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      North Korea Unveils New Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyNorth Korea Unveils New Submarine-Launched Ballistic MissileDays before President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s inauguration, the North made its latest demonstration of its nuclear might at a Pyongyang military parade. North Korean state media released this photo of missiles at a military parade in Pyongyang, the capital, on Thursday night.Credit…Korean Central News Agency, via Associated PressJan. 15, 2021, 7:01 a.m. ETSEOUL, South Korea — A month before the U.S. presidential election, North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-un, held a military parade that featured what appeared to be the country’s largest-ever intercontinental ballistic missile. This week, just days before President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s inauguration, the North Korean dictator held another parade, showing off a new submarine-launched ballistic missile.To the Kim regime, the nighttime military parades in Pyongyang, the capital, were demonstrations of power meant to boost domestic morale amid crippling economic sanctions. To the Biden administration, they foreshadow what could become the incoming president’s greatest foreign policy challenge.The timing of the two flashy exhibitions has drawn attention to the diplomatic freeze between the two countries. In North Korea, Mr. Biden is inheriting a rival whose nuclear ambition is bolder and more dangerous than it was four years ago, when President Barack Obama left office.The parades underscored that North Korea has been silently ramping up its nuclear capability for years, even as President Trump claimed that his top-down, personality-driven diplomacy with Mr. Kim meant the North was “no longer a nuclear threat.”“If anything, the North’s nuclear threat has only grown,” said Yun Duk-min, a former chancellor of the Korea National Diplomatic Academy in Seoul. “The military parade is evidence.”This week’s parade came at the end of the eight-day congress held by North Korea’s ruling Workers’ Party, which was closely monitored by outside analysts for clues to how Mr. Kim might recalibrate his policy toward Washington.Kim Jong-un, center, the North’s leader, recently promised to “further strengthen our nuclear deterrence.”Credit…Korean Central News Agency, via Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesMr. Kim used the congress to celebrate the North’s nuclear arsenal as one of ​his proudest achievements, and to apologize to his people for the deepening economic woes caused by the pandemic and the devastating international sanctions imposed since the country’s fourth nuclear test in 2016.Mr. Kim’s historic summits with Mr. Trump in Singapore and Vietnam failed to end those sanctions. With his back against the wall and diplomacy with the United States at a standstill, some experts warn that Mr. Kim may return to testing missiles to bring Washington back to the negotiating table with more attractive proposals.North Korea has a history of retreating deeper into isolation and raising tensions to strengthen its leverage when negotiations do not lead to concessions, or when a new American president takes office.“North Korea leaves little doubt about its intentions: It wanted to be treated as an equal in nuclear arms reduction talks with the United States,” said Cheon Seong-whun, a former director of the Korea Institute for National Unification, a think tank in Seoul. “The new weapons disclosed during two parades have never been tested before and we don’t know whether they are actually working,” Mr. Cheon said. “But we know in what direction North Korea is headed.” The earlier parade, held on Oct. 10 to mark a party anniversary, unveiled what appeared to be the largest intercontinental ballistic missile the North had ever built. It also featured a Pukguksong-4, a new version of a submarine-launched ballistic missile, or SLBM. Neither weapon has been tested.The SLBM displayed during the parade on Thursday look​ed like yet another upgraded, untested version of the one North Korea has been developing under Mr. Kim, along with its Hwasong land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles.Another state media image from the parade on Thursday.Credit…Korean Central News Agency, via Associated PressNorth Korea tested three Hwasong ICBMs in 2017. After the last such test, it claimed that it could now target the continental United States with a nuclear warhead.Images of this week’s parade released through state media showed Mr. Kim proudly observing the neat columns of missiles, rockets, tanks and goose-stepping soldiers marching across the main plaza in Pyongyang, named after his grandfather, the North’s founder, Kim Il-sung.The parade also featured fireworks and military planes firing flares in the night sky as crowds of people danced at the plaza, state media reported on Friday.Kim Jong-un has vowed to strengthen the North’s nuclear deterrent ​since his talks with Mr. Trump stalled​ in 2019​. And as the economy continues to deteriorate, his bargaining opportunities are limited.