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      Trump Taunts DeSantis Onstage at Turning Point Action Conference

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      Former President Donald J. Trump taunted Gov. Ron DeSantis, his chief Republican rival, for his absence from the conservative Turning Point Action Conference.On the home turf of his chief Republican rival and in his adopted state, former President Donald J. Trump told a sprawling conservative gathering in Florida on Saturday night that it was futile for Gov. Ron DeSantis to keep battling him for the party’s presidential nomination.In a prime-time speech at the Turning Point Action Conference in West Palm Beach, Fla., Mr. Trump claimed that his polling lead over Mr. DeSantis and every other G.O.P. candidate was insurmountable, and suggested that the Florida governor should stand down for the good of the party.Mr. Trump, who leads Mr. DeSantis by roughly 30 percentage points in national polls, dismissed Mr. DeSantis’s early momentum before he officially entered the race in May as a mirage.“He was never that close, by the way,” Mr. Trump told about 6,000 grass-roots activists at the Palm Beach County Convention Center. Turning Point Action is a political arm of Turning Point USA, a pro-Trump grass-roots group focusing on millennial conservatives that was founded by Charlie Kirk.Mr. Trump seized on his rival’s absence from the two-day event, which drew about a third of the Republican presidential field as speakers.“I don’t know why he’s not here,” he said. “He should be here representing himself.”In a statement on Saturday, Bryan Griffin, the campaign press secretary for Mr. DeSantis, shrugged off Mr. Trump’s criticism.“Governor DeSantis spent the day with Iowans and spoke to a packed house at the Tennessee G.O.P. Statesman Dinner later that night,” he said. “This was a day after he delivered the strongest interview at the Family Leadership Summit, which Donald Trump notably skipped. Ron DeSantis is campaigning to win.”Mr. Trump was greeted onstage with pyrotechnics and a nearly three-minute video montage of the former president. While organizers prepared the stage for his entrance, Mr. Trump’s supporters, many in their ubiquitous red caps, watched musical performances of Elvis and Pavarotti on giant screens.Mr. DeSantis declined an invitation to speak at the end of the conference on Sunday, according to organizers, who noted that he had worked closely with Turning Point Action during the midterm elections last year and took part in several rallies that supported Trump-endorsed candidates.Mr. Trump spoke for nearly 100 minutes at the conference, meeting a warm reception from the conservative crowd of about 6,000.Saul Martinez for The New York TimesBut on the same day that Mr. DeSantis announced his campaign in May, the conservative group announced that Mr. Trump would headline its conference in Florida, perhaps miffing the host governor.The lineup of speakers on Saturday may have given Mr. DeSantis further pause. It included three Republican House members from Florida who have endorsed Mr. Trump’s candidacy: Representatives Byron Donalds, Anna Paulina Luna and Matt Gaetz.In succession, each professed their loyalty to the former president, as booming subwoofers and smoke machines added to the theatrical effect.Mr. Gaetz, the provocateur who nominated Mr. Trump for House speaker earlier this year during the G.O.P.’s protracted leadership fight, got a roar from the crowd when he said that Mr. Trump’s allies were unflinching.“Of course, we ride or die with President Donald John Trump,” he said.And when Megyn Kelly, the former Fox News commentator, dared to suggest at the event that the Republican nominating contest was probably a two-candidate race between Mr. Trump and Mr. DeSantis, several thousand activists booed.Ms. Kelly, who famously tangled with Mr. Trump in a G.O.P. debate in 2015, relented.“The vast majority of the Republican Party wants Trump,” she said, adding that Mr. Trump’s indictments had only burnished his stock with conservative voters. “We all know who the best middle-finger candidate is.”In a nearly 100-minute speech, Mr. Trump noted that Mr. DeSantis had once been his ally and had sought his endorsement in his first race for governor in 2018.“I got him elected,” he said. “He was dead. He begged me to endorse him.”Mr. Trump said that he had been taken aback when Mr. DeSantis later declined to say whether he might challenge him for the Republican nomination, using an expletive to refer to the Florida governor.Tucker Carlson, who was fired from Fox News in April, whipped the audience into a frenzy with an appearance immediately before the former president.“I don’t think most unemployed people get a reception like that,” Mr. Carlson said.Mr. Carlson doubled down on his baseless claims that voting machines had been rigged during the 2020 election and expressed sympathy for the Capitol rioters, saying that a country that squashes discussions about the electoral process was not a democracy.Vivek Ramaswamy, the multimillionaire entrepreneur running for the Republican nomination, also spoke on Saturday. Three other long-shot candidates — Asa Hutchinson, the former governor of Arkansas; Francis X. Suarez, the mayor of Miami; and Perry Johnson, a wealthy businessman from Michigan — are scheduled to speak on Sunday.So are Stephen K. Bannon, Mr. Trump’s onetime chief strategist who was found guilty of contempt of Congress; and Roger J. Stone Jr., the pro-Trump operative who was convicted of obstruction but had his sentence commuted by Mr. Trump. In the convention center’s lobby, Mr. Stone took selfies with Mr. Trump’s supporters.“All the cool people are here,” Mr. Carlson said. More

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      Revealed: Florida Republicans target voter registration groups with thousands in fines

