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      Elecciones en Ecuador y Guatemala en 4 conclusiones

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      A los “outsiders” les fue mejor de lo esperado, lo que subraya la volatilidad de la política latinoamericana. A los candidatos que llamaron a emular las medidas enérgicas contra el crimen de El Salvador no les fue bien.El domingo, Ecuador y Guatemala celebraron elecciones que dejaron en evidencia algunas tendencias cruciales en América Latina como los esfuerzos anticorrupción, la creciente importancia de los votantes jóvenes y los llamados a emular las medidas enérgicas contra el crimen de El Salvador.En Ecuador, donde el asesinato del candidato presidencial Fernando Villavicencio este mes ensombreció la campaña, una política de la izquierda tradicional, Luisa González, se enfrentará en una segunda vuelta a Daniel Noboa, el heredero de una familia adinerada conocida por su imperio bananero.Y en Guatemala, el activista progresista y anticorrupción Bernardo Arévalo ganó la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de manera aplastante contra una ex primera dama, Sandra Torres, asestando así un golpe al establishment político conservador del país.Debido a las preocupaciones latentes sobre la erosión del Estado de derecho y la influencia cada vez mayor de las bandas narcotraficantes en diferentes partes de América Latina, la votación fue observada de cerca en busca de señales de lo que podrían significar los resultados.A continuación, presentamos algunas conclusiones clave.El presidente de El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, ha tomado medidas enérgicas contra la violencia de las pandillas mediante arrestos masivos que perjudicaron a miles de personas inocentes.Brittainy Newman para The New York TimesLa delincuencia no fue el único tema en la mente de los votantesEcuador y Guatemala enfrentan una variedad de retos diferentes, y aunque las dificultades para gobernar de manera efectiva en ambos países son bien conocidas, los nuevos líderes tendrán que lidiar con tener bajo control el crimen organizado y crear oportunidades económicas para mantener a sus ciudadanos en casa y evitar que emigren.La estrella del momento en la escena política de América Latina es el presidente populista conservador de El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, debido a su éxito en el uso de tácticas de línea dura para sofocar la violencia de las pandillas, incluidos arrestos masivos que afectaron a miles de personas inocentes y erosionaron las libertades civiles. Pero las expectativas de que los entusiastas de las tácticas de Bukele sobre el crimen tendrían un camino fácil hacia la victoria se desvanecieron tanto en Ecuador como en Guatemala.“Es notable que en ninguno de los dos casos les haya ido bien a los admiradores descarados de las políticas severas de Nayib Bukele contra las bandas criminales en El Salvador”, dijo Michael Shifter, miembro principal de Diálogo Intermericano, una organización de investigación con sede en Washington.A pesar de la conmoción generada por el asesinato de Villavicencio, los candidatos explícitamente anticrimen en Ecuador dividieron su porción de los votos. A Jan Topic, quien se alineó estrechamente con Bukele, le fue mal a pesar de haber subido en las encuestas tras el asesinato.“Hizo una campaña de un solo tema que, en su mayoría, se enfocó en la seguridad”, dijo Risa Grais-Targow, directora para América Latina de Eurasia Group, sobre Topic. “Pero los votantes tienen otras preocupaciones, como las relacionadas con la economía”.De manera similar, en Guatemala —donde crecían los temores de un descenso hacia el autoritarismo— la promesa de Torres de implementar políticas al estilo de Bukele no logró ganar mucho impulso. En cambio, su rival la puso a la defensiva debido a que había pasado un tiempo bajo arresto domiciliario en relación con cargos de financiamiento ilícito de campañas.También influyeron en el resultado las maniobras de la autoridad electoral de Guatemala para simplemente descalificar a los candidatos que se consideraron amenazas al orden establecido.Uno de los candidatos expulsados de la contienda antes de la primera vuelta en junio fue Carlos Pineda, un outsider que buscaba replicar las medidas enérgicas contra el crimen de Bukele. La descalificación de Pineda y otros le abrió un camino a Arévalo, otro candidato independiente cuyas propuestas para combatir el delito son más matizadas.Los candidatos guatemaltecos intentaron capitalizar el apoyo de los jóvenes.Daniele Volpe para The New York TimesLos votantes jóvenes influyen en las eleccionesEn un grado notable, los resultados electorales en Ecuador y Guatemala dependieron de las decisiones de los votantes jóvenes. En Ecuador, Noboa, un empresario de 35 años, neófito de la política, estaba en los últimos lugares de las encuestas hasta hace apenas unas semanas.Pero aprovechando el apoyo de los jóvenes mientras se presentaba como un candidato independiente, Noboa se abrió camino inesperadamente hacia la segunda vuelta con cerca del 24 por ciento de los votos. (El reconocimiento de su apellido también podría haber ayudado; su padre, Álvaro Noboa, uno de los hombres más ricos de Ecuador, se postuló a la presidencia en cinco oportunidades).En Guatemala, el país más poblado de América Central, Arévalo, de 64 años, también se benefició del apoyo de los jóvenes, especialmente en las ciudades, quienes se sintieron atraídos por sus llamados a poner fin a la persecución política de activistas de derechos humanos, ambientalistas, periodistas, fiscales y jueces.Arévalo también mostró una postura más moderada sobre temas sociales. Aunque dijo que no buscaría legalizar el aborto o el matrimonio igualitario, dejó claro que su gobierno no permitiría la discriminación contra las personas por su orientación sexual.Esa postura, algo novedosa en Guatemala, contrastó en gran manera con la de Torres, quien seleccionó a un pastor evangélico como su compañero de fórmula y empleó un insulto contra personas homosexuales en la campaña electoral para referirse a los simpatizantes de Arévalo.Luisa González enfrentará a Daniel Noboa en la segunda vuelta de las elecciones en Ecuador.Johanna Alarcón para The New York