“The armed forces of the Republic will strictly contain any military threats in the region of the Korean Peninsula and preemptively use the strongest offensive power to thoroughly smash the hostile forces if they jeopardize the security of our state even a bit,” Defense Minister Kim Jong-gwan of North Korea was quoted as saying during the parade. (He was referring to the North, whose formal name is the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.)At the party congress, Mr. Kim made it clear that the steep economic challenges facing the North would not affect his weapons program. He called his nuclear arsenal the greatest achievement “in the history of the Korean nation” and vowed to “further strengthen our nuclear deterrence.”Dancing in Pyongyang on Thursday.Credit…Korean Central News Agency, via Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesHe also offered an unusually detailed wish list of weapons, from “hypersonic gliding-flight warheads” and military reconnaissance satellites to “ultramodern tactical nuclear weapons,” which have become a growing concern for the United States and allies in the region, including South Korea and Japan.North Korea has seen its nuclear force as the best tool for ensuring the continuity of the Kim family’s dynastic rule, and as a bargaining chip to extract economic and other concessions from the United States. During the party congress, Mr. Kim claimed that his nuclear weapons had made North Korea safer from American threats, putting it in a better position to rebuild its economy.His hardening stance reflects “deep rage and disappointment” after his failed negotiations with Mr. Trump, said Lee Byong-chul, a North Korea expert at the Institute for Far Eastern Studies at Kyungnam University in South Korea.The government of South Korea’s president, Moon Jae-in, helped to arrange the Trump-Kim summits, which were centered on cultivating personal trust between the two leaders with the hope of reaching a breakthrough. Mr. Trump wanted a nuclear-free peninsula, and Mr. Kim wanted an end to the sanctions. Their meetings went nowhere, though North Korea has since refrained from major provocations as it waited out the confusion of the American presidential election.The election is now over, but chaos has only deepened in the United States, and Mr. Kim’s patience may be running thin. “We can expect him to raise tensions depending on whether and how Biden responds,” said Mr. Lee.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      El ‘sálvese quien pueda’ electoral no sacará a Ecuador de la crisis

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpiniónSupported byContinue reading the main storyPeriscopio electoralEl ‘sálvese quien pueda’ electoral no sacará a Ecuador de la crisisLa campaña electoral en Ecuador ha revelado el estado actual del país: se vive un espíritu de resignación y apatía.Una mujer ve una pancarta de la campaña de Guillermo Lasso en Quito, la capital de Ecuador, el 11 de enero de 2021Credit…Jose Jacome/EPA vía ShutterstockEs escritor ecuatoriano.15 de enero de 2021QUITO — Ecuador está ya adentrado en el ciclo electoral. El 7 de febrero serán las elecciones generales —en las que se elegirá al nuevo presidente y a los miembros de la Asamblea Nacional— y el camino para llegar a ellas ha sido revelador. Nos ha mostrado el estado actual del país: con las elecciones a la puerta, y en medio de un panorama económico y de salud desolador, en Ecuador se vive un espíritu de resignación.El año pasado se filtró un video donde uno de los candidatos a la presidencia, el conservador Guillermo Lasso, hablaba sobre sus rivales y se presentaba como la única alternativa libre de las taras de los partidos tradicionales. Al referirse al posible voto por Álvaro Noboa, un empresario millonario que ha sido seis veces candidato a la presidencia, Lasso soltó una mala palabra: “Tampoco podemos decir […]: ‘Vota por Álvaro, ya, qué chuchas’”. Ese “ya, qué chuchas” significa “ya nada importa”. Sin alternativas políticas con plataformas claras en medio de una sobreoferta de opciones en la boleta, la frase accidentalmente condensa el espíritu de la democracia en Ecuador rumbo a las elecciones: apatía, escepticismo y desgaste.Pero los ecuatorianos no debemos permitir que líderes con propuestas disparatadas (o sin plataformas realistas) guíen nuestro destino. Debemos hacer a un lado el voto de “ya nada importa” y adoptar una actitud proactiva y ciudadana frente a los grandes