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      Florida Republicans have hit dozens of voter registration groups with thousands of dollars of fines, the latest salvo in an alarming crackdown on voting in the state led by Governor Ron DeSantis.At least 26 groups have cumulatively racked up more than $100,000 in fines since September of last year, according to a list that was provided by Florida officials to the Guardian. The groups include both for-profit and nonprofit organizations as well as political parties, including the statewide Republican and Democratic parties of Florida.The fines, which range from $50 to tens of thousands of dollars, were levied by the state’s office of election crimes and security, a first-of-its-kind agency created at the behest of DeSantis in 2022 to investigate voter fraud. Voter fraud is extremely rare, and the office has already come under scrutiny for bringing criminal charges against people who appeared to be confused about their voting eligibility.Election watchdogs worry the new policies could have a chilling effect on engaging voters. There has already been a drop in voter registrations this year compared with 2019 – the last full year leading into a presidential election, according to Daniel Smith, a political science professor at the University of Florida. Through 1 June of this year, 2,430 new registrations had come from third-party voter registration organizations, he said. That’s on pace to be a sharp decrease from the 63,212 new voter registrations third-party groups submitted by the end of 2019.A crackdown on third-party voter registration groups is also likely to disproportionately affect Floridians of color, who are about five times more likely to register with third-party groups than white voters are.“The message is clear, [third-party voter registration organizations] are an endangered species in Florida. And it affects this population disparately,” said Smith, who has been retained by the plaintiffs challenging the voter registration restrictions in federal court.“When you start to ratchet down the ability for groups and their first amendment rights to petition … government by getting people registered to vote, you are going to affect that overall population of registered voters.”A ‘gross misapplication’ of the lawIn mid-May, the non-profit Hispanic Federation received a letter from the office of election crimes and security notifying it that it was being fined $7,500. Fifteen of the applications it collected were submitted to the wrong county – Polk county, in central Florida, when the voters lived elsewhere. Those 15 applications represented a tiny sliver of the more than 16,500 voter registration applications the group collected in 2022 but still resulted in a fine.Through a public records request, the Guardian reviewed several of the applications the Hispanic Federation submitted that were flagged for fines. In nearly all of them, the voter incorrectly wrote on their own applications that they lived in Polk county. In many cases, the address they listed was just over the county line in Osceola county.One voter lived just 300ft from the county line, which cut through his neighborhood. Another lived just 660ft from the county line. At least 10 voters lived within three miles of the county boundary, according to a Guardian analysis.The Hispanic Federation agreed to pay the fine, but wrote a letter to the state saying it “strongly disagreed” with the penalty and called it a “gross misapplication” of the law. The amount of $7,500 could pay the salary of about a dozen canvassers for a week, who could probably register between 350 and 400 people, the group said. The fine essentially meant that mistakes on 15 applications would make it harder to register hundreds of new voters.“Despite our good faith efforts, professionalism, and due diligence, we cannot eliminate some applications from being processed with errors as we have not been given access to an official mechanism to verify the information of each applicant – which is, in any case, not our role,” the group wrote in June.“There is no claim that we intentionally misrepresented, nor is there a claim that we diverted, such registrations from the correct county or that we held on to the registrations beyond the required period in which they were to be delivered.”The Florida department of state, which oversees the office of election crimes and security, did not return a request for comment.Frederick Vélez III Burgos, the Hispanic Federation’s national director of civic engagement, said in an interview that until the recent change in the law, the group would not have been fined. In 2021, the GOP-controlled legislature tweaked state law to require groups to turn in voter registration forms to the county where the prospective voter lived (they previously could turn them in anywhere). The lawmakers imposed steep fines for non-compliance – $500 for each form that was turned in at the wrong place.The change came after election officials complained that voter registration groups were bombarding them with applications for people outside their counties. Though the election officials could register voters regardless of where they lived, it created extra work around elections. “What would happen is [the groups] would kind of bomb different counties with a whole bunch of them. So the workload wasn’t fairly distributed,” said Lori Edwards, who serves as the supervisor of elections in Polk county.While that could cause a headache for election officials, Edwards said, “it is not among the worst offenses that third-party voter registration organizations can do.” Far worse, she said, is when groups wait too long to turn in voter registration applications until after the registration deadline, thus disfranchising the voters.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionIn 2022, the state legislature raised the maximum amount a group could be fined from $1,000 to $50,000. Earlier this year, it raised the cap again, to $250,000, and shortened the amount of time groups have to turn in the forms after they are filled out from 14 days to 10. Each late application carries a $50 fine. Republicans also banned non-citizens from collecting applications and barred voter registration groups from collecting contact information from people who they register, making it harder to follow up with them later (a federal judge blocked both of these provisions this month).Two groups have accounted for more than $70,000 of the fines. Hard Knocks Strategies LLC – a for-profit election canvassing organization – has been fined $47,600 since last year for turning in forms late and to the wrong county. And Poder Latinx was fined $26,000 for turning in 52 voter registration applications to the wrong county.“We’re a small voter registration organization with a long history of playing by all the rules. We had to pay the penalties in Florida to avoid even costlier litigation, but paid them without admission of wrongdoing,” Hard Knocks Strategies said in a statement.“Are voter registration organizations on the right being targeted as aggressively and frequently in Florida as those seeking to register voters of color and other underrepresented communities? Given Governor DeSantis’ track record, that question may be rhetorical.”‘I would be allowing the system to win’After getting fined, activists in Florida say they are determined not to let the penalties deter them from continuing to sign up voters.Rosemary McCoy, who runs a small non-profit called Harriet Tubman Freedom Fighters, was fined $600 for turning in a dozen applications late. She said her group does quality control on the applications it collects, reviewing the forms to make sure that they are complete and don’t have errors. If there’s a problem it can take a while to track down the applicant.McCoy said she plans to pay the fine, but it’s money that would have otherwise gone to provide stipends or a gas subsidy for volunteers.“That’s a hefty fine,” she said. “The purpose of these fines is to stop us, stop us from registering people … Someone has to get out there and register people and that’s what we do.”Regina Jackson, a Jacksonville pastor, received a notice in May that she was being fined $50 for turning in a voter registration form late. And while she wasn’t fined for it, the letter also said that the application didn’t have a mark noting the group that had collected it and the date printed in triplicate. Jackson said she had inquired about the specific form before she turned it in with the election office and had been advised it was acceptable.Jackson considered stopping registering voters altogether after receiving the letter, but had since reconsidered.“I was like, ‘You know what – I’m not doing this any more,’ she said in May, just after she got the letter. “Then I thought, ‘I would not only be hurting my community but I would be allowing the system to win.’” More

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      Your Thursday Briefing: Biden Vows Not to ‘Waver’ After NATO Summit