TimesLa izquierda va en diferentes direccionesGuatemala y Ecuador ofrecieron visiones contrastantes de la izquierda en América Latina.Dentro del panorama político tradicionalmente conservador de Guatemala, Arévalo, quien critica gobiernos de izquierda como el de Nicaragua, a menudo es descrito como un progresista. En ese sentido se parece más a Gabriel Boric, el presidente joven y moderado de Chile, que a los agitadores de otras zonas de la región.El partido de Arévalo, Movimiento Semilla, el cual se formó tras las protestas anticorrupción en 2015, también es diferente a cualquier otro movimiento surgido en Guatemala durante las últimas décadas. Semilla llamó la atención por realizar una campaña austera y de principios, dejando claras sus fuentes de financiamiento, a diferencia del financiamiento opaco que prevalece en otros partidos. Otra fuente de inspiración para Semilla es el Frente Amplio de Uruguay, un partido de centro izquierda moderado y democrático.“Arévalo es un demócrata de pies a cabeza”, aseveró Will Freeman, miembro de estudios latinoamericanos del Consejo de Relaciones Exteriores.González, en contraste, proviene de un sector diferente de la izquierda latinoamericana, caracterizado en el caso de Ecuador por poner a prueba los controles y equilibrios democráticos, dijo Freeman. Es partidaria de Rafael Correa, un expresidente ecuatoriano que sigue siendo una fuerza dominante en la política del país a pesar de tener seis años fuera del poder.Correa, quien vive en Bélgica tras huir de una sentencia de prisión de ocho años por violaciones en el financiamiento de campañas, conserva una base sólida que oscila entre el 20 y el 30 por ciento del electorado.En gran medida, ese apoyo es resultado de la “nostalgia de ese momento de bienestar que hubo durante la era de Correa”, dijo Caroline Ávila, analista política en Ecuador.Arévalo obtuvo más votos que cualquier otro candidato en Guatemala desde que se restableció la democracia en el país en 1985.Daniele Volpe para The New York TimesLa imprevisibilidad marcó las contiendasLas elecciones tanto en Ecuador como en Guatemala destacaron una tendencia regional más general: la incertidumbre y volatilidad de la política latinoamericana.En ambos países, las encuestas fallaron en captar desarrollos cruciales. En Ecuador, donde Topic capitalizó las consecuencias del asesinato de Villavicencio, Noboa se abrió camino para pasar a la segunda vuelta.Y en Guatemala, Arévalo, un candidato académico que a veces lee sus discursos y carece de las habilidades oratorias de sus rivales, no fue visto como una amenaza por el establishment hasta que logró pasar a la segunda vuelta.Hoy, con su aplastante victoria, Arévalo obtuvo más votos que cualquier otro candidato desde que se restauró la democracia en Guatemala en 1985.Ese es un escenario que incluso muchos miembros del propio partido de Arévalo no vieron venir.Simon Romero More

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      Elections in Ecuador and Guatemala: Four Takeaways

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      Outsiders overperformed, underscoring the volatility of Latin American politics. Candidates calling to emulate El Salvador’s crackdown on crime did not do well.Ecuador and Guatemala held elections on Sunday that shed light on crucial trends throughout Latin America, including anticorruption drives, the growing importance of young voters and calls to emulate El Salvador’s crackdown on crime.In Ecuador, where the assassination this month of the presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio cast a pall over campaigning, an establishment leftist, Luisa González, will head into a runoff against Daniel Noboa, the scion of a well-heeled family known for its banana empire.And in Guatemala, the progressive anti-graft crusader Bernardo Arévalo won in a landslide over a former first lady, Sandra Torres, dealing a blow to the country’s conservative political establishment.As concerns simmer over the erosion of the rule of law and the expanding sway of drug gangs in different parts of Latin America, the voting was watched closely for signs of what the outcomes could mean.Here are key takeaways.President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador has cracked down on gang violence, using mass arrests that swept up thousands of innocent people. Brittainy Newman for The New York TimesCrime wasn’t the only issue on voters’ minds.Ecuador and Guatemala each face an array of different challenges, and while it is hard to overstate the difficulty of governing effectively in both countries, new leaders will grapple with getting organized crime under control and creating economic opportunities to keep their citizens at home instead of emigrating.The star of the moment in Latin America’s political scene is El Salvador’s conservative populist president, Nayib Bukele, for his success in using hard-line tactics to quell gang violence, including mass arrests that swept up thousands of innocent people and the erosion of civil liberties. But expectations that enthusiasts for the Bukele gospel on crime would sail to victory fizzled in Ecuador and Guatemala.“It is notable that in neither case did unabashed admirers of Nayib Bukele’s hard-line policies against criminal gangs in El Salvador fare well,” said Michael Shifter, a senior fellow at the Inter-American Dialogue, a Washington-based research organization.Despite the shock over the assassination of Mr. Villavicencio, explicitly anti-crime candidates in Ecuador split their share of the votes. Jan Topic, who aligned himself closely with Mr. Bukele, fared poorly despite climbing in the polls after the assassination.