoul” standards, which regulate foreign organisms on a boat’s exterior.One man in Western Australia made a 3,000-mile detour after record floods cut off a bridge.The War in UkraineNATO countries failed to agree on whether to send tanks to Ukraine last week. Germany’s hesitance is born of history. After its Nazi past, the country is committed to promoting “peace,” and it’s long relied on Russian energy.Despite the war, life in Ukraine proceeds almost normally at times. Then, in a flash, a Russian missile can shatter ordinary lives, as one did last week in Dnipro.Around the WorldAbortion rights protesters marched yesterday in Wisconsin.Jamie Kelter Davis for The New York TimesIn cities across the U.S., Americans marched in support of abortion rights on the 50th anniversary of Roe v. Wade.Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s leader, complied with a Supreme Court ruling and fired a top minister who had been convicted of tax fraud.Cholera is surging in Malawi, which nearly wiped out the disease in 2021.U.S. investigators seized more classified documents in a search of President Biden’s home in Delaware.Other Big StoriesJob cuts in the tech industry are proving shocking for younger workers, who have yet to experience a cyclical crash.King Charles III’s coronation is set for the first weekend in May.A 76-year-old woman in Florida fatally shot her terminally ill husband in a hospital because of a pact they’d made, the police said.A Morning Read“Emily embarrasses me,” one American expat in Paris said. Stéphanie Branchu/NetflixAmericans in Paris think “Emily in Paris” is giving them a bad name.“We try so hard not to be the ugly American,” one woman lamented. “Being an American expat in Paris is all about trying to seem vaguely French or invisibly American, and Emily is the opposite of that.”MUMBAI DISPATCHOne film, 27 years of screeningsSimran, a prostitute who goes by the name of the movie’s lead female character, regularly dances in the aisles to the movie’s songs.Atul Loke for The New York TimesIndia’s film industry puts about 1,500 stories on the screen annually. But every day, audiences in Mumbai line up for “Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge,” a movie still on the screen after 27 years.The film, known as “D.D.L.J.,” is a boy-meets-girl story set in India in the 1990s, a moment of unbridled optimism when the economy had just opened up. In many ways, the India of today is similar to the one reflected in the movie. The economy is still on the rise. Women are still seeking more freedom. Modernity and conservatism remain in tension.But some of the sense of unlimited possibility has waned since the movie’s 1995 premiere. As the early rewards of liberalization peaked and economic inequities deepened, aspirations of mobility have diminished. Some on Mumbai’s margins buy a ticket to escape into a rosier past, while others still seek inspiration.“I come every day,” said one regular, who goes by Simran, the name of the female lead. She is a prostitute in the waning red-light district nearby. “I like it every day.”PLAY, WATCH, EATWhat to CookLinda Xiao for The New York Times. Food Stylist: Sue Li. Prop Stylist: Megan Hedgpeth.These black sesame shortbread cookies are snappy, crumbly and not too sweet.What to Watch“After Love,” an intelligent portrait of grief, follows a British woman who discovers her husband has been leading a double life.The CosmosHere’s how to see a green-hued comet pass by Earth for the first time since the Stone Age.VowsFour wedding ceremonies. Three continents. One Indian-Ghanian-American marriage.Now Time to PlayPlay the Mini Crossword, and a clue: Hairstyling goop (three letters).Here are the Wordle and the Spelling Bee.You can find all our puzzles here.That’s it for today’s briefing. See you next time. — AmeliaP.S.: A.G. Sulzberger, The Times’s publisher, discussed the problem of disinformation at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.Here’s Friday’s edition of “The Daily,” on migrants trying to come to the U.S.We’d like your feedback! Please email thoughts and suggestions to briefing@nytimes.com. More

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      Older Voters Know Exactly What’s at Stake, and They’ll Be Here for Quite a While

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      Is it time to call the next election “the most important in American history”? Probably. It seems like it may involve a judgment on democracy itself. Americans with a lot of history will play a key role in determining its outcome.And judging in part by November’s midterms, they may not play the role that older voters are usually assigned. We at Third Act, the group we helped form in 2021, think older Americans are beginning a turn in the progressive direction, a turn that will accelerate as time goes on.A lot has been written about the impact of young voters in November’s contests, and rightly so. The enormous margins that Democrats ran up among voters under 30 let them squeak through in race after race. Progressives should be incredibly grateful that the next generation can see straight through Trumpism in a way too many of their elders can’t.But there were also intriguing hints