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      Also, Chinese hackers hit the State Department, ocean temperatures rise and Milan Kundera dies.President Volodymyr Zelensky and President Biden met yesterday.Doug Mills/The New York Times‘We will not waver,’ Biden says after the NATO summitPresident Biden concluded the meeting of NATO allies by comparing the battle to expel Russia from Ukraine with the Cold War struggle for freedom in Europe. “We will not waver,” he promised in a speech.Biden seemed to be preparing Americans and the allies for a confrontation that could go on for years. He cast the war, which has been going on for almost a year and a half, as a test of wills with President Vladimir Putin of Russia, who is intent on fighting. Biden insisted that NATO’s unity would hold.“Putin still wrongly believes he can outlast Ukraine,” Biden said, describing the Russian leader as a man who made a huge strategic mistake in invading a neighboring country. “After all this time, Putin still doubts our staying power. He is making a bad bet.”Ukraine: The alliance has formed a new council intended to give Ukraine an equal voice on issues related to its security alongside member states. China: Beijing criticized a NATO statement that accused it of a military expansion that threatens the West, saying that the alliance was still stuck in a Cold War mentality.Uncertainty in Russia’s top ranks: Gen. Sergei Surovikin, once a Wagner ally, hasn’t been seen publicly since the mutiny last month. A top lawmaker said he was “taking a rest.”Another top commander was killed in an airstrike in Ukraine. And a third former commander was gunned down while out on a jog.Microsoft said the hack was discovered last month.Gonzalo Fuentes/ReutersChinese hackers targeted the U.S. State DepartmentChinese hackers targeted specific State Department email accounts in the weeks before Secretary of State Antony Blinken traveled to China last month, U.S. officials said.The hack, which went undetected for a month, comes at a time of heightened diplomatic tensions between the countries. “The Biden administration is trying to reset relations with Beijing,” Julian Barnes, who covers national security for The Times, told me. “The U.S. does not want that dialogue to end. So there is an interest in downplaying this.”No classified email or cloud systems were said to have been breached, and the hack did not initially appear to be directly related to Blinken’s trip. Still, the attack was sophisticated.The hackers targeted specific accounts, instead of carrying out a broad-brush intrusion, which Chinese hackers are suspected of having done before. U.S. officials did not identify which accounts were targeted. The breach revealed a significant security gap in Microsoft’s cloud, where the U.S. government has been transferring data from internal servers.“We’ve had all these promises that the cloud is not only going to be just as secure, but that it will be more secure,” Julian said. “But here’s an example where basic security was breached and the information was stolen. That has opened us up to a new avenue of attack: Here is the first big cloud attack on the U.S. government email.”Tech: The Biden administration thinks it can slow China’s economic growth and its A.I. industry by cutting it off from semiconductor chips. The plan could handicap China for a generation, but if it backfires it could hasten the very future the U.S. wants to avoid.Elena ShaoAn ocean heat wave threatens marine lifeThe water surrounding Florida is much hotter than most swimming pools in the U.S. are right now. This could pose a severe risk to coral and marine life in the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic. But the real worry is that it’s only July: Corals usually experience the most heat stress in August and September.The maritime heat wave has pushed water temperatures into the 90s Fahrenheit, or above 32 Celsius. Surface temperatures in these waters are the hottest on record; some beachgoers in Florida even compared the ocean to bath water.The science: When the sea gets too hot, corals bleach, expelling the algae they eat. If waters don’t cool quickly enough, or if bleaching events happen in close succession, the corals die. That can lead to ripple effects across the ecosystem.THE LATEST NEWSAround the WorldPresident Mahmoud Abbas’s visit was widely reported as his first to Jenin in more than a decade.Nasser Nasser/Associated PressPresident Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority visited Jenin, the West Bank city targeted by Israeli raids last week, in a show of authority.U.S. inflation cooled in June, offering good news for consumers and the Federal Reserve.Black women in Latin America are more likely to die during pregnancy or childbirth because of systemic medical racism and sexism, a U.N. report said.“Succession” got the most nominations for the Emmy Awards.Other Big StoriesA former Mozambican official accused in the $2 billion “tuna” scandal, a scheme that defrauded U.S. investors, was extradited to New York.The BBC staff member suspended on allegations of sexual misconduct was identified by his wife as Huw Edwards, an anchor on the network’s flagship nightly news program.International demand for drugs has unleashed a wave of violence in Ecuador that is unlike anything in the country’s recent history.Snow fell in Johannesburg for the first time in more than a decade.A Morning ReadBhuchung Sonam’s publishing ventures have printed dozens of books.Poras Chaudhary for The New York TimesBuchung Sonam fled Tibet in the 1980s. Later, he co-founded a publishing house for Tibetan writing, hoping literature could be a salve for other exiles.As Beijing tightens its crackdown on Tibet, detaining writers and intellectuals, many say Sonam’s press is helping Tibet’s literature become a proxy for the nation-state.“It’s not like I can live my life on Tibetan land,” said Tenzin Dickie, a writer and editor, “but I can live it in Tibetan literature.”ARTS AND IDEASMilan Kundera in 1984.Francois Lochon/Gamma-Rapho, via Getty ImagesMilan Kundera dies at 94“It’s hard to overstate how central Milan Kundera was, in the mid-1980s, to literary culture in America and elsewhere,” my colleague Dwight Garner writes in an appraisal of Kundera’s life.Kundera, who died in Paris this week at 94, wrote mordant, sexually charged novels that captured the suffocating absurdity of life. “The Unbearable Lightness of Being,” which was adapted into a film, is his most famous book.“He was the best-known Czech writer since Kafka,” Dwight continued, “and his fiction brought news of sophisticated Eastern European societies trembling under the threat of Soviet repression.”PLAY, WATCH, EATWhat to CookDavid Malosh for The New York Times. Food Stylist: Simon Andrews.Mix this Thai-style vegetable salad.What to WatchIn “Amanda,” a dark Italian comedy, a delusional graduate befriends an agoraphobic misanthrope.FashionMore men are baring their midriffs in crop tops.Tech TipHow does Meta’s Threads stack up against Twitter? Read our review.Now Time to PlayFill in the Mini Crossword, and a clue: Broke ground in a garden (four letters).Here are the Wordle and the Spelling Bee. You can find all our puzzles here.That’s it for today’s briefing. See you tomorrow! — AmeliaP.S. Alice Callahan will be our new nutrition reporter.“The Daily” is on the U.S. labor market.We’d love to hear from you. Write: briefing@nytimes.com. More

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      Florida Democrats fight to restore party’s lost pride in era of DeSantis