“He did run a single-issue campaign that was very much focused around security,” Risa Grais-Targow, the Latin America director for Eurasia Group, said of Mr. Topic. “But voters have other concerns, including on the economy.”Similarly, in Guatemala — where fears were growing of a slide toward authoritarian rule — Ms. Torres’s pledge to put in place Bukele-style policies failed to gain much traction. Instead, the former first lady was put on the defensive by her rival because she had spent time under house arrest in connection to charges of illicit campaign financing.Also influencing the outcome: moves by Guatemala’s electoral authority to simply disqualify candidates who were viewed as threatening the established order.One of the candidates pushed out of the race ahead of the first round in June was Carlos Pineda, an outsider seeking to replicate Mr. Bukele’s crackdown on crime. When Mr. Pineda and others were disqualified, that provided an opening for Mr. Arévalo, another outsider, even though his proposals to fight crime are more nuanced.Guatemalan candidates tried to capitalize on the support of young people.Daniele Volpe for The New York TimesYoung voters shape elections.To a notable degree, the electoral outcomes in Ecuador and Guatemala hinged on the choices of young voters. In Ecuador, Mr. Noboa, 35, a businessman and newcomer to politics, was polling in the doldrums just a few weeks ago.But seizing on youth support while casting himself as an outsider, Mr. Noboa unexpectedly surged into the runoff with about 24 percent of the vote. (Name recognition may also have helped; his father, Álvaro Noboa, one of Ecuador’s richest men, ran unsuccessfully for president five times.)In Guatemala, Central America’s most populous country, Mr. Arévalo, 64, also capitalized on the support of young people, especially in cities, who were drawn to his calls to end the political persecution of human rights activists, environmentalists, journalists, prosecutors and judges.Mr. Arévalo also offered a more moderate stance on social issues. While saying he would not seek to legalize abortion or gay marriage, he made it clear that his government would not permit discrimination against people because of their sexual orientation.That position, which is somewhat novel in Guatemala, stood in sharp contrast to that of Ms. Torres, who drafted an evangelical pastor as her running mate and used an anti-gay slur on the campaign trail to refer to Mr. Arévalo’s supporters.Luisa González will head into a runoff against Daniel Noboa in Ecuador.Johanna Alarcón for The New York TimesThe left is going in different directions.Guatemala and Ecuador offered sharply contrasting visions for the left in Latin America.Indeed, within Guatemala’s traditionally conservative political landscape, Mr. Arévalo, who criticizes leftist governments like Nicaragua’s, is often described as a progressive. In that sense, he is more like Gabriel Boric, Chile’s moderate young president, than firebrands elsewhere in the region.Mr. Arévalo’s party, Movimiento Semilla (Seed Movement), which coalesced after anticorruption protests in 2015, is also unlike any other party in Guatemala in recent decades. Semilla gained attention for running a principled and austere campaign, making its funding sources clear, in contrast to the opaque financing prevailing in other parties. Another source of inspiration for Semilla is Uruguay’s Frente Amplio (Broad Front), a moderate, democratic left-of-center party.“Arévalo is a democrat through and through,” said Will Freeman, a fellow in Latin America studies at the Council on Foreign Relations.Ms. González, by contrast, hails from a different part of the Latin American left, characterized in Ecuador’s case by testing democratic checks and balances, Mr. Freeman said. She is a supporter of Rafael Correa, a former Ecuadorean president who remains a dominant force in the country’s politics despite being out of power for six years.Mr. Correa, who lives in Belgium after fleeing an eight-year prison sentence for campaign-finance violations, retains a strong base that oscillates between 20 percent and 30 percent of the electorate.That support is largely a result of the “nostalgia for that moment of well-being that existed during the Correa era,” said Caroline Ávila, a political analyst in Ecuador.Mr. Arévalo got more votes than any other candidate in Guatemala since democracy was restored in the country in 1985.Daniele Volpe for The New York TimesUnpredictability underlined the races.The races in both Ecuador and Guatemala highlighted a wider regional trend: the uncertainty and volatility of Latin America’s politics.Polls in both countries failed to capture crucial developments. In Ecuador, where Mr. Topic was seen capitalizing on the aftermath of the Villavicencio assassination, Mr. Noboa swooped in to make it to the runoff.And in Guatemala, Mr. Arévalo, a professorial candidate who sometimes reads his speeches and lacks the oratory skills of his rivals, was viewed as nonthreatening by the establishment — until he squeaked into the runoff.Now, with his landslide win, Mr. Arévalo got more votes than any other candidate since democracy was restored in Guatemala in 1985.That’s a scenario that even many within Mr. Arévalo’s own party did not see coming.Simon Romero More

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      Ecuador Elections Move to Runoff

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      Luisa González and Daniel Noboa were poised to be the top candidates of Sunday’s election in a country where declining security has been the leading issue for most voters.An establishment leftist and a newcomer businessman appeared to capture the top two spots in Ecuador’s presidential election on Sunday in a campaign cycle that has centered on voters’ frustration with the country’s soaring gang and drug cartel violence.Luisa González, who was backed by a former socialist president, and the political outsider Daniel Noboa received the highest percentage of ballots with 84 percent of the vote counted. They will compete in a runoff election on Oct. 15.The economy and security are likely to be the leading issues going into the runoff, as local prison and street gangs, along with foreign drug mafias, have unleashed a wave of violence unlike anything in the country’s recent history, sending homicide rates to record levels and hurting the vital tourism industry.Concerns over the declining security were amplified earlier this month when the presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio was assassinated on the campaign trail.Ms. González led the election, garnering 33 percent of the vote, with 84 percent counted, followed by Mr. Noboa, the unexpected second-place winner with 24 percent. Just a few weeks ago, Mr. Noboa was polling in single digits.Full official