of what looked like a gray countercurrent that helped damp the expected red wave. Yes, older people by and large voted Republican, in keeping with what political scientists have long insisted: that we become more conservative as we age. But in the 63 most competitive congressional districts, the places where big money was spent on ads and where the margin in the House was decided, polling by AARP, an advocacy group for people over 50, found some fascinating numbers.In early summer, Republicans had a sturdy lead among older voters in 50 of those districts, up 50 percent to 40 percent. Those had Republicans salivating. But on Election Day, voters over 65 actually broke for Democrats in those districts, 49 to 46.That doesn’t surprise us at Third Act. We’re nonpartisan, but we’ve learned that demographic is far less settled than people sometimes suppose.Some of the issues that benefited Democrats are obvious, of course. Republican messaging included calls for weakening Social Security and Medicare even though most older beneficiaries rely on Social Security for most of their income, and for an estimated 40 percent it’s all their retirement income. The cruelty of toying with people’s life support systems is matched only by its political foolishness. Among voters 65 and over, Social Security and Medicare were among the top concerns.But something else happened, too. When the Supreme Court tossed out Roe v. Wade in early summer, most of the pictures were of young women protesting, appropriately, since it’s their lives that will be turned upside down. But people we know in their 60s and 70s felt a real psychic upheaval: A woman’s right to choose had been part of their mental furniture for five decades. And they’ve lived their entire lives in what they had imagined was a stable and working democracy.The top concern to voters 65 and over, especially women, was “threats to democracy,” according to AARP. And exit polling by the Kaiser Family Foundation found that among women 50 and older, the court’s decision overturning the constitutional right to abortion had a major impact on which candidate they supported. Sixty-six percent of Black women said so, as did 61 percent of Hispanic women and 48 percent of white women. Voters who said the Supreme Court’s abortion decision was the single most important factor in their vote supported Democrats by a margin of 2 to 1.Some of our members helped organize access to abortion before Roe was decided in 1973; they don’t want to go back. And it’s not only abortion: The Supreme Court also took on the Clean Air Act of 1970 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. We helped win these fights once, turning out by the tens of millions to oppose the war in Vietnam or for the first Earth Day. And we can help win them again — we have the muscle memory of what organizing on a big scale feels like.Hundreds of us from around the country converged on Nevada in the days before the midterm vote, because we determined — correctly, as it turned out — that it might be the place where control of the Senate would be decided. We may walk a tad slower door-to-door, but in this case slow and steady helped to win the race.With the election past, Third Act is now digging into work on climate change — in particular targeting the big American banks (JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup, Wells Fargo, Bank of America) that are also the biggest lenders to the fossil fuel industry. On March 21 we’ll be cutting up bank credit cards and picketing bank branches across the country. We know that young people have been in the lead in this fight, because they’ll have to live with the world we’re creating. But as long as we’re still here, we’ll have to live with the knowledge of what we’re leaving behind, so we want to change it while we still can.We recognize that this will require a sustained effort beyond the next election and the election after that. Numerous analysts and demographers do believe that coming demographic changes in the United States will generally favor Democrats. But complications abound. Partisan gerrymandering continues to favor Republicans, for instance, and at least five states that generally vote Democratic have each lost a seat from their congressional delegations.But here’s the thing. Many of us are going to be here for quite a while. Ten thousand Americans turn 60 every day, and on average we’ll live another 23 years. The last of the baby boomers, will be 65 or older in 2030. Youth voters, moreover, are youth voters for only about a decade. One guarantee for 2024: We’ll vote in huge numbers, as we always do. One possibility is that we’ll help turn back the clock a little, toward the world we actually built in our youth.We’re not your parent’s grandparents.Bill McKibben is the founder of Third Act, helped found the climate advocacy group 350.org and is the author of the memoir “The Flag, the Cross, and the Station Wagon.” Akaya Windwood is the lead adviser for Third Act and a co-author of “Leading With Joy.”The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. More

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      Is Brazil’s Alexandre de Moraes Actually Good for Democracy?