desafíos de nuestro futuro inmediato.Para finales de diciembre se habían inscrito 16 binomios —el mayor número desde el retorno del Ecuador a la democracia— de los cuales solo tres tienen posibilidades numéricas de llegar a la presidencia o, al menos, a una segunda vuelta: la fórmula del conservador Guillermo Lasso, la del correísta Andrés Arauz y la de Yaku Pérez Guartambel, por Pachakutik —el brazo político del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano—. Las otras candidaturas no superan el 2 por ciento de la intención del voto y, sin embargo, no lucen dispuestas a formar frentes unidos o alianzas estratégicas ni a deponer sus campañas. Le hacen la vista gorda a la opinión popular: algunas encuestas indican que hasta un 37 por ciento de los electores planea anular su voto o votar en blanco.Aunque finalmente Noboa —quien se había convertido desde hace años en un chiste nacional — no logró ser candidato, llegó a disputarse los primeros lugares en intención de voto después de su anuncio. Sus propuestas ingenuas y su extravagancia para muchos lucían menos desalentadoras que las otras candidaturas. Lo suficiente, al menos, para convencerlo de intentar lanzarse.Pese a que hay 16 candidaturas, en Ecuador no existen 16 visiones de país. Tampoco hay una contienda de ideas y proyectos, sino la “ley del sálvese quien pueda” entre la clase política y la indiferencia de una parte de la población (aunque el 90 por ciento de los encuestados en un sondeo opina que el rumbo del país está equivocado). El voto “ya, qué chuchas” es una advertencia de lo que sucede cuando la democracia y sus instituciones pierden credibilidad. Una cultura democrática débil cede terreno, voz y legitimidad a las propuestas más estridentes y demagógicas. Es un peligro real ante el que estamos ahora los ecuatorianos.La falta de alternativas se puede traducir en una democracia frágil en medio de un escenario poco favorable: con el desafío sanitario de la pandemia y la economía profundamente golpeada en 2020. Según el Banco Mundial, la ecuatoriana fue la tercera economía que más decreció de Sudamérica el año pasado.La frase que le endilgó Lasso al voto por Noboa se convirtió en un espejo para Ecuador. Por un lado, refleja una disputa entre las fuerzas políticas dominantes de los últimos diez años y, por otro, el caos. Y, entre los ciudadanos, un cierto aire de apatía reflejado en el voto nulo y el escepticismo.¿Cómo votarán, entonces, los ecuatorianos? La opción de la alternativa menos mala ha sido una constante en los últimos años, con políticos que se aprovechan de cuán baja está la barra de expectativas: incluso hay un candidato rechazado por su propio partido. Por una parte nuestros políticos tienen que profesionalizarse, y, por otra, los ciudadanos tendríamos que reclamar mejores opciones políticas. Para ambos casos, debemos librarnos del “ya qué chuchas”.En estos meses de campaña, hemos visto que las tres candidaturas más viables caen en la demagogia. Los correístas se han centrado en la promesa mesiánica —y sin sustento económico alguno— de regalar mil dólares a un millón de personas. Lasso, miembro del Opus Dei, en los últimos meses ofreció legalizar el porte de armas en el sector rural. Y el tercer candidato, Yaku Pérez, ha prometido un gobierno ambientalista que, al mismo tiempo, recuperaría el subsidio a los combustibles.Hay mucho en juego como para aceptar estas propuestas desarticuladas: Ecuador deberá navegar los siguientes años en la realidad pospandémica con una región en crisis y con desafíos de vacunación enormes. También tendrá que sentar las bases para resolver nuestros grandes problemas históricos, de la consolidación de nuestra democracia (recordemos que hace solo unos años dominó en el país un gobierno con espíritu caudillista) y la erradicación de la corrupción (no con promesas al aire, sino con cambios estructurales, transparencia y ejercicios independientes de rendición de cuentas).Los partidos son, en teoría, herramientas de participación ciudadana pero se convierten en obstáculos cuando están así de desconectados con la realidad nacional. De modo que hay un reto doble para la nación: por un parte, los partidos políticos deben replantear sus agendas y plataformas y conectarse de nuevo con la complicada realidad del país (y de la región). Y, por otra parte, los ciudadanos debemos eliminar el queimportismo y la apatía para reclamar una clase política profesional que haga a un lado la improvisación y opte por el compromiso democrático.Cuando el futuro de un país y su estabilidad democrática (después de años de atropellos institucionales) está en la línea, a todos debe importarnos quién llega al Palacio del Carondelet.Iván Ulchur-Rota es escritor y comediante en Ecuador.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Uganda Election 2021: What's at Stake?