results were expected later on Sunday night.Ecuador also voted on Sunday to halt drilling in one of the most biodiverse corners of the Amazon in a victory for a decade-long fight by environmental activists to get the binding referendum in front of voters.Sunday’s first-round vote followed President Guillermo Lasso’s call for snap elections in May amid impeachment proceedings against him over accusations of embezzlement, as well as rising voter dissatisfaction over the nation’s security crisis.Ecuador, a country of 18 million, was once a tranquil haven compared with its neighbor Colombia, which for decades was ravaged by violence by armed guerrilla and paramilitary groups and drug cartels. As that changed in the past few years after Colombia forged a peace deal, the narco-trafficking industry grew increasingly powerful in Ecuador.Ms. González led the election, garnering 33 percent of the vote in early counting.Karen Toro/ReutersAmid news reports regularly featuring beheadings, car bombs, police assassinations, young men hanging from bridges and children gunned down outside their homes and schools, Ecuadoreans are hoping for new leadership that can restore the peaceful existence they once took for granted.The González-Noboa matchup means that “there’s still a strong, loyal base for Correísmo that’s enough to get González into the runoff,” said Risa Grais-Targow, the Latin America director for Eurasia Group, referring to the leftist movement of former President Rafael Correa, who governed from 2007 to 2017.But, she said, “there’s a large share of the population that really wants something completely different — they want a new face.”The surprise of the night was the second-place victory for Mr. Noboa, who was recently polling toward the bottom of the pool of eight candidates.“The youth opted for the Daniel Noboa option,” said Mr. Noboa in a news conference Sunday night. “It would not be the first time that a new proposal would turn around the electoral establishment,” he added, referring to himself.The 35-year-old comes from one of the richest families in Latin America, known to most Ecuadoreans for its banana empire. His father ran for president five times, unsuccessfully, but the younger Noboa’s political career goes back only to 2021, when he was elected to Ecuador’s Congress.“He has a voting base that is familiar with the Noboa brand, with the Noboa name, and that now has been very successfully energized, refreshed with a new face,” said Caroline Ávila, an Ecuadorean political analyst. “He captures the attention of young people, the main mass of undecided voters. They are the ones who are putting him in the second round.”Mr. Noboa’s campaign seemed to take off only a week ago, when he impressed many Ecuadoreans with his debate performance.“He stands out in the debate,” Ms. Ávila said. “He speaks well, he speaks fluently, without complicating himself too much, without fighting. And it has generated a lot of interest in these post-debate weeks.”As a legislator and member of the National Democratic Action Movement, Mr. Noboa supported bills to attract international investment and cut taxes, said Grace Jaramillo, an Ecuadorean professor of political science at the University of British Columbia.His policy proposals include pledges to create jobs, lower taxes, lower electricity bills and enter into more international free trade agreements.Daniel Noboa, a political outsider, was the unexpected second-place winner on Sunday.Dolores Ochoa/Associated Press“It’s a big surprise, especially in the fact that the debate did have an effect,” said Arturo Moscoso, Quito-based political scientist. But he added, “For many Ecuadoreans he is an unknown.”Mr. Noboa positioned himself as “the employment president,” even including an employment request form on his website, among other broad commitments to security and the economy. As a businessman and U.S. citizen who grew up in the United States, he is likely to favor American market-friendly interests, said Ms. Grais-Targow.While analysts predicted security to be the main issue in the election following the assassination, Mr. Noboa’s success shows that in a country where just 34 percent of Ecuadoreans have adequate employment, according to government data, the economy is still top of mind.One voter, Carlos Andrés Eras, 31, said he supported Mr. Noboa because he saw him as a well-prepared politician with clear proposals.“It is not improvised; he has been putting together his political project little by little,” said Mr. Eras, who owns a jewelry store in Guayaquil. “He concentrated on giving his points and answered what was raised in the question without attacking anyone.”Mr. Noboa came in just behind the leftist establishment candidate, Ms. González.Backed by the powerful party of Mr. Correa, the former president, Ms. González, 45, has appealed to voter nostalgia for the economic and security situation under the Correa administration, when homicide rates were low and a commodities boom helped lift millions out of poverty.“It is the first time in the history of Ecuador that a woman has obtained such a high percentage in the first round,” said Ms. González in her postelection speech. “We are going to have that homeland again with hope, with dignity, with security.”A soldier guarding a polling station in Quito, Ecuador, on Sunday.Carlos Noriega/Associated PressGermán Montoya, a voter and the owner of a plastic company in Guayaquil, Ecuador’s largest city, said extortion payments demanded by gangs were hurting his business and had pushed him to vote for Ms. González.