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      Alexandre de Moraes, a Brazilian Supreme Court justice, was crucial to Brazil’s transfer of power. But his aggressive tactics are prompting debate: Can one go too far to fight the far right?When Brazil’s highway police began holding up buses full of voters on Election Day, he ordered them to stop.When right-wing voices spread the baseless claim that Brazil’s election was stolen, he ordered them banned from social media.And when thousands of right-wing protesters stormed Brazil’s halls of power this month, he ordered the officials who had been responsible for securing the buildings arrested.Alexandre de Moraes, a Brazilian Supreme Court justice, has taken up the mantle of Brazil’s lead defender of democracy. Using a broad interpretation of the court’s powers, he has pushed to investigate and prosecute, as well as to silence on social media, anyone he deems a menace to Brazil’s institutions.As a result, in the face of antidemocratic attacks from Brazil’s former far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, and his supporters, Mr. de Moraes cleared the way for the transfer of power. To many on Brazil’s left, that made him the man who saved Brazil’s young democracy.Yet to many others in Brazil, he is threatening it. Mr. de Moraes’s aggressive approach and expanding authority have made him one of the nation’s most powerful people, and also put him at the center of a complicated debate in Brazil over how far is too far to fight the far right.Damage to the Supreme Court caused by right-wing protesters. Mr. de Moraes ordered the officials who had been responsible for securing the buildings arrested.Victor Moriyama for The New York TimesHe has jailed people without trial for posting threats on social media; helped sentence a sitting congressman to nearly nine years in prison for threatening the court; ordered raids on businessmen with little evidence of wrongdoing; suspended an elected governor from his job; and unilaterally blocked dozens of accounts and thousands of posts on social media, with virtually no transparency or room for appeal.In the hunt for justice after the riot this month, he has become further emboldened. His orders to ban prominent voices online have proliferated, and now he has the man accused of fanning Brazil’s extremist flames, Mr. Bolsonaro, in his cross hairs. Last week, Mr. de Moraes included Mr. Bolsonaro in a federal investigation of the riot, which he is overseeing, suggesting that the former president inspired the violence.His moves fit into a broader trend of Brazil’s Supreme Court increasing its power — and taking what critics have called a more repressive turn in the process.Many legal and political analysts are now sparring over Mr. de Moraes’s long-term impact. Some argue that his actions are necessary, extraordinary measures in the face of an extraordinary threat. Others say that, acting under the banner of safeguarding democracy, he is instead harming the nation’s balance of power.“We cannot disrespect democracy in order to protect it,” said Irapuã Santana, a lawyer and legal columnist for O Globo, one of Brazil’s biggest newspapers.Understand the Riots in Brazil’s CapitalThousands of rioters supporting Jair Bolsonaro, the far-right former president of Brazil,  stormed the nation’s Congress, Supreme Court and presidential offices on Jan. 8.Anatomy of a Mass Attack: After Mr. Bolsonaro lost the presidential election in October, many believed that the threat of violence from his supporters would recede. Here is what went wrong.The Investigations: Authorities face several major questions as they piece together how rioters briefly seized the seats of Brazil’s government.Digital Playbook: Misinformation researchers are studying how the internet was used ahead of the riots in Brazil. Many are drawing a comparison to the Jan. 6 attack.The Role of the Police: Their early inaction in the riot shows how security forces can help empower violence and deepen the threat to democracy.Mr. Santana voted in October for Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the new leftist president, but said he worried that many in Brazil were cheering on Mr. de Moraes without considering the potential consequences. “Today he’s doing it against our enemy. Tomorrow he’s doing it against our friend — or against us,” he said. “It’s a dangerous precedent.”Milly Lacombe, a left-wing commentator, said such concerns missed a bigger danger, evidenced by the riots and a foiled bomb plot to disrupt Mr. Lula’s inauguration. She argued, in her column on the Brazilian news site UOL, that the far right posed grave perils to Brazil’s democracy, which should overshadow concerns about free speech or judicial overreach.