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyUgandans Are Voting. Will Their President of 35 Years Win Again?Voting is underway in the East African nation, with the long-serving leader, President Yoweri Museveni, facing 10 rivals, including Bobi Wine, a lawmaker and musician.Waiting to vote in Kampala, the capital of Uganda, on Thursday. The campaign has been marked by violence, killings and arbitrary arrests.Credit…Luke Dray/Getty ImagesJan. 14, 2021Updated 6:54 a.m. ETUgandans began voting on Thursday in a hotly contested election that will decide whether President Yoweri Museveni wins a sixth term in office and continues his 35-year rule of the country or is unseated by one of 10 rivals, including a leading opposition candidate, Bobi Wine, a rapper-turned-lawmaker.The vote, which has been unexpectedly competitive despite fierce government attempts to stifle the opposition, has drawn global attention as a test of how democracy might take hold in a country more accustomed to autocratic rule. The election is the fourth in the East African nation since multiparty politics was restored in 2005, two decades after Mr. Museveni first came to power and clamped down on competing parties.The ballot also comes several months after the government introduced strict rules to curb the coronavirus pandemic — measures that have kept confirmed caseloads under 38,000, but which human rights groups said were used to crack down on critics and restrict political gatherings.In a campaign marked by violence, killings and arbitrary arrests, observers will be watching for delays in ballot deliveries, voter intimidation and irregularities in vote tallying, along with possible unrest that could ensue in the coming days. The results of the election are expected late on Saturday.Who are the main presidential candidates?More than 18 million voters have registered for the election, where they will cast ballots for presidential, parliamentary and local representatives. There are 11 presidential candidates vying for the leadership of Uganda over the next five years, and a candidate must win more than 50 percent of the vote to avoid a runoff.Most prominent among them is the incumbent, Mr. Museveni, a former rebel who came to power in January 1986 and has since ruled the country with an iron grip. At 76, Mr. Museveni is one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders.His main rival is Mr. Wine, a 38-year-old musician who was elected to Parliament in 2017. Mr. Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi, has long used his music to lament the state of the country under Mr. Museveni and aims to galvanize the youth vote to unseat him. During the campaign, security forces have beaten and tear-gassed Mr. Wine and he was charged in court for flouting coronavirus rules.One of the main opposition candidates, Bobi Wine, after casting his ballot in Magere, Uganda, on Thursday. Mr. Wine, a rapper-turned-lawmaker, has long used his music to lament the state of the country.Credit…Sumy Sadurni/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesIn early January, he filed a petition with the International Criminal Court accusing Mr. Museveni’s government of authorizing a wave of violence against political figures and human rights lawyers — including attempts to kill him.Other candidates in the election have also been targeted, including Patrick Amuriat, who is representing the Forum for Democratic Change party. The authorities have beaten and detained Mr. Amuriat on several occasions, including the day he filed his candidacy papers in November.Nancy Kalembe Linda, a former banker and news anchor, is the only female candidate running for president.How has Museveni held on to power for so long?Since Uganda’s independence from Britain in 1962, there has been no peaceful handover of power. When Mr. Museveni seized the reins in 1986, on the back of an armed uprising, he promised that his government would further the cause of competitive politics in a nation that had endured years of colonialism, and then dictatorship and lawlessness under the rule of both Milton Obote and Idi Amin.But in the decades since, Mr. Museveni and the ruling National Resistance Movement have clung to power through politicized prosecution of opposition figures, while undermining independent media and civil society.Campaign posters at a bus stop in Kampala for President Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power for 35 years and is running for his sixth term.Credit…Sumy Sadurni/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesMr. Museveni’s government has “insisted that its political opponents were ‘foreign agents’ funded by outsiders, that they were self-interested, that they were immoral and disposed against Ugandans’ interest,” said Derek R. Peterson, a professor of history and African studies at the University of Michigan.Elections, when they have taken place, have been riddled with allegations of fraud and irregularities.In 2018, Mr. Museveni signed a law that scrapped the presidential age limit of 75, a move that critics said allowed him to seek re-election this year. Opposition legislators and lawyers challenged the amendment, but the Supreme Court upheld it in 2019.How has the government tried to control the flow of information?Since the campaign kicked off in early November, journalists have faced harassment and beatings from security forces as they covered