“‘Mr. Montoya, I can’t go there, here, because they charge me a toll,’” he said his employees tell him. The trucks are charged $50 to make deliveries in different parts of Guayaquil, Mr. Montoya, 37, said.Jordy Gonzales, a 23-year-old construction worker, felt similarly. Mr. Correa’s party, he said, “did things right, and we are going to see if this time, if God allows it, it will be like before.”If Ms. González wins the election in October, it will show the staying power of Mr. Correa as a dominant political force in Ecuador despite being out of power for six years.He has lived in Belgium since he left office, fleeing an eight-year prison sentence for campaign-finance violations. But experts predict that in the event of a González victory, he would be likely to return to the country and try to seek office again before the next president’s tenure expires in May 2025.Beyond Sunday’s presidential election, Ecuadoreans also voted to end drilling in the Amazon, dealing a major blow to the government, which had been lobbying to continue oil operations.The section of jungle on the ballot, part of Yasuní National Park, is one of the most ecologically rich places on Earth and home to Indigenous people who want no contact with outsiders.The state oil company, Petroecuador, will have roughly a year and a half to wind up its operations in the area, though experts say shutting down the oil field could take six to 10 years.According to Andrés Martínez Moscoso, a law professor at the San Francisco de Quito University, neither the president, Congress nor a new referendum can undo Sunday’s results.The decision is “a very clear signal, especially to the international community, of the population’s desire to turn this extractive economy around,” said Ms. Ávila. It would also force future governments to think of “other ways of generating income that are not exclusively from oil.”Genevieve Glatsky More

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      Elecciones en Ecuador: Luisa González y Daniel Noboa a segunda vuelta

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      La candidata de la izquierda tradicional y un empresario relativamente nuevo en la política fueron los más votados en los comicios del domingo.Una candidata de la izquierda tradicional y un empresario neófito en la política parecen ser los dos candidatos más votados en la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de Ecuador del domingo. Este ciclo electoral se ha centrado en la frustración de los votantes con la creciente violencia de las bandas y los carteles de la droga en el país.Luisa González, quien fue respaldada por un expresidente socialista, y el candidato outsider Daniel Noboa recibieron el mayor porcentaje de votos con el 84 por ciento de las actas escrutadas. Se enfrentarán en una segunda vuelta electoral el 15 de octubre.Todo parece indicar que la economía y la seguridad serán los temas principales de cara a la segunda vuelta, en un momento en el que bandas callejeras y de prisiones locales, junto con las mafias de la droga extranjeras, han desatado una ola de violencia inédita en la historia reciente del país, lo que ha incrementado las tasas de homicidio a niveles récord,afectando a la industria del turismo, un sector vital.Las preocupaciones por el aumento de la inseguridad se intensificaron a principios de este mes, cuando el candidato presidencial Fernando Villavicencio fue asesinado en plena campaña electoral.González lideró la votación, obteniendo el 33 por ciento de los votos, con el 84 por ciento de las actas escrutadas, seguida de Noboa, el inesperado segundo lugar, quien obtuvo el 24 por ciento. Hace solo unas semanas, Noboa aparecía con porcentajes de una sola cifra de respaldo en los sondeos.Los resultados oficiales completos se esperaban más tarde el domingo por la noche.Ecuador también votó el domingo para detener la extracción de petróleo en uno de los rincones con mayor biodiversidad de la Amazonía, una victoria de una década de esfuerzos de un grupo de activistas ambientales para hacer que una consulta popular fuera presentada a los votantes.La primera vuelta electoral del domingo respondió a la convocatoria a elecciones anticipadas que hizo en mayo el presidente Guillermo Lasso en medio de un proceso de destitución en su contra por acusaciones de malversación de fondos y a la creciente insatisfacción de los votantes por la crisis de seguridad nacional.Ecuador —un país de 18 millones de habitantes— solía ser un remanso de tranquilidad en comparación con la vecina Colombia, que durante décadas fue devastada por la violencia de grupos guerrilleros y paramilitares armados y carteles de la droga. A medida que eso cambió en los últimos años después de que Colombia forjara un acuerdo de paz, la industria del narcotráfico se volvió cada vez más poderosa en Ecuador.González lideró en los comicios con 33 por ciento de los votos en los primeros conteos.Karen Toro/ReutersEntre noticias que regularmente presentan decapitaciones, coches bomba, asesinatos de policías, jóvenes colgados de puentes y niños asesinados a tiros fuera de sus hogares y escuelas, los ecuatorianos esperan un nuevo liderazgo que pueda restaurar la convivencia pacífica que alguna vez dieron por sentado.Estos resultados que favorecieron a González y Noboa demuestran que “todavía existe una base fuerte y leal al correísmo suficiente como para hacer avanzar a González a la segunda vuelta”, dijo Risa Grais-Targow, directora para América Latina de Eurasia Group, un instituto de investigación, refiriéndose al movimiento de izquierda del expresidente Rafael Correa, quien gobernó de 2007 a 2017.Sin embargo, dijo que “existe una gran parte de la población que en realidad quiere algo completamente diferente. Quieren un nuevo rostro”.El segundo lugar, obtenido por Noboa, fue la sorpresa de la noche, ya que hasta hace solo unas semana las encuestas lo ubicaban en el fondo del grupo de ocho candidatos.“La juventud optó por la opción de Daniel Noboa”, dijo Noboa en una conferencia de prensa el domingo por la noche. “No sería la primera vez que una nueva propuesta le dé la vuelta al establishment electoral”, agregó, refiriéndose a sí mismo.El empresario de 35 años proviene de una de las familias más ricas de América Latina, conocida por la mayoría de los ecuatorianos por su imperio bananero. Su padre se postuló sin éxito cinco veces a la presidencia, pero la carrera política del joven Noboa apenas se remonta a 2021, cuando fue elegido para la Asamblea Nacional de Ecuador.“Tiene una votación que está familiarizada con la marca Noboa, con el apellido Noboa y que ahora ha sido muy exitosamente energizado, refrescado además con un rostro nuevo”, dijo Caroline Ávila, analista política ecuatoriana. “Captura la atención de los jóvenes, principal masa de votantes indecisos. Son ellos quienes le están colocando en la segunda vuelta”.Al parecer, la campaña de Noboa logró despegar apenas el domingo pasado, cuando impresionó a muchos ecuatorianos con su participación en el debate.