“Under the threat of a Nazi-fascist-inspired insurrection, is it worth temporarily suppressing individual freedoms in the name of collective freedom?” she wrote. “I would say yes.”Brazil’s former far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, center, has long accused Mr. de Moraes of overstepping his authority and had tried to impeach him.Dado Galdieri for The New York TimesThe dispute has illustrated a larger global debate not only on judicial power but also about how to handle misinformation online without silencing dissenting voices..css-1v2n82w{max-width:600px;width:calc(100% – 40px);margin-top:20px;margin-bottom:25px;height:auto;margin-left:auto;margin-right:auto;font-family:nyt-franklin;color:var(–color-content-secondary,#363636);}@media only screen and (max-width:480px){.css-1v2n82w{margin-left:20px;margin-right:20px;}}@media only screen and (min-width:1024px){.css-1v2n82w{width:600px;}}.css-161d8zr{width:40px;margin-bottom:18px;text-align:left;margin-left:0;color:var(–color-content-primary,#121212);border:1px solid var(–color-content-primary,#121212);}@media only screen and (max-width:480px){.css-161d8zr{width:30px;margin-bottom:15px;}}.css-tjtq43{line-height:25px;}@media only screen and (max-width:480px){.css-tjtq43{line-height:24px;}}.css-x1k33h{font-family:nyt-cheltenham;font-size:19px;font-weight:700;line-height:25px;}.css-1hvpcve{font-size:17px;font-weight:300;line-height:25px;}.css-1hvpcve em{font-style:italic;}.css-1hvpcve strong{font-weight:bold;}.css-1hvpcve a{font-weight:500;color:var(–color-content-secondary,#363636);}.css-1c013uz{margin-top:18px;margin-bottom:22px;}@media only screen and (max-width:480px){.css-1c013uz{font-size:14px;margin-top:15px;margin-bottom:20px;}}.css-1c013uz a{color:var(–color-signal-editorial,#326891);-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;font-weight:500;font-size:16px;}@media only screen and (max-width:480px){.css-1c013uz a{font-size:13px;}}.css-1c013uz a:hover{-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;}What we consider before using anonymous sources. Do the sources know the information? What’s their motivation for telling us? Have they proved reliable in the past? Can we corroborate the information? Even with these questions satisfied, The Times uses anonymous sources as a last resort. The reporter and at least one editor know the identity of the source.Learn more about our process.Twitter’s owner, Elon Musk, weighed in that Mr. de Moraes’s moves were “extremely concerning.” Glenn Greenwald, an American journalist who has lived in Brazil for years and has become a critic of certain social-media rules, debated a Brazilian sociologist this week about Mr. de Moraes’s actions. And Brazilian officials have suggested that they would consider new laws to address what can be said online.Mr. de Moraes has declined requests for an interview for more than a year. The Supreme Court, in a statement, said that Mr. de Moraes’s investigations and many of his orders have been endorsed by the full court and “are absolutely constitutional.”In the hours after the riot, Mr. de Moraes suspended the governor of the district responsible for security for the protest that turned violent and then ordered the arrests of two district security officials. Still, there is little support in the Supreme Court for arresting Mr. Bolsonaro because of a lack of evidence, as well as fears that it would prompt unrest, according to a senior court official who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations.Multiple Supreme Court justices instead prefer to try to convict Mr. Bolsonaro for abusing his power through the country’s election agency, making him ineligible to run for office for eight years, the official said.Mr. Bolsonaro, who has been in Florida since Dec. 30, has long accused Mr. de Moraes of overstepping his authority and has tried to impeach him. Mr. Bolsonaro’s lawyer said he