opposition candidates. The authorities introduced stringent accreditation rules for reporters, and deported at least one foreign crew, according to the nonprofit Committee to Protect Journalists.Opposition candidates including Mr. Wine say they have been blocked by the authorities from appearing on radio stations to speak to the public.With limitations on public gatherings because of pandemic restrictions, “social media provided aspirants with a potential way of reaching a large number of prospective voters,” said Jamie Hitchen, an independent researcher who has studied the role of technology in African elections.But the government quickly found ways to undermine their reach on those platforms, too. In December, the government asked Google to block 14 YouTube channels, mostly linked to the opposition. Mr. Museveni also announced this week that he had ordered Facebook to be blocked in the country days after the company took down fake accounts linked to his re-election campaign.As voters headed to the polls on Thursday, internet connectivity remained down across Uganda as the government ordered telecom companies to block access to social media platforms and online messaging applications.What are the main issues at stake?For a long time, Mr. Museveni and his party have cast themselves as a bulwark against a return to the violence and political strife that shaped Uganda in the 1970s and ’80s. But with more than 75 percent of the population under the age of 30, many young people no longer “live in the shadow of history,” Professor Peterson of the University of Michigan said.“They have different aspirations, different fears, and different ambitions” than voters in earlier times, he added.At the polling station in Magere where Mr. Wine voted on Thursday. He has worked to galvanize the youth vote to unseat Mr. Museveni.Credit…Sumy Sadurni/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesKey among the concerns of younger people is the question of jobs. Around 700,000 Ugandans reach working age every year, but only 75,000 new jobs are created annually, according to the World Bank. Many are also frustrated by the corruption that has been rife in Mr. Museveni’s government for decades, and they yearn for better infrastructure and improved public services, including better education opportunities and affordable health care.Is the vote expected to be fair?Previous elections in Uganda have been dogged by irregularities along with reports of ballot stuffing, voter intimidation, and voter fraud. Voters across the country have also previously been denied the ability to cast their ballots, with officials saying that their names were not found on voter registries. Ballots to opposition strongholds, including in the capital Kampala, have also been delivered very late in the past.The validity of this election is already being questioned after observers, including from the United States, pulled out because of lack of accreditation. There have also been reports of the failure of electronic voter identification systems because of the internet shutdown.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Uganda Blocks Facebook Ahead of Contentious Election

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyUganda Blocks Facebook Ahead of Contentious ElectionPresident Yoweri Museveni accused the company of “arrogance” after it removed fake accounts and pages linked to his re-election campaign.President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda has 10 rivals in the election scheduled for Thursday, including the rapper-turned-lawmaker Bobi Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi.Credit…Baz Ratner/ReutersJan. 13, 2021Updated 5:33 a.m. ETNAIROBI, Kenya — President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda president has blocked Facebook from operating in his country, just days after the social media company removed fake accounts linked to his government ahead of a hotly contested general election set to take place on Thursday.In a televised address late on Tuesday night, Mr. Museveni accused Facebook of “arrogance” and said he had instructed his government to close the platform, along with other social media outlets, although Facebook was the only one he named.“That social channel you are talking about, if it is going to operate in Uganda, it should be used equitably by everybody who has to use it,” Mr. Museveni said. “We cannot tolerate this arrogance of anybody coming to decide for us who is good and who is bad,” he added.The ban on Facebook comes at the end of an election period that has been dogged by a crackdown on the political opposition, harassment of journalists and nationwide protests that have led to at least 54 deaths and hundreds of arrests, according to officials.Mr. Museveni, 76, who is running for a sixth term in office, is facing 10 rivals, including the rapper-turned-lawmaker Bobi Wine, 38. Mr. Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi, has been beaten, sprayed with tear gas and charged in court with allegedly flouting coronavirus rules while on the campaign trail. Last week, Mr. Wine filed a complaint with the International Criminal Court accusing Mr. Museveni and other top current and former security officials of sanctioning a wave of violence and human rights violations against citizens, political figures and human rights lawyers.Facebook announced this week that it had taken down a network of accounts and pages in the East African nation that engaged in what it called “coordinated inauthentic behavior” aimed at manipulating public debate around the election. The company said the network was linked to the Government Citizens Interaction Center, an initiative that is part of Uganda’s Ministry of Information and Communications Technology and National Guidance.In a statement, a Facebook representative said the network “used fake and duplicate accounts to manage pages, comment on other people’s content, impersonate users, re-share posts in groups to make them appear more popular than they were.”Facebook’s investigation into the network began after research from the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab showcased a network of social media accounts that had engaged in a campaign to criticize the opposition and promote Mr. Museveni and the governing party, the National Resistance Movement. After the research was published, Twitter also said it had shut down accounts linked to the election.Hours before Mr. Museveni’s speech, social media users across Uganda confirmed restrictions on their online communications, with the digital rights group NetBlocks reporting that platforms including Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram and Twitter had been affected. On Wednesday, MTN Uganda, the country’s largest telecommunication company, confirmed it had received a directive from the Uganda Communications Commission to “suspend access and use, direct or otherwise of all social media platforms and online messaging applications over the network until further notice.”Felicia Anthonio, a campaigner with the digital rights nonprofit Access Now, said the authorities had blocked more than 100 virtual private networks, or VPNs, which could help users circumvent the censorship and safely browse the internet.Uganda blocked the internet during the 2016 elections, and in 2018, it introduced a social media tax aimed at raising revenue and curbing what the government called online “gossip.” The move, which was criticized as a threat to freedom of expression, had a negative effect on internet use over all, with millions of Ugandans giving up internet services altogether.In anticipation of another shutdown this week, a group of organizations that work to end internet cutoffs worldwide sent a letter to Mr. Museveni and the leaders of telecom companies in Uganda pleading with them to keep the internet and social media platforms accessible during the election.Mr. Museveni did not heed their call. On Tuesday night, he said the decision to block Facebook was “unfortunate” but “unavoidable.”“I am very sorry about the inconvenience,” he said, adding that he himself had been using the platform to interact with young voters. He has almost a million followers on Facebook and two million on Twitter.Striking a defiant note, Mr. Museveni said that if Facebook was going to “take sides,” then it would not be allowed to operate in the country.“Uganda is ours,” he said.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Bobi Wine Petitions The Hague, Citing Human Rights Violations

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyUganda Opposition Candidate, Citing Abuses, Petitions International CourtThe leading opposition presidential candidate, Bobi Wine, urged the International Criminal Court to investigate human rights violations that have intensified in the run-up to this month’s election.Bobi Wine, Uganda’s leading opposition figure, was pulled from his car by the police on Thursday. He has filed a complaint with the International Criminal Court accusing the country’s president of authorizing a campaign of violence against opposition politicians and their supporters ahead of next week’s general election.CreditCredit…Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesJan. 8, 2021Updated 5:39 p.m. ETNAIROBI, Kenya — Uganda’s leading opposition figure has filed a complaint with the International Criminal Court against the country’s president and nine security officials, accusing them of authorizing a wave of violence and human rights abuses that has intensified in the run-up to next week’s general election.The complaint, filed in The Hague on Thursday by the opposition leader, Bobi Wine, also accused the Ugandan government of incitement to murder, the abuse of protesters, and arrests and beatings of political figures and human rights lawyers. Mr. Wine, a popular musician-turned-lawmaker, said the government of President Yoweri Museveni had not only subjected him to arrests and beatings, but had also tried to kill him, beginning in 2018.Mr. Wine, 38, is the leading contender among 10 candidates trying to unseat Mr. Museveni, who has ruled Uganda, a landlocked nation in East Africa, since 1986. Mr. Museveni, though once credited with bringing stability to the country, has in recent years been accused of subverting civil liberties, muzzling the press and stifling dissent.Mr. Museveni, 76, is campaigning for his sixth term in office, after signing a law in 2018 scrapping the age limit for presidential candidates, which had been 75. He is largely expected to win the upcoming vote. Political analysts say that he faces a fragmented opposition, and he won plaudits for championing infrastructure projects — from new factories to hospitals and roads. He has also capitalized on the notion that his government has handled the pandemic competently; Uganda