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    Las mujeres de México están alzando la voz. ¿Las escuchará una mujer presidenta?

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    [Ahora también estamos en WhatsApp. Empieza a seguirnos]Mi madre nació en 1943, en un país donde no se le permitía votar. El gobierno mexicano no le otorgó a las mujeres el derecho a votar en las elecciones nacionales —o el derecho a ocupar cargos públicos a nivel nacional— hasta el 17 de octubre de 1953. Hoy, casi 71 años después, por primera vez dos mujeres encabezan la contienda electoral para ser la próxima presidenta de México: Claudia Sheinbaum, la puntera en las encuestas, y Xóchitl Gálvez. No es una hazaña menor para un país con una larga y compleja relación con el machismo, y donde cada día mueren asesinadas un promedio de 10 mujeres o niñas.Y, sin embargo, este logro a menudo se ha sentido como algo secundario en estas históricas elecciones. Sheinbaum, una científica que se presenta en la candidatura del partido gobernante, Morena, y Gálvez, una empresaria que representa a una coalición de partidos convertidos en oposición, han aludido a los logros del feminismo y su influencia en la vida pública mexicana. Pero han sido cautas respecto a detenerse demasiado en los temas de los derechos de las mujeres en sus campañas, abordando muy superficialmente el aborto y los derechos reproductivos, por lo que podría parecer cierta deferencia a los votantes conservadores. Ninguna ha presentado un plan de gobierno sólido para atender a las mujeres que las han llevado adonde están hoy.Porque, mientras México se sumía en su pesadilla de violencia generalizada, desde la guerra contra el narcotráfico respaldada por Estados Unidos, pasando por el gobierno de Felipe Calderón y hasta el sexenio del presidente saliente, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, han sido las mujeres —su incansable trabajo, su rabia infinita y su dolor cada vez más profundo— quienes le han dado a este país una brújula moral. Las movilizaciones de las mujeres han cobrado más fuerza y estruendo ante la indiferencia y la represión del gobierno; han constituido la única oposición seria contra el statu quo y han convertido las cuestiones de los derechos de las mujeres y la justicia de género en temas centrales de cualquier debate sobre nuestro futuro en común.Para ser justos, a los hombres que han aspirado a la presidencia tampoco se les ha exigido históricamente que presenten sus planes para las mujeres. Rara vez se les pregunta al respecto. Sin embargo, las mujeres constituyen algo más de la mitad del electorado mexicano, por lo que es imperativo que Sheinbaum y Gálvez hablen de sus puntos de vista y sus posturas sobre asuntos que afectarán los cuerpos, la seguridad y la vida cotidiana de las mujeres; no porque sean mujeres, sino porque son candidatas a la presidencia que luchan por representarnos a todos y todas en el más alto cargo político del país.Casi con toda seguridad, el 2 de junio una mujer recibirá el mandato de gobernarnos a todos. Será la presidenta de unos votantes profundamente preocupados por la inseguridad y la corrupción. La política de seguridad del gobierno actual —conocida como “Abrazos, no balazos”— no ha conseguido reducir la violencia desatada por la fallida y mal llamada guerra contra las drogas, hecho que se pone dolorosamente de manifiesto con el creciente número de desapariciones y los altos índices de violencia de género. Una impactante cifra de colectivos de víctimas, compuestos en su mayoría por madres, esposas, hermanas e hijas de personas desaparecidas, recorren el país con escaso o nulo presupuesto o apoyo institucionales, en ocasiones desenterrando ellas mismas los restos de sus seres queridos.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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      in Elections

      Mexico’s Women Are Speaking. Will a Female President Listen?

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      My mother was born in 1943 in a country where she was not allowed to vote. The Mexican government did not grant women the right to vote in national elections — or the right to hold public office on a national level — until Oct. 17, 1953. Now, almost 71 years later, for the first time two women are leading the race to be Mexico’s next president: Claudia Sheinbaum, who is the front-runner, and Xóchitl Gálvez. It is no small feat for a country with a longstanding and complex relationship with machismo, and where every day some 10 women or girls are killed on average.And yet this accomplishment has often felt like an afterthought during this historic election. Ms. Sheinbaum, a scientist running on the ticket of the ruling Morena party, and Ms. Gálvez, a businesswoman representing a mix of parties from the political establishment, have nodded at the achievements of feminism and its influence on Mexico’s public life. But they have been cautious about lingering too long on women’s issues in their campaigns, conspicuously tiptoeing around abortion and reproductive rights, seemingly out of deference to conservative voters. Neither candidate has put forth a strong agenda to serve the women who put them where they are today.For as Mexico descended into its nightmare of generalized violence, from the U.S.-backed war on drugs to the government of Felipe Calderón and the administration of outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, it has been women — their tireless work, infinite rage and deepening sorrow — who have provided a moral compass to this nation. Women’s mobilizations have grown stronger and louder in the face of government indifference and repression, mounting the only serious opposition against the status quo and making women’s issues and gender justice central to any discussion of our shared future.To be fair, male candidates have not historically been required to present their agenda for women either. They are seldom even asked about it. But women constitute a little over half of the Mexican electorate; it is imperative that Ms. Sheinbaum and Ms. Gálvez discuss their views and positions on issues that will affect women’s bodies, security and everyday life — not because they are women, but because they are presidential candidates, striving to represent all of us in the highest political office in the country.On June 2, a woman will almost certainly be given a mandate to govern all of us. She will preside over an electorate that is deeply concerned about insecurity and corruption. The security policy of the current administration — known as “Hugs Not Bullets” — has failed to meaningfully de-escalate the violence unleashed by America’s failed drug policy, a fact painfully brought home by the ever-growing number of disappearances and high rates of gender-related violence. A staggering number of victims’ collectives, made up mostly of the mothers, wives, sisters and daughters of the disappeared, travel the nation with little to no funding or institutional support, sometimes unearthing the remains of their loved ones.Women marched to celebrate International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women in Mexico City on Nov. 25, 2023.Aurea Del Rosario/Associated PressWe are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