“Descolla en el debate. Habla bien, habla de corrido, sin complicarse mucho, sin pelear”, dijo Ávila, la analista política. “Y ha generado mucho interés en estas semanas posdebate”.Como asambleísta y miembro del movimiento político Acción Democrática Nacional, Noboa respaldó leyes para atraer inversión internacional y reducir impuestos, afirmó Grace Jaramillo, profesora ecuatoriana de politología en la Universidad de Columbia Británica.​​Sus propuestas incluyen compromisos para crear empleos, reducir los impuestos, disminuir las tarifas eléctricas e impulsar más tratados internacionales de libre comercio.Daniel Noboa, un outsider político, obtuvo el inesperado segundo lugar el domingo.Dolores Ochoa/Associated Press“Es una gran sorpresa, sobre todo en el hecho de que el debate sí tuvo efectos”, dijo Arturo Moscoso, un politólogo radicado en Quito. Pero, agregó: “Para muchos ecuatorianos es una incógnita”.Noboa se presentó como el “presidente de empleo”, e incluso incluyó un formulario de solicitud de empleo en su página web, entre otras promesas más generales sobre la seguridad y la economía. Debido a que es empresario y un ciudadano estadounidense que creció en Estados Unidos, es muy probable que sea receptivo con los intereses favorables al mercado estadounidense, afirmó Grais-Targow.Aunque los analistas predecían que la seguridad sería el tema más importante en la elección tras el asesinato, el éxito de Noboa muestra que en un país donde solo el 34 por ciento de los ecuatorianos tiene un empleo adecuado, según información del gobierno, la economía sigue siendo un tema crucial.Carlos Andrés Eras, de 31 años, dijo que había votado por Noboa porque lo veía como un político bien preparado con propuestas claras.“No es un improvisado, el proyecto como político lo ha ido armando poco a poco”, dijo Eras, quien es dueño de una joyería en Guayaquil. “Se concentró en dar sus puntos y respondía lo que se planteaba en la pregunta sin atacar a nadie”.Noboa quedó en segundo lugar, muy cerca de la candidata de la izquierda tradicional, González.Respaldada por el poderoso partido de Correa, el expresidente, González, de 45 años, ha apelado a la nostalgia de los votantes por la situación económica y de seguridad bajo el gobierno de Correa, cuando las tasas de homicidios eran bajas y el auge de las materias primas ayudó a sacar a millones de personas de la pobreza.“Es la primera vez en la historia del Ecuador que una mujer saca tan alto porcentaje en primera vuelta”, dijo González en su discurso poselectoral. “Vamos a volver a tener esa patria con esperanza, con dignidad, con seguridad”.Un soldado custodiando un lugar de votación en Quito, Ecuador, el domingo.Carlos Noriega/Associated PressGermán Montoya, votante y propietario de una empresa de plásticos en Guayaquil, la ciudad más grande de Ecuador, dijo que los pagos de extorsión que exigen las bandas estaban perjudicando su negocio y lo habían empujado a votar por González.“‘Señor Montoya, no puedo ir para acá, para allá, porque me cobran un peaje’”, contó que le dicen sus empleados. A los camiones les cobran 50 dólares para hacer entregas en distintos lugares de Guayaquil, dijo Montoya, de 37 años.Jordy Gonzales, un albañil de 23 años, sentía algo similar. El partido de Correa, dijo, “hizo las cosas bien, y vamos a ver si esta vez, si Dios lo permite, vuelva a ser como antes”.Si González gana las elecciones en octubre, demostrará el poder de permanencia de Correa como una fuerza política dominante en Ecuador a pesar de haber estado fuera durante seis años.Correa ha vivido en Bélgica desde que dejó el cargo, huyendo de una sentencia de prisión de ocho años por violaciones al financiamiento de campañas. Sin embargo, los expertos predicen que, en caso de una victoria de González, probablemente regresaría al país y trataría de buscar la presidencia nuevamente cuando expire el próximo mandato presidencial en mayo de 2025.Ecuador también votó a favor de detener la extracción petrolera en uno de los rincones más biodiversos de la Amazonía, lo que significa un golpe para el gobierno, que había estado impulsando las operaciones petroleras. La zona de la selva incluida en la votación, la cual forma parte del Parque Nacional Yasuní, es uno de los lugares con más riqueza ecológica en el planeta y alberga comunidades indígenas que no desean contacto con extraños.La compañía estatal petrolera, Petroecuador, tendrá aproximadamente un año y medio para clausurar sus operaciones en la zona, aunque los expertos consideran que cerrar el campo petrolífero podría demorar de seis a 10 años. Según Andrés Martínez Moscoso, profesor de derecho en la Universidad San Francisco de Quito, ni el presidente, ni la Asamblea Nacional ni una nueva consulta popular pueden revertir los resultados del domingo.Según Caroline Ávila, analista política ecuatoriana, la decisión significaría “una señal muy clara, sobre todo a la comunidad internacional del deseo de la población de darle un giro a esta economía extractivista”. También obligará a futuros gobiernos “a pensar otros espacios, otras formas de generar ingresos que no sean exclusivamente del petróleo”.Genevieve Glatsky More

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      Georgia Case Against Young Thug Hints at How Trump Case Could Unfold