has reported only 290 coronavirus-related deaths.Mr. Wine and others have faced the wrath of authorities in recent years, but the clampdown has intensified as the election, scheduled for Jan. 14, has neared. While Mr. Museveni has been allowed to hold campaign events, the government has broken up or impeded rallies held by his opponents, saying these events violate rules intended to prevent the spread of the coronavirus.The crackdown on nationwide protests has led to the deaths of at least 54 people, and the arrest of hundreds, according to authorities.Joining Mr. Wine in the complaint filed to the International Criminal Court were Francis Zaake, an opposition lawmaker who said he had been assaulted by security forces, and Amos Katumba, the chairman of a local nongovernmental organization who fled to the United States after he said he had been arrested and tortured.“I am glad that we are able to raise a case against General Museveni and his other generals and the people that he’s using to massacre the people of Uganda,” Mr. Wine, using Mr. Museveni’s full military rank, said in an online news conference on Thursday.A government spokesman did not respond to a text message seeking comment.Billboards of President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda in Kampala.Credit…Sumy Sadurni/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesWhile Mr. Wine was speaking to the news media on Thursday, security officers thronged the vehicle he was inside, setting off tear gas and firing shots.Wearing a helmet and flak jacket, Mr. Wine, a performer whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi, said he “expected a live bullet targeted at me any time.”The court filing came hours after Mr. Wine said security officers had waylaid him on the campaign trail and arrested all 23 members of his campaign team. He also said he had received information that his children would be kidnapped, prompting him to send them out of the country.Mr. Wine’s attempts to campaign have been repeatedly interrupted. On Nov. 3, just after submitting their nomination papers, he and another candidate, Patrick Amuriat, were detained by the police. In mid-November, Mr. Wine was arrested on accusations that his rallies breached coronavirus rules — inciting the protests across the country that resulted in deaths, injuries and arrests. After he was denied access to his family and lawyers for two days, Mr. Wine was charged and released on bail.In recent weeks, authorities have also arrested civil society activists, including the prominent human rights lawyer Nicholas Opiyo who was held on money laundering charges. Police officers have also harassed and beaten journalists, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (C.P.J.), and deported a news crew with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.“What we’ve seen since November is incredibly worrying and shocking,” Muthoki Mumo, the C.P.J. sub-Saharan Africa representative, said in an interview. “It’s just unabated violence against journalists. It has become downright dangerous being a journalist reporting on the opposition during this election.”Martin Okoth, the inspector general of police, said in a news conference on Friday that he would not apologize for the police beating journalists because the police were trying to protect them.“We shall beat you for your own sake, to help you understand,” Mr. Okoth said, adding that journalists should not go to areas that the police deem unsafe or out of bounds.Police dispersing crowds as they gathered to welcome Mr. Wine in Kayunga last month.Credit…Sumy Sadurni/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesThe wave of arrests and intimidation has alarmed foreign embassies and human rights organizations, with a group of United Nations human rights experts calling on the government to cease the violence and create “an environment conducive to peaceful and transparent elections.”The 47-page filing to the International Criminal Court contains detailed accounts, photos and links to videos alleging human rights abuses committed or sanctioned by Mr. Museveni and nine current and former officials.The court has jurisdiction over allegations of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of aggression. The prosecutor’s office confirmed in an email on Friday that they had received the brief and would review the allegations and inform the petitioners of the next steps.Uganda is a party to the International Criminal Court and has sought the court’s help in arresting Joseph Kony, the leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army, who is wanted on 33 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. If it decides to accept Mr. Wine’s petition, the court would gather evidence by speaking to victims and witnesses and send investigators to collect testimony in areas where purported crimes took place.Bruce Afran, the lawyer who filed the complaint on behalf of Mr. Wine, argued that the court would have jurisdiction because the complaint alleges an “extensive and repetitive pattern and practice of torture as to political figures and opposition figures.”“One of the critical factors is the regular and routinized pattern of torture and abuse,” Mr. Afran said, asserting that it had become “Ugandan government policy.”AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Far-Right Protesters Stormed Germany’s Parliament. What Can America Learn?