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      It isn’t much fun, or indeed very productive, being a Democrat in Florida these days. Outnumbered by a Republican supermajority in the state legislature, the party was forced to sit back and watch extremist governor Ron DeSantis sign law after law riding roughshod over the rights of Black voters, immigrants and the LGBTQ+ community.The humiliation in Tallahassee was the culmination of a years-long decline in Democratic fortunes, predating even the ousting of long-serving US senator Bill Nelson in 2018.Dismal performances from mediocre candidates in successive elections turned what used to be the nation’s largest swing state firmly red, and for the first time since Reconstruction, the Florida Democratic party has no statewide elected official to its name.Worse, registered Republican voters, in a minority only three years ago, now outnumber Democrats by half a million. And, this year, the state party faced outright elimination from a bill filed by a Republican state senator.The only way is up.The fightback – part revival, part revolution – is in the hands of an aggressive, and progressive, new leadership team that is promising to restore the Florida Democratic party’s lost pride, and equilibrium to the state’s lopsided politics that DeSantis has, in the eyes of some, dragged into fascism.“The only way democracy works is when you have two strong parties that can bring people together to make sure we’re working on policies that impact the entire state of Florida,” said Nikki Fried, who was elected state party chair in February, and acknowledges the “enormous task” before her.“Understanding the gravity of this moment is why people are stepping up, wanting to help, and wanting us to be successful. Even Republicans want us to be successful, because they’re frustrated at the one-man show under Ron DeSantis, and frustrated they’re forced, by pressure and threats, to follow him.”Of course, planning a comeback, and it coming to fruition, are two separate things. But Fried, in a wide-ranging interview with the Guardian, said she does not accept that DeSantis, despite his landslide re-election in November, is anywhere near as popular as he thinks he is.“He didn’t win by 19 points. The Democrats lost by 19 points,” she said.“His victory is on us because we hadn’t been putting in the resources on the ground, hadn’t been mobilizing our base, hadn’t been talking about the issues that are important to the people of our state.“It’s been an accumulation of missteps, for decades, from the lack of expansion of our coalition, to coordination between our elected and the party apparatus, to messaging, to structural changes that needed to happen inside the party, including voter registration.“We just have not been showing electoral success because the Democratic party has not been organized. That changed when I took the gavel.”In November, she said, DeSantis was well placed to take advantage.“He took that 19 points and made it into a mandate, even though little more than 4.5 million people voted for him in a 22 million-person state,” she continued.“He took that win and went even further, taking this last session so extreme that the pendulum is going to come back faster, and more fierce. People in our state are not happy with a six-week abortion ban, with permit-less carry, with the attacks on our education systems, and they’re going to fight back.”As evidence, Fried points to the election in May of Democrat Donna Deegan as the first female mayor of Jacksonville, Florida’s most populous city. Her upset of DeSantis-endorsed Republican Daniel Davis was, she said, a reflection of “the overall energy across our state”.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionCandidates such as Deegan are what Fried believes the party needs to make itself appealing again to voters, vocal politicians unafraid to take off the gloves, scrap it out with Republicans and call out their policies.Progressive Maxwell Frost, 26, the first member of Gen Z elected to Congress, and state representative Anna Eskamani, 33, are two examples of rising young Democrats carrying the banner for the next generation.Fried, 45, who as state agriculture commissioner was a thorn in DeSantis’s side as part of his four-person cabinet, also considers herself part of the active resistance. In April, she and Lauren Book, the state senate minority leader, were arrested in Tallahassee protesting DeSantis’s abortion law. Trespass charges were subsequently dropped.“There are no regrets when you’re standing up for justice, standing up for a woman’s right to choose,” she said. “Sometimes, you know, good trouble is necessary trouble.”The first real test of Fried’s leadership won’t come until next year, when the Senate seat of Republican former governor Rick Scott, who narrowly defeated Nelson in 2018, comes up for reelection.Fried won’t be running herself. “I have a job at hand to rebuild the Democratic party and the faith of the people in our state in the party,” she said, adding that Scott can expect a “formidable” challenge.“We are going to have a dynamic, strong, outspoken female who’s going to run for the Senate race, somebody who’s going to be able to carry the values and the morals that we all share,” she said.Before then, Fried will concentrate on trying to rebuild the state party’s once envied ground operation, that carried the state for Barack Obama twice.“We’re just at the start of it,” she said. “Every registered voter, every elected official, every volunteer, needs to start taking ownership and ask what they can do for the Democratic party, not what the Democratic party can do for them.“When we start changing the mentality of how everybody has a part to play here, we can start working together. It’s one team, one dream, and we all need to be getting into the same boat and rowing in the same direction.” More

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      Ron DeSantis’s Campaign of Contempt