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      The racketeering case against Young Thug has been marked by a plodding pace, an avalanche of pretrial defense motions and pressure on lower-level defendants to plead guilty.On its face, the criminal case accusing former President Donald J. Trump and 18 of his allies of conspiring to overturn his 2020 election loss in Georgia has little in common with the other high-profile racketeering case now underway in the same Atlanta courthouse: that of the superstar rapper Young Thug and his associates.But the 15-month-old gang case against Young Thug — which, like the Trump case, is being prosecuted by Fani T. Willis, the Fulton County district attorney — offers glimpses of how State of Georgia v. Donald John Trump et al. may unfold: with a plodding pace, an avalanche of pretrial defense motions, extraordinary security measures, pressure on lower-level defendants to plead guilty, and a fracturing into separate trials, to name a few.Young Thug, whose real name is Jeffery Williams, was indicted in May 2022 along with 27 others under Georgia’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations statute, known as RICO. Like Mr. Trump’s RICO indictment, the charging papers described a corrupt “enterprise” whose members shared common illegal goals.Prosecutors claim that Mr. Williams is a founder of Young Slime Life, or YSL, a criminal street gang whose members were responsible for murders and other violence, drug dealing and property crimes, with the purpose of illegally obtaining “money and property.” (The defendants say YSL is simply a record label.)But the case against Mr. Williams has been whittled to eight defendants, from an initial 28. Some defendants have had their cases severed because they struggled to find lawyers or were fugitives from justice, among other reasons. As is common in big racketeering cases, others have accepted plea deals, making admissions along the way that could help prosecutors in their effort to convict the remaining defendants.After raucous courtroom outbursts from fans and a number of bizarre incidents — including alleged efforts to smuggle drugs into court — security has been ratcheted up, with members of the public and the news media barred from the courtroom.And remarkably, the case has been stuck in the jury selection phase since January, with many potential jurors claiming they would suffer hardships if forced to participate in a trial that was originally estimated to last six to 12 months. On Thursday morning, a young woman — one of more than 2,000 potential jurors to come through the courthouse doors — was grilled about her life, her future plans to pursue medical training and whether serving would present a hardship.Young Thug, whose real name is Jeffery Williams, was indicted in May 2022 along with 27 others under the state’s RICO law.Steve Schaefer/Atlanta Journal-Constitution via A.P.She said it would not. When asked if she knew of Young Thug, she said she did, and that she liked his music — which, she added, would make hearing the case “surreal,” although she also said she could be fair-minded.The YSL indictment is significantly more complex than the Trump case, describing nearly 200 criminal acts as part of a bloody gang war that played out for at least eight years in a city considered to be a hotbed of music industry innovation. The authorities have said that a crosstown rivalry between YSL and a gang called YFN was exacerbated in 2015 with the murder of Donovan Thomas, a behind-the-scenes connector instrumental in several rap careers.In the aftermath of the killing, the authorities say, many in the city picked sides as retaliatory shootings spilled across Atlanta.It is a world far removed from White House meetings and voting software. But experts say the Trump case, with its own famous lead defendant and sprawling nature, could encounter some similar complications.In Mr. Trump’s indictment, prosecutors also outlined a “criminal organization,” made up of power players like Mark Meadows, the former White House chief of staff, and Rudolph W. Giuliani, Mr. Trump’s former personal lawyer, and obscure Trump supporters like Scott Hall, an Atlanta bail bondsman who was charged with helping to carry out a data breach at a rural Georgia elections office.The Trump team’s shared goal, according to the indictment, was “to unlawfully change the outcome” of Georgia’s 2020 presidential election in Mr. Trump’s favor.Ms. Willis, a veteran prosecutor, has said she appreciates the way that RICO indictments allow for the telling of big, broad, easily digestible stories. Both the YSL and Trump indictments paint pictures of multifaceted “organizations,” showing how the defendants are connected and what they are accused of, which are described across dozens of pages as “acts in furtherance of the conspiracy.”These acts include both discernible criminal activity — like murder and aggravated assault in the YSL case and “false statements and writings” and “conspiracy to defraud the state” in the Trump case. But they also include noncriminal “overt acts” meant to further the goal of the conspiracy.Ms. Willis’s office has proposed that the Trump trial begin in March.Amir Hamja/The New York TimesIn the YSL indictment, the “overt acts” include Mr. Williams’s performing rap songs with violent lyrics — a legal strategy that has set off a heated debate about free speech and whether hip-hop, a quintessentially Black art form, is the target of racist scapegoating. Last year, Mr. Williams’s defense team filed a motion seeking to exclude the lyrics from the case, but the judge has yet to rule on it.Chris Timmons, a trial lawyer and former Georgia prosecutor, said he expected a similar free speech fight to erupt, at least in court, over Mr. Trump’s Twitter posts. Mentions of tweets he posted in the months after the 2020 election pepper the 98-page indictment as it describes efforts in Washington to set up bogus pro-Trump electors in Georgia and other states, to cajole legislators in those states to accept them, and to pressure Mike Pence, then the vice president, to throw a wrench in the final Electoral College vote.Some of the tweets in the indictment might seem rather bland in a different context. “Georgia hearings now on @OANN. Amazing!” Mr. Trump tweeted on Dec. 3, 2020 — a month after Election Day — referring to a far-right TV network’s airing of a state legislative hearing in which his supporters made a number of untrue allegations about election fraud.In other instances, Mr. Trump tweeted outright lies about election fraud. “People in Georgia got caught cold bringing in massive numbers of ballots and putting them in ‘voting’ machines,” he posted in December 2020.Mr. Timmons said he expected Mr. Trump’s lawyers to try to throw out his Twitter posts, as well as a recording of a call that the former president made to Brad Raffensperger, Georgia’s secretary of state, on free speech grounds.