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyFar-Right Protesters Stormed Germany’s Parliament. What Can America Learn?It might be time to crack down, rather than reach out.Ms. Sauerbrey is a contributing Opinion writer who focuses on German politics and society.Jan. 8, 2021, 4:53 p.m. ETProtesters gathered in front of the the Reichstag in Berlin on Aug. 29. Credit…John Macdougall/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesBERLIN — When the first pictures of rioters mounting the steps to the Capitol started to beam across the world on Wednesday, many Germans felt an unpleasant twinge of familiarity.On Aug. 29, during a demonstration in Berlin against government restrictions to rein in the spread of the coronavirus, several hundred protesters climbed over fences around the Reichstag, the seat of Germany’s national Parliament, and ran toward the entrance. They were met by a handful of police officers, who pushed the crowd back and secured the entrance.Things went differently at the American Capitol, of course. Still, even if the German protesters weren’t able to enter the building, the shock was similar: an assault on a democratically elected legislature. Some of the German protesters were far-right activists; several waved the “Reichsflagge,” the black, white and red flag of the German Empire, the colors of which were later adopted by the Nazis.In the days that followed, Germans asked themselves a series of questions: Was this “a storming of the Reichstag,” evoking dark memories of the building being set on fire in 1933, which led to the suspension of the Weimar Republic’s constitution? Was it a sign that our democracy was under threat? Or was this just a bunch of extremist rioters exploiting a blind spot in the police’s strategy?In a way, it feels inappropriate to compare what happened in Berlin in August to what happened in Washington on Wednesday. The crowd here was much smaller, it did not enter the building, and luckily, nobody was hurt, much less killed. The goals were different, too. American protesters wanted to overturn an election; Germany’s wanted to overturn a set of policies. And most importantly, while some far-right populist politicians backed the Berlin demonstrations, they did not have the support of the country’s leader.And yet, the similarities are too big to ignore — and I fear that they indicate the arrival of a new phenomenon that may be found in many other countries, too: the decoupling of protest from the real world.What connects the protesters on both sides of the Atlantic is a deep distrust in officials and a belief in conspiracy theories. In fact, many in both countries believe in the same conspiracy theories. The QAnon conspiracy theory, which holds that President Trump will defend the world from a vast network of Satanists and pedophiles, is shockingly popular with many in Germany’s anti-lockdown movement, as it is with the president’s fiercest partisans at home.The woman who uttered the decisive call to storm the stairs to Reichstag claimed in her speech that President Trump was in Berlin and that the crowd needed to show that “we are fed up” and would “take over domestic authority here and now” and to “show Donald Trump that we want world peace.” She was referring to QAnon.The similarity that struck me most, however, was how aimless and lost some of the rioters both in Berlin and Washington appeared to be once they had reached their target. At the Capitol, some trashed offices or sat in chairs that weren’t theirs. In Berlin, too, there was no plan beyond this spontaneous gesture of rage and disobedience. Many just pulled out their smartphones and started filming once they had reached the top of the stairs. Is this their revolution? A bunch of selfies?It seems like protesters on both sides of the Atlantic long for some sort of control, and want to assert their power over legislative headquarters that they see as representative of their oppression. But all they get in the end is a cheap social media surrogate. Their selfies may resonate in their digital spheres — and eventually spill back into the real world to create more disruption — but their material effect may be pretty limited.In that case, what can politicians do to deal with these extremists?So far, many politicians have tried to defang the far-right by placating its voters. Since the rise of the Alternative for Germany party in 2015, the mainstream consensus in Germany has been to stress that these voters should not be viewed as extremists, but as angry people, who can and should be won back. Many of them, particularly people in Eastern Germany where the AfD is much stronger than in the West, are seen angry about real grievances, like deindustrialization, job loss, and all the other cultural and economic traumas of Reunification. In some places, this has worked to peel off right-wing voters and bring them back to the mainstream.But the remaining fringe has only drifted further away. Right-wing leaders and conspiracy theorists have now redirected the anger at made-up causes largely decoupled from real world grievances: Many on the far-right in Germany believe that Chancellor Angela Merkel wants to create a “corona dictatorship” and that vaccines will be used to alter people’s genes. The American equivalent, of course, is that the election was stolen from Mr. Trump.This is a problem. Political compromise, and ultimately, reconciliation, starts with recognition. But real-world politics cannot follow those who become believers in their alternate realities. A different strategy is needed.German policymakers have started to realize this — and it’s only become clearer since the August protests. Germany’s secret service has decided to put sub-organizations of the AfD, which is increasingly radical, “under observation,” an administrative step that allows for the collection of personal data and the recruitment of informants within the party. Organizers of the coronavirus protest in August are becoming a focus, too. The minister of the interior banned several right-wing extremist associations in 2020.Of course, attempts to win voters back, to wrestle them from the grip of the cult, must never stop. But there are no policies and no recognition politics we could offer people who adhere to a cult. Instead, to protect our democracies, we must watch them, contain them, and take away their guns.Anna Sauerbrey, a contributing Opinion writer, is an editor and writer at the German daily newspaper Der Tagesspiegel.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Stop Pretending ‘This Is Not Who We Are’

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      Opinion Video features innovative video journalism commentary — argued essays, Op-Ed videos, documentaries, and fact-based explanation of current affairs. The videos are produced by both outside video makers and The Times’s Opinion Video team.Opinion Video features innovative video journalism commentary — argued essays, Op-Ed videos, documentaries, and fact-based explanation of current affairs. The videos are produced by both outside video makers and The Times’s Opinion Video team. More