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      in World Politics

      Violence Against Women in Mexico Rises

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      Home is not a safe space for many women around the world and coronavirus-era quarantines and lockdowns have increased the risk of gender-based violence. In Mexico, statistics reflect this reality and women additionally face the rising risk of becoming targets amid violent drug crime and the militarization of the state security forces.

      According to the Secretariat of Citizen Security (SSPC) last year, 3,752 women were violently killed. Of these were 969 classified as femicides — defined as the violent death of a woman because of her gender — a slight increase on the previous year’s figure. According to data compiled by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico has the second-highest total number of femicides in the region — after Brazil — whilst nearby El Salvador and Honduras have the highest rates per capita. The prevalence of violent crime, a culture of machismo and weak implementation of measures designed to protect women mean Latin America is home to 14 of the 25 countries with the highest rates of femicide in the world.

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      The first months of the coronavirus pandemic were particularly dangerous for Mexican women, according to Maissa Hubert, the executive sub-director of Equis Justicia Para Las Mujeres, a Mexico City-based NGO. “During the first months of the pandemic, we saw a rise in various forms of gender-based violence,” she says. “In total, 11 women killed each day, compared to 10 per day at the start of 2020.”

      In March 2020, the emergency call centers received 26,000 reports of violence against women, the highest ever in Mexico. The number of women leaving their homes to take shelter in the National Refuge Network quadrupled.

      Outside the home, however, the continued growth of Mexico’s transnational criminal organizations and the militarized response of state security forces have further increased risks to women. While crime dropped in the first months of the pandemic, the security vacuum has increased clashes between 198 active armed groups in the country’s “hyper-fragmented criminal landscape,” according to International Crisis Group.

      Gangs and Militarized State Security

      “Organized crime has aggravated the situation with regards to the murder of women,” says Maria Salguero, a researcher who created the National Femicide Map. “The crime gangs use the dead bodies of women to send messages to their rivals. In states where there is a lot of organized crime, such as Juarez, Chihuahua, Guerrero and Naucalpan, we see high incidences of femicide, disappearances and rape.”

      The situation is exacerbated by the further militarization of state security. The Bertelsmann Transformation Index’s (BTI) country report on Mexico notes that “the army has been called upon to perform internal security tasks and is receiving large amounts of resources in the context of the war against drug trafficking.” It adds that the widening of the military’s mandate to include civilian tasks could have worrisome implications for consensus building in the country. As noted in the BTI report, President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador‘s government risks losing public support if it cannot solve the challenges of corruption and violence in the country. It points out that “the fact that the army, which has so far not signified a threat to democracy, is required to undertake ever more tasks may be a threat in the future.” Such a breakdown in trust for institutions and the security forces could have knock-on effects for all violent crime.

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      On May 11, 2020, the Mexican armed forces and National Guard were given new authority to play a far greater role in policing violent crime in the country — giving them free rein to assume many of the police force’s duties — without any effective audit mechanism.

      The effect of this process on gender-based violence is only now coming to be understood. “The attitude of this government and its predecessors has been that a military response to the security situation will protect all of us and women in particular,” says Hubert. “But the reality is that the increased circulation of firearms has had a tremendous impact on women.”  

      Firearms were the weapon used in 60% of the total 1,844 murders committed against women in 2020. From 1998 to 2019, the number of women killed by firearms in Mexico rose by 375%. Over 2.5 million firearms have entered Mexico from the US over the last decade, and firearms accounted for the overwhelming majority of the total of 34,515 murders registered in Mexico in 2020, the highest number since 2015.

      An Overlooked Issue

      The continued emphasis on militarized security is sapping state funds at a time when resources for programs addressing violence against women in Mexico are being cut. In recent years, Mexican public policy has had a mixed record with respect to gender-based violence. It took until December last year for President Lopez Obrador to talk about gender-based violence, having previously avoided using the word femicide or acknowledge that women faced specific security concerns. In May 2020, he said that 90% of domestic violence-related 911 calls were false. His team failed to provide evidence to support this claim when requested to by NGOs.

      Despite this intransigence at the executive level, in recent years, there has been greater recognition of the problem at the federal and ministerial level, according to Hubert, with many long-lasting public policies proposed by the National Institute of Women, founded in 2001. However, many of the preventative and reactive policies introduced to tackle gender-based violence have been subject to cuts in government spending as a result of the pandemic.

      “We analyzed the activity of the courts at the start of the pandemic, and we found gender-based violence was not being prioritized,” says Hubert. “Issues such as divorce and alimony are crucial for a woman looking to free herself from a violent situation, but they weren’t being attended to by the courts.” 

      For Saguero, the priority is to keep recording the names and identities of the victims of Mexico’s “shadow pandemic” of gender-based violence. “Only by making the victims visible can we really make the scale of the problem visible,” she says, “but we have a lot of work to do because the numbers remain high.”

      The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy. More