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      If you missed the previous newsletter, you can read it here.The version of most politicians that we need to worry about is the one that they don’t want us to see. That’s why campaign reporters dog them; they’re waiting for the veil to slip.But the version of Ron DeSantis that we need to worry about is the one that he proudly shows us. He embraces his meanness. He luxuriates in his darkness. Let other politicians peddle the pablum of inspiration. He prefers to ooze the toxin of contempt.That’s one of the morals of a provocative anti-gay, anti-trans video that the DeSantis campaign shared late last week. The campaign’s promotion of it prompted accusations of homophobia even from some Republicans, and justly so: In an attempt to smear Donald Trump, the video doesn’t just accuse him of coddling L.G.B.T.Q. Americans. It revels in DeSantis’s vilification of them.Initially distributed by a Twitter account called Proud Elephant, it presents a bizarre montage that’s superficially an anti-woke battle cry, pitting a truculent DeSantis against a scourge of degenerates. But while his viciousness comes through precisely as planned, so does something unintended: an undercurrent of homoerotic kink. Up pops a shirtless hunk with a ripped chest. Here’s a glowering Brad Pitt in his “Troy” drag. Are honchos with a Homer fetish some new thing? I need to get out more.But the perversely purposed beefcake is less striking than the way in which the video exultantly spotlights DeSantis’s biggest critics and celebrates their harshest criticism, treating the words with which they’ve described him and his initiatives as the best measures of his mettle. “Most extreme” becomes a trophy, “horrifying” a crown and “evil” a sash.The Florida governor is running one freaky and unsettling presidential campaign. He’s more focused on putting certain Americans in their places than on lifting others to new heights. He’s defined by the scores he pledges to settle instead of the victories he promises to achieve. He casts himself as someone to fear rather than revere. That video actually flashes an image of Christian Bale in “American Psycho” as a flattering DeSantis analogue.Vote DeSantis: He’s a monster, but he’s your monster.How does someone with that pitch possibly bring together and lead an entire diverse country, if he gets that chance, and what does it say about the United States today that he has come this far? Have we put tolerance, grand ideals and optimism so fully to rest? I remember “morning in America.” I guess it’s now midnight.To read deeply and widely about DeSantis is to learn that his cruel politics match a cold personality. He seems to trust almost no one other than his wife, who’s his twin in unalloyed ambition. He’s a collector of slights. He gets an A+ in grudge holding and an F in humility, and he’s taking etiquette pass/fail. He has resting disdain face.When I find pictures of him laughing, his expression is a bad stage actor’s — it’s a labored and spurious guffaw — as if a campaign aide intent on warming him up had just pulled hard on some string embedded in DeSantis’s back. Only his rants have a genuine air. He looked perfectly comfortable on Fox News recently saying that anyone who cut through a border wall between Mexico and the United States to traffic fentanyl would “end up stone cold dead.” He’s out to out-Trump Trump, who reportedly wondered aloud about a water-filled border trench stocked with snakes and alligators. I’m counting the minutes until DeSantis’s proposal for a moat stocked with great white sharks.Raising questions about illegal immigration and border security is necessary and just. But what’s served by doing so with such bloodthirstiness?Establishing guidelines for the age at which it’s appropriate for children in public schools to discuss sexual orientation and gender identity is legitimate. But what’s gained by inviting the word “groomers” into the conversation and casting yourself as a pulchritudinous gladiator who will teach them a pitiless lesson?DeSantis mistakes spite for spiritedness, bullying for strength. I hope voters don’t do likewise.Forward this newsletter to friends …… and they can sign up for themselves here. It’s published every Thursday.For the Love of SentencesErin Schaff/The New York TimesThe Supremes sure made lots of news lately, so let’s start with them. In Slate, Dahlia Lithwick parsed the generosity from billionaires that Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas have so richly enjoyed: “A #protip that will no doubt make those justices who have been lured away to elaborate bear hunts and deer hunts and rabbit hunts and salmon hunts by wealthy oligarchs feel a bit sad: If your close personal friends who only just met you after you came onto the courts are memorializing your time together for posterity, there’s a decent chance you are, in fact, the thing being hunted.” (Thanks to Robert E. Gordon of Sarasota, Fla., for nominating this.)In The Washington Post, Alexandra Petri mined that material by mimicking the famous opening line of “Pride and Prejudice” by Jane Austen: “It is a truth universally acknowledged that an American billionaire, in possession of sufficient fortune, must be in want of a Supreme Court justice.” (Nicole Seligman, Sag Harbor, N.Y.)And in The Times, Tyler Austin Harper contextualized the battle over affirmative action: “Civil rights leaders did not endure the dogs and the cold baptism of the fire hoses in the hopes that one day their children’s children could become Ivy-minted venture capitalists and management consultants.” (Adam Fix, Minneapolis)Also in The Times, Farhad Manjoo discussed the futility of debating Robert Kennedy Jr.: “He starts with a few sprinkles of truth — Ohio’s vote was run by a partisan official, some vaccines have serious side effects — and then swirls them up with enough exaggerations, omissions and leaps of logic to create a veritable McFlurry of doubt.” (James Brockardt, Pennington, N.J.)Kim Severson noted how buffets struggled to emerge from the pandemic: “A model of eating based on shared serving spoons and food seasoned with the breath of strangers seemed like a goner.” (Elise Magers, Chicago)Alex Halberstadt introduced readers to the Oregon winemaker Maggie Harrison: “Warm, funny and observant in person, she cultivates a persona of a curmudgeon, the way an octopus might disguise itself as a rock to throw off sand sharks.” (Michael T. Reagan, Ottawa, Ill.) Also, of a tasting room of Harrison’s with an unappealing entrance: “The scene was so hushed and civilized-looking, after the dinginess of the exterior, that it was like entering a chapel through the back of an airport Cinnabon.” (Robert Mugford, Scottsdale, Ariz., and Tricia Chatary, Middlebury, Vt., among others)And Ligaya Mishan described a magical dessert from her Hawaiian childhood made by a frozen-treat wizard named Kon Ping Young: “He’d sneak in one of the whole plums, which he’d cover with more slush. I’d find it buried deep, a shriveled prize, so tangy that when I sucked on it, the world condensed to that one flavor, a tiny neutron star of sweet-sour-salt.” (Cindy Kissin, New Haven, Conn.)In The Washington Post, T.A. Frank traced the arc of Mike Pence: “When he was a radio host, Pence liked to call himself ‘Rush Limbaugh on decaf,’ a mild concoction even then, to say nothing of an era when even Limbaugh on meth would be too laid back for some of today’s partisans.” John Hitzeroth, Wilmington, Ohio, and Doug Sterner, Fort Lauderdale, Fla.)In The Ringer, Roger Sherman imagined how hard it was for N.B.A. teams to decide which of the 6-foot-6, identical Thompsons, Amen and Ausar, to draft first: “Normally, you can identify the evil twin by looking for the one with the handlebar mustache, but neither had one, making this a tough assignment for scouts.” (Marshall Sikowitz, Bassano del Grappa, Italy)And in The Boston Globe, Odie Henderson was rattled by moments in “Indiana Jones and the Dial of Destiny” when a digitally de-aged Harrison Ford didn’t look quite right: “For the love of Ponce de León, stop using this technology until it’s perfected, Hollywood!” (Pat Isgro, Greenwich, N.Y.)To nominate favorite bits of recent writing from The Times or other publications to be mentioned in “For the Love of Sentences,” please email me here and include your name and place of residence.What I’m Watching, Reading and Listening ToSarah Lancashire in “Happy Valley.”James Stack/Lookout Point/AMCI wish I could say that I loved the third (and, apparently, final) season of the British crime drama “Happy Valley” as much as I loved the first one nine years ago, but this great series did what many great series do: It fell a bit too much in love with its main characters and the superb actors who played them. I refer to Sarah Lancashire as a grief-haunted police sergeant and James Norton as the perversely charismatic thug who had a heavy hand in her grief. The latest season, whose American airing wrapped up a little more than a week ago, seems intent on giving them tricky or intensely emotional scenes in which to show their acting chops, and they deliver and then some. But the trade-off is a sometimes sluggish pace and lugubrious air. Regardless, if you never found your way to “Happy Valley,” correct that. The whole of it is undeniably worth watching. (It’s streaming on AMC+ and Acorn TV; you can also purchase episodes or seasons, as I did, through Apple TV+. There’s more information here.)The Gay Pride month of June this year seemed to yield a particular bounty of reflections on what it means to be gay or queer, possibly because of a backlash in the United States right now against L.G.B.T.Q. people. The essay that most intrigued and delighted me appeared here in Times Opinion. It was Richard Morgan’s “As a Gay Man, I’ll Never Be Normal,” whose standout passages could have filled the entire For the Love of Sentences section this week. (Joan Vohl Hamilton, South Hadley, Mass., and Sarah Patrick, Carbondale, Ill., among others, nominated sentences from the essay.)Another recent article in The Times that I especially loved was Elisabeth Egan’s 25-years-later look at the phenomenon — and impact — of “Bridget Jones’s Diary.” It, too, is a gold mine of spirited prose, along with acute observations.Sally Jenkins of The Washington Post is a treasure (and appears frequently in For the Love of Sentences), and this recent article of hers about the friendship of the former tennis rivals Martina Navratilova and Chris Evert is a gem, also with sterling sentences galore about two women who “exemplify, perhaps more than any champions in the annals of their sport, the deep internal mutual grace called sportsmanship.” (Rebecca Howey, Detroit, and Tom Fortner, Point Clear, Ala., among others)I’ve retired the occasional newsletter feature that delved into great songs and song lyrics but will mention popular music randomly and occasionally in this space. A Pandora station of mine just introduced me to the young singer-songwriter Ilsey and “No California,” a relatively new single of hers. She has an album due in October, according to this article in Variety, which also embeds the song, so you can listen. Despite its love-lost subject matter, it’s buoyant, summery and very, very catchy.On a Personal Note (Odd Neighborhood Names)Errol Flynn in the 1938 film “The Adventures of Robin Hood.”Everett CollectionYou’ve been excellent about sending me examples of strangely or strikingly named streets, neighborhoods and towns, a subject that I first wrote about in January and revisited in this newsletter, this one and this one. Today’s Odd Neighborhood Names installment will be the last — we’ll find other fun topics to commune over — and I apologize to the many of you who have submitted unused material. Thanks to your generosity. I’ve had more options than space for them.Almost all have fallen into one of three categories. I think of the first as “let’s pretend we’re somewhere we’re not.” Jane Houssiere of Boulder, Colo., wrote: “I live on the interface where the Rocky Mountains meet the semiarid high plains. We are nowhere near any ocean.” But, she added, “developers must have been homesick for the coast.” Behold, in this mountainous interior, Barnacle Street, Starboard Drive, Driftwood Place, Sandpiper Circle, Beachcomber Court, Outrigger Court, Jib Court and more. It’s a high tide of nautical nomenclature.The second category is the motif-a-palooza, whereby the namers of streets work a theme as aggressively as my Regan does her favorite bones. Rob Boas of Atlanta alerted me to that city’s “Sherwood Forest” neighborhood, where the streets include Robin Hood Road, Friar Tuck Road, Lady Marian Lane, Nottingham Way and Little John Trail.John FX Keane of New Providence, N.J., noted that his childhood home of Binghamton, N.Y., has byways that pay homage to classical composers: Beethoven, Mendelssohn, Mozart, Schubert, Wagner and more.The motifs can be … unexpected. Mary Beth Norton noted that Ithaca, N.Y., has a grouping of streets seemingly named for cigarette and cigar brands: Winston Court, Salem Drive, Tareyton Drive and Muriel Street. Lest that seem eccentric, Barbara Lerner wrote that in the Gibson section of Valley Stream, N.Y., where she used to live, there is a profusion of roads with cigarette- or liquor-related appellations: Marlboro, Munro (an English gin), Carstairs (a blended whiskey), Gordon (gin), Dubonnet (vermouth). The Gibson, of course, is the martini’s cousin, garnished with a pickled onion rather than an olive.The third category: utter failures of imagination. Into this group falls what was probably your most nominated street name, Toronto’s soul-crushingly prosaic, spectacularly redundant Avenue Road. But Sheila Gerstenzang of Las Vegas wrote in with another fine example: Overthere Lane in North Las Vegas.Beyond those categories are street, neighborhood and town names that just don’t seem like such names at all. In Ipswich, Mass., there’s Labor in Vain Road, as a former Ipswich resident, Douglas Atkins, and a current one, Tamsin Venn, pointed out.And the Canadian province of Newfoundland and Labrador is known for its amusing place names, including Dildo, Witless Bay, Blow Me Down, Tickle Harbour, Tickle Cove, Come by Chance and Heart’s Content. Thanks to Patricia Maher of Vancouver, B.C., for drawing attention to those. More