had always respected democracy and repudiated the riots.Mr. de Moraes, 54, spent decades as a public prosecutor, private lawyer and constitutional law professor.He was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2017, a move denounced by the left because he was aligned with center-right parties.Mr. de Moraes with President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva last month.Andre Borges/EPA, via ShutterstockIn 2019, the Supreme Court’s chief justice issued a one-page order authorizing the court to open its own investigations instead of waiting for law enforcement. For the court — which, unlike the U.S. Supreme Court, handles tens of thousands of cases a year, including certain criminal cases — it was a drastic expansion of authority.The chief justice tapped Mr. de Moraes to run the first inquiry: an investigation into “fake news.” Mr. de Moraes’s first move was to order a magazine to retract an article that had linked the chief justice to a corruption investigation. (He later rescinded the order when the magazine produced evidence.)Mr. de Moraes then shifted his focus to online disinformation, primarily from Mr. Bolsonaro’s supporters. That gave him an outsize role in Brazilian politics that grew further this year when, by chance, his rotation as Brazil’s election chief coincided with the vote.In that job, Mr. de Moraes became Brazilian democracy’s chief guardian — and attack dog. Ahead of the vote, he cut a deal with the military to run additional tests on voting machines. On Election Day, he ordered the federal highway police to explain why officers were stopping buses full of voters. And on election night, he arranged for government leaders to announce the winner jointly, a show of unity against any attempt to hold onto power.In the middle of that group of leaders was Mr. de Moraes himself. He delivered a forceful speech about the value of democracy, drawing chants of “Xandão,” or “Big Alex” in Portuguese. “I hope from the election onward,” he said, “the attacks on the electoral system will finally stop.”They did not. Right-wing protesters demonstrated outside military bases, calling on the military to overturn the vote. In response, Mr. de Moraes ordered tech companies to ban more accounts, according to a senior lawyer at one major tech firm, who spoke on the condition of anonymity out of fear of angering Mr. de Moraes.Supporters of Mr. Bolsonaro protesting in front of army headquarters in São Paulo to call for military intervention after the election in November.Victor Moriyama for The New York TimesAmong the accounts Mr. de Moraes ordered taken down are those of at least five members of Congress, a billionaire businessman and more than a dozen prominent right-wing pundits, including one of Brazil’s most popular podcast hosts.Mr. de Moraes’s orders to remove accounts do not specify why, according to the lawyer and a copy of one order obtained by The New York Times. Visits to banned accounts on Twitter yield a blank page and a blunt message: The “account has been withheld in Brazil in response to a legal demand.” And account owners are simply told they are banned because of a court order and should consider contacting a lawyer.The lawyer said that his tech firm appealed some orders it viewed as overly broad, but that Mr. de Moraes denied them. Appeals to the full bench of judges have also been denied or ignored, this person said.Multiple social networks declined to comment on the record for this article. Mr. de Moraes is a potential threat to their business in Brazil. Last year, he briefly banned Telegram in the country after it did not respond to his orders. There were talks recently among some justices about the need to bring Mr. de Moraes’s investigations to an end, according to the court official, but after the Jan. 8 riot, those talks ceased. The riot has increased support for Mr. de Moraes among his peers, according to the official.Beatriz Rey, a political scientist at the State University of Rio de Janeiro, said Mr. de Moraes’s approach, though not ideal, is necessary because other branches of the government, especially Congress, have skirted their duties.“You shouldn’t have one justice fighting threats to democracy over and over again,” she said. “But the problem is the system itself is malfunctioning right now.”André Spigariol More