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      Surveillance footage of Trump boxes paved way for FBI’s Mar-a-Lago search

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      Federal prosecutors used surveillance footage to determine within weeks of collecting subpoenaed classified documents from Donald Trump last year that there might be more national security materials at Mar-a-Lago, according to newly unsealed descriptions in the FBI search warrant application.Much of the justification for executing a search warrant on Trump’s residence in Florida was detailed in the sprawling indictment charging him with retention of national defense information and obstruction of justice.But the parts of the affidavit released on Thursday – filed by the justice department after the federal magistrate judge in the Trump documents case ordered the release – provided a clearer explanation of the probable cause used to justify the FBI search.Last June, shortly after Trump’s lawyers returned a folder of 38 classified documents to prosecutors after being issued a subpoena, prosecutors subpoenaed footage from surveillance cameras in the vicinity of the storage room, the affidavit said.The hard drive that was turned over in July 2022 included tapes from a camera called “South Tunnel Liquor” that recorded the gold-painted door to the storage room and had a field of vision just wide enough to capture the exit to the tunnel leading back to the rest of the Mar-a-Lago property.When prosecutors reviewed the footage, they noticed that Trump’s valet Walt Nauta had removed more than 50 boxes from the storage room but did not bring the same number back before Trump’s then lawyer Evan Corcoran looked through them for any classified documents.“The current location of the boxes removed from the storage room but not returned to it is unknown,” said the FBI agent on the investigation who drafted the affidavit, adding that it was clear from the lack of a lid that at least one of the boxes that Nauta removed contained documents.Prosecutors suspected that Trump might have kept some classified documents as his lawyers had only returned 38 papers, a far smaller number than they had anticipated given the 15 boxes Trump sent to the National Archives earlier in the year contained 200 classified documents.The conclusion inside the justice department’s national security division, according to multiple sources familiar with the matter and the language in the affidavit, was that 50 boxes should have yielded hundreds of classified documents if 15 boxes yielded 200.The suspicion that Trump had played what a federal judge later referred to as a “shell game” with the boxes during the criminal investigation last year proved to be correct when the FBI executed the warrant in August 2022 and seized 103 classified documents from the storage room and Trump’s office.Other parts of the affidavit – including the discussion about whether Trump declassified the documents provided by his close associate Kash Patel, who the Guardian has reported was granted immunity in the criminal investigation – are still redacted.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionA Trump spokesperson said in a statement that the affidavit showed Trump was open to curing his retention of national security documents but “the weaponized DOJ rejected this offer of cooperation” in an effort to “inflict maximum political damage” on his 2024 campaign.The US magistrate judge Bruce Reinhart, who approved the justice department’s application for a search warrant for Mar-a-Lago, ordered more parts of the affidavit to be made public after the Guardian and other news organizations filed a motion last week seeking the document to be released.Prosecutors last month charged Trump with violating the Espionage Act for retaining national security documents. They also charged Trump and Nauta with conspiring to obstruct justice by causing classified documents to not be returned to the government by moving the boxes out of the storage room.The former president has pleaded not guilty to all charges in federal district court in Miami. Nauta also pleaded not guilty when he appeared for his arraignment on Thursday that was rescheduled after he was unable to find a Florida-based lawyer. More

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      ‘Thanks for visiting Florida’: one Black family’s road trip to a ‘hostile’ tourist trap

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      The sugary sand on Santa Rosa Beach is cool below the surface, sweet relief after a 10-minute hot-step from the parking lot with an armload of bulky chairs and a hangry toddler dragging me down. But by the third day of our family vacation, my young boys have settled in with their plastic shovels and left me cracking open a Michelob Ultra before noon. Drinking in the brew and the whooshing azure surf, I’m gobsmacked that this is what passes for adventure travel nowadays.On 20 May the NAACP issued a travel advisory for Florida, noting a flagrant streak of contempt for and hostility toward Black, ethnic and queer communities; in a news release, the group quoted the state-sanctioned “war on woke” the Republican governor championed in a craven bid for his party’s presidential nomination. The NAACP board chair, Leon Russell, cited Ron DeSantis for “political grandstanding” and courting “a dangerous, extremist minority” – only to have conservatives mock Russell himself for living in Tampa.The advisory came weeks after we had plunked down a sizable non-refundable deposit for a trip to Florida’s Emerald coast – the resort paradise formerly known as the Redneck Riviera. My brother-in-law, a 28-year-old ad man, was flying down from New York. My two boys, aged three and 19 months, were so excited, my oldest racking his brain to understand what it meant to be “on vacation”. My wife, an ex-navy psychologist, had grand designs on a week of idle fun in the sun. We should have known that being Black in America could deprive us of something so innocent.Still: the idea of avoiding an entire state based on the fanatical policies of one man, even if he’s the top man, seemed a bit extreme – like avoiding computers just to stick it to Bill Gates. Let’s be clear here: even though the NAACP advisory never called for people to boycott Florida, that’s how the edict is being interpreted. The Republican senator Rick Scott’s own travel advisory last week, warning “socialists” and “communists” to stay away, has only made it easier for progressives to claim the moral high ground.While it’s true that Florida’s willfully ignorant conservative lawmakers have made the state more unsafe for anyone who dares to disagree with them, it’s also true that many more states have an equally shameful legacy of systemic racism and discrimination. In the last few months alone, we’ve seen another California school board ban critical race theory, an unarmed Michael Jackson impersonator choked to death on the New York City subway and affirmative action in higher education struck down by an activist supreme court that’s declared open season on reproductive rights protections. But no one is calling for a travel advisory against the whole of America, much less its plainly progressive states.There’s no doubt Florida’s latest political heel-turn has sunk its mass appeal to a low not seen since the 2000 presidential election. But it’s still home to the third-largest Black population among US states; that’s a lot of family, friends and hardworking folks left by the wayside. The more my wife and I thought about it, the more the reward of enjoying ourselves in Florida despite DeSantis outweighed the risk of offending the white parents at my kid’s school who considered the state a no-go.Over a recent weekend we loaded up the minivan and headed south from Atlanta to Santa Rosa Beach, Florida. At no point before setting off did I consider the five-hour drive might take us through Alabama. Had that state come with its own NAACP travel advisory, I might have called for one more pit stop in Georgia before testing my three-year-old’s potty training.Halfway through our journey, the GPS led us into Eufaula, Alabama, another resort town where great live oaks drape over pristine antebellum-era homes. But the southern gothic motif set off our inner klaxons. A web search confirmed our suspicions. The town played host to what may well have been the last civil war battle in 1865. Despite the promise of Reconstruction, white residents maintained control of Eufaula’s municipal offices five years after Alabama was forced back into the Union, even as Black residents held a two-to-one popular majority. My wife looked up from her phone, circumspect. I glanced down at the three-quarters full gas gauge, then over to my son squirming in his second-row car seat. “Hang with me for a few more miles, OK?”When a slew of ballot referenda on civil rights threatened a white power loss, a mob went guns blazing into a Black crowd at a downtown polling place, killing six, injuring 70 and deterring scores more from voting. A historical placard recognizes the tragedy as the election riot of 1874. But it’s a good 15 miles north-east from our traffic jam at the intersection of Eufaula Avenue and Broad Street, where a 35ft Confederate-soldier-topped obelisk stands proudly on the very spot the massacre took place. All we could do was shake our heads with resigned disbelief.The NAACP has only issued one other travel advisory in its 114-year history, in the summer of 2017, after Missouri lawmakers passed a bill rolling back state protections against discrimination. The local chapter of the NAACP was first to caution visitors over the civil rights violations that they risked by entering the Show-Me State . This was a year after a report from Josh Hawley’s state attorney general’s office found Black motorists had been stopped 75% more often than white drivers. The ACLU had issued a similar advisory for Texas that same year in response to a law that allowed traffic officers to interrogate the immigration status of people stopped for traffic violations.Still: it’s one thing to warn holiday-goers about predatory policing that could materially affect their travel plans, quite another to roadblock a borderline inescapable tourist trap. According to a 2020 analysis from the market research firm MMGY Travel Intelligence, Florida is the top destination for Black overnight travelers within the continental United States. What’s more, the state was nearly run by Andrew Gillum; in 2018, the Democratic Tallahassee mayor emerged as the first Black gubernatorial candidate in Florida history and came within a hair’s breadth of pipping DeSantis at the polls.Staying Black in America was a long-odds game well before DeSantis and Scott rolled up the red carpet. My family isn’t any less under siege in Atlanta – the American Wakanda hellbent on building the West Point of police academies – than on the Emerald coast, where 600 enslaved people joined forces with the Union army and fought their way across the panhandle to freedom near the civil war’s end.Immediately upon arriving in Santa Rosa Beach, we were struck by the conspicuous lack of Black faces. According to recent census data, Black people officially account for none of the town’s 5,700 residents. This is despite Santa Rosa Beach sitting on the same 20-mile stretch of state route that threads through Pensacola, Panama City and Destin; between the military air stations, MTV’s Spring Break and the nationally renowned jazz festival, this region – nicknamed 30A, for the state route, attracts all kinds. But after wrangling the kids all day, my wife and I couldn’t imagine exploring that scene, much less staying awake past 9pm. That didn’t stop my brother-in-law from bellying up to the Irish pub one block over.In his 2016 book This Land Was Ours, the University of Virginia professor Andrew Kahrl explains how Black southerners were redlined off the beaches to make way for a government-spurred tourism industry designed to enrich and serve whites.It’s a heartbreaking story that draws from a slew of oral histories with Black people who lived through that phase of Jim Crow – not least Lodie Marie Robinson-Cyrille, who recalled her experience working at a Florida resort. “They wouldn’t allow Black[s] to swim in the Gulf or be seen on the beaches,” she said. “The families could go and work in the hotels as cooks, as domestics, as maids, but they could not lounge or enjoy some of the same activities as, say, a tourist would enjoy.” Leisure time, at least in this country, has been a white privilege from the very beginning. But my three-year-old is none the wiser. One day while sipping a juice box while sitting by the pool in his swim vest, he asked: “Are we on vacation yet?”My wife and I, it seems, are always working hard when we’re supposed to be off. Too often when we were young, childless and still living in New York, we were the lone Black people in a restaurant, at Broadway shows or otherwise spending money to enjoy our hard-won downtime hours. We moved to the South Carolina Lowcountry expecting to fraternize with the region’s proud Gullah Geechee descendants (my wife is one, too), only to wind up surrounded by white pleasure-seekers who referred to enslaved people as “workers”, rushed to put up stakes in “plantation” communities and thought nothing of exploiting the tax code to further decouple foundational Blacks from coastal land they legally owned.The scenes are even more stark when we go on holiday; it doesn’t matter if we’re lazing around a spa in Scottsdale or biking around Belle-Île-en-Mer. We anticipate the wary smiles, the nervous laughter, and forward questions about what we do for a living. No matter how many times we’re forced, however politely, to justify our presence, the takeaway never changes : “Good for you,” they say.But the people of 30A didn’t interrogate our presence unless we were pitching our beach tent, which could get complicated depending on the size and the invisible lines in the sand that separate public access from resort seaside. And seeing the white parents hounding their kids about their manners, their sunscreen, the fact that “we didn’t spend all this money on a nice vacation for you to stare at a screen!” was another reminder that they’re not that different. We all come from the same country, where the sight of a C-130 cargo plane, roaring low enough over the coast that airmen’s faces are visible as they wave, isn’t cause for alarm. It’s an invitation to wave right back.Twice while schlepping the kids to the beach on bikes, we crossed a man in a “Let’s Go Brandon” shirt; he just smiled and kept moving. There was a thought that things might get political when we saw a young man standing outside the beach parking lot waving a giant Trump 2024 flag. But the boy, bless his heart, didn’t seem like he was from around there, given the Slavic accent that inflected his timid “hello”.The only time it seemed as if the vibe might shift on us was after sundown, while I hoofed around seeking a dinner spot with my wife and brother-in-law. Ultimately, we were drawn into a bustling Italian place. With white faces at every place setting and spilling out the door, we were fully prepared to be turned away by the two white schoolgirls behind the host stand. All the while, an older Black woman was stuck on the phone. But then she hung up.Before I could backtrack out of her way, she was snatching three menus, seating us at an open table and leaving us in the care of “our best waiter”, also Black. We were looked after, doted on; when our orders were up, the plates arrived via three different servers – all of them Black. It was as if every Black person in the joint was on a mission to go above and beyond to make us feel at home. Later, our waiter let slip that we were his first Black table in “weeks”. No, he wasn’t thrilled about the NAACP advisory scaring Black folk away, but he agreed with its intent because, well, Florida has become a hard place to be Black.By this point, the dinner rush had eased, the place had emptied out and we were in our own little world, just talking. But the kicker was when he learned my wife and I had come down from Atlanta. “I just moved away,” he said with a laugh. “It’s like Grand Theft Auto up there!” Here at least, he felt he could rely on the kindness of empathetic whites – but also, “they need us,” he said. “No one wants to work.”On the last evening of our trip, we took a self-guided tour through Alys Beach, a breathtaking sight. One woman who looked to be on a shift break greeted us with an eagerness that suggested we had already met – an assumption that’s easy enough to make in yet another Emerald coast town where Black people don’t live. Alys Beach isn’t just awash with white people; the town is quite literally made up of ivory towers meant to mirror the architecture of the old world.After a slack-jawed walk past the Grecian trellises, the Moorish arches and Dutch gables, we pulled over for a beer at a cafe across the street from a $20m beachside mansion. The idea that this cloister was just a car ride away from home, let alone part of the same highway system as Queens or Compton, simply beggared belief. It left me wondering about what other idylls conservatives were desperately trying to keep hidden. It made me want to push deeper down the Gulf coast, into Alabama and Mississippi. It convinced me that the NAACP’s travel advisory should have made the opposite statement: “Lookie what we have here!”Before my brother-in-law gave the boys one last squeeze and ducked into a cab, he told me about his long goodbye to the white regulars and staff at the pub – friends forever, apparently. “Thanks for coming to visit us,” one said, “despite … you know. Hopefully you felt welcome.”There is no question that venturing out to Florida was a risk in this fraught climate, but there’s also never been a better time to see the country while Black. The farther we wander out of our comfort zones, the more potential they have to expand – and that, son, is when the vacation really begins. Issuing a travel advisory against one state for its extreme politics doesn’t just play into the zealots’ hands, it gives the rest of the country a break it doesn’t deserve. More

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      Why was Trump hoarding classified government documents? | Moira Donegan

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      There are many surreal revelations in Jack Smith’s federal indictment of Donald Trump. There are the texts between various Trump underlings and Walt Nauta, the Trump body man who has also been indicted, showing the president directing his employees to move the boxes containing classified information back and forth to various locations around his properties in Palm Beach and Bedminster, New Jersey. There is the annoyed missive from Trump’s wife Melania, trying to make sure the boxes don’t crowd out room for her luggage on a private plane. There is the claim from Trump’s former attorney, compelled to testify against him in an unusual arrangement, that the former president suggested, with a Grinch-like pinching gesture, that the lawyer destroy confidential documents to prevent them from being produced in a subpoena. There is a text message Nauta sent to another Trump underling, showing a box having fallen over in a storage room at Mar-a-Lago, secret documents spilling on to the floor – whoops.What there is not, conspicuously, is a motive. Over the course of more than a year following his departure from office, it appears that Trump spent considerable effort and resources in transporting the documents with him and keeping them near at hand – and that later, as the federal government began to demand the boxes back, that he then went out of his way to keep and conceal them, going to great length, sparing no expense, and ultimately breaking the law so much that he incurred himself a series of felony charges. Anyone can tell you how this behavior is typical of Trump: how it reflects his pettiness, his contempt for the law, his willingness to sacrifice and endanger others. What no one can tell you is why he did it.It would be more convenient – legally, for Jack Smith and his prosecutors, and politically, for Joe Biden, for the Democrats, and for the growing number of Republicans who are looking to challenge Trump in the 2024 Republican primary – if we could say precisely why Trump wanted to keep the documents so badly, exactly what he wanted them for. It would be very easy to make a case to a skeptical jury – or to a divided American people – that Trump was a danger and could not be trusted with national secrets again if it could be said that he wanted to keep the documents for any of the straightforwardly dangerous and nefarious reasons that have been speculated: if he was seeking to sell national security secrets to the Saudis, say, or to Israel; if he was hoping, as some have suggested, that he one day might be able to blackmail someone powerful, like the president of France.It’s very possible that Trump had concocted such a plan. There is much that we do not know about the investigations into Trump, including about the special counsel’s query into his illegal document retention. But we do know that in the past, we know that he has gone further, and risked more, in the pursuit of even more harebrained schemes.But what seems the most likely explanation is the simplest, stupidest, and most aggravating one: that Trump had no plan for the documents, except perhaps for use as souvenirs, trophies to be shown off, maybe as evidence for petty score-settling. That the documents that Trump smuggled out of the White House and squirreled away around Mar-a-Lago and Bedminster were not instruments in a coherent, well-formed plan, but instead mere ornaments to Trump’s ego. In transcripts of Trump’s statements about the documents that were included in the indictment, and in audio of Trump showing some of the secret papers off to a writer that was recently released by CNN, Trump uses the documents to contradict a former national security official he was then in a spat with in the press; he tells one interlocutor not to get too close to one of the secret papers, seeming to want to create a hush of reverence for the documents in place of respecting their confidentiality in the first place. At these moments, Trump does not sound as if he has a plan. He sounds as if he wants to impress the people in the room with him, and like he can think no further ahead than to how good it will feel to get their praise.Why did Trump want the secret documents? Why did he refuse to return them? The answer may be the one truest to Trump’s piddling, puerile character: because they looked cool; because they reminded him of his own importance; because the government had asked for them back, and Trump has never missed an opportunity to throw a petulant little tantrum.It is this smallness of Trump’s character, and the possible triviality of his motives, that poses a peculiar risk to both of the cases being made against Trump – the one being pursued in a Miami courthouse, and the one being pursued in public. Because there has always been an uncanny mismatch with Trump, an incongruence: between the awesome and vast powers he had in office, the historical forces he unleashed on America, and the horrible ways his presidency warped millions of lives, on the one hand; and on the other, his pettiness, his vanity, his short-sightedness, his piddling personal grievances and constant need to be flattered and reassured.The gap between the seriousness of Trump’s role in history and his unseriousness as a person is the strange place where the documents case – and, now, much of American political thought – risks getting stuck. The very silliness of Trump’s use of the documents undercuts the grave risks posed by his hoarding of them. How can such a powerful country have been made so vulnerable by someone so stupid?
      Moira Donegan is a Guardian US columnist More