“They’re going to try to suppress the recording of the phone call, and probably try to suppress any tweets that were sent, and any text messages, anything along those lines, as violative of the First Amendment of the United States Constitution,” he said.In another parallel with the YSL case, the Trump case is almost certain to see multiple pretrial motions from a bumper crop of defense lawyers. One defendant, Mr. Meadows, has already filed a motion to move the case to federal court.Both Mr. Trump and Jeffrey Clark, a former Justice Department official who is among the defendants, may also file for removal, which would broaden the jury pool beyond liberal Fulton County into more Trump-friendly areas.Harvey Silverglate, a lawyer representing John Eastman, a defendant in the Trump case charged with helping to plan the bogus elector scheme, said this week that he expected a number of defendants to try to sever their cases.“Bringing in that many defendants and that many counts is an unmanageable criminal case,” he said, referring to the fact that each defendant is charged with racketeering and at least one of 40 other criminal charges.Mr. Silverglate, who said his client was innocent, added, “This is a case that wouldn’t reach trial in two years.”Ms. Willis’s office has proposed that the Trump trial begin in March, but the chances of that happening seem vanishingly slim. Mr. Meadows’s removal effort alone is likely to trigger a federal appeal, a process that could take months to resolve.While dragging out a case can hurt the prosecution, as witnesses forget or even die, the mere prospect of a multiyear legal ordeal can help convince some defendants to take a plea, as probably happened in the YSL case.Mr. Timmons, who tried numerous RICO cases, said that prosecutors often hoped to secure pleas from the lower-level players and work up toward the defendant at the top of the list, who is often the most prominent or powerful among them.“Your goal is to roll that up like a carpet, working at the bottom and working your way to the top,” he said.The Trump case may prove different from the YSL case in that rappers’ careers might survive a guilty plea (unless they are deemed snitches), while lawyers convicted of felonies lose their licenses — and there are numerous lawyers on the Trump indictment. Those lawyers may choose to hang on and fight an epic legal battle with Ms. Willis, a formidable prosecutor who has been trying RICO cases for years.Mr. Trump is running for re-election while facing indictments in Florida, New York and Washington, D.C., as well as in Georgia. If he is concerned about how his legal troubles could affect his popularity, he might find hope in the fact that Mr. Williams released his latest album while in custody, and saw it debut at the top of a Billboard chart this summer. More

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      ‘The Holly’ Review: The Tragic Case of a Denver Activist

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      Julian Rubinstein’s investigative documentary traces the engrossing case of a Denver community organizer, Terrance Roberts, who faced charges of attempted murderAt the point where Julian Rubinstein’s investigative documentary “The Holly” begins, an entire biopic’s worth of drama has already happened. After years in gangs and prison, Terrance Roberts became an activist and founded a successful youth program to rejuvenate a troubled Denver neighborhood known as the Holly. Then, in 2013, while organizing a peace rally in the area, he shot a gang member he knew, and was arrested and charged with attempted murder.The film portrays Roberts’s turmoil as the 2015 trial approached, and sorts through a paranoia-inducing churn of local police crackdowns, gang activity and general controversy. Roberts prepares a self-defense plea, but vents about further blowback after he speaks out against the back channels between law enforcement and gangs.Dangling speculations in voice-over, Rubinstein at times suggests a lower-key, adenoidal Nick Broomfield as he taps his surprisingly outspoken sources: amiable former gang members, the flamboyant Rev. Lee Kelly (who takes over as a neighborhood liaison after Roberts) and Roberts’s supportive father, also a reverend.Roberts emerges as a Shakespearean figure of forceful magnetism who fights mightily against being viewed as a walking metaphor for the Holly’s struggles. His fearlessness is both heroic and tragic, though Rubinstein’s sometimes foggy explanations of community politics make the film feel as if it might vanish into the night at any moment. (The director, a journalist, partly shot the movie while writing a more detailed book with the same title.)It’s all a heady brew that leaves one wanting to know even more about Roberts, who is now running for mayor in Denver. The movie resists encapsulating him, or perhaps he escapes its director’s full understanding.The HollyNot rated. Running time: 1 hour 43 minutes. In theaters and available to rent or buy on most major streaming platforms. More

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      A Local Prosecutor Takes on Trump and Crime in Atlanta

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      ATLANTA — Fani T. Willis strode up to a podium in a red dress late last month in downtown Atlanta, flanked by an array of dark suits and stone-faced officers in uniform. Her voice rang out loud and clear, with a hint of swagger. “If you thought Fulton was a good county to bring your crime to, to bring your violence to, you are wrong,” she said, facing a bank of news cameras. “And you are going to suffer consequences.”Ms. Willis, the district attorney for Fulton County, Ga., had called the news conference to talk about a street gang known as Drug Rich, whose members had just been indicted in a sprawling racketeering case. But she could have been talking about another crew that she is viewing as a possible criminal enterprise: former President Donald J. Trump and his allies who tried to overturn his narrow 2020 election loss in Georgia.In recent weeks, Ms. Willis has called dozens of witnesses to testify before a special grand jury investigating efforts to undo Mr. Trump’s defeat, including a number of prominent pro-Trump figures who traveled, against their will, from other states. It was long arm of the law stuff, and it emphasized how her investigation, though playing out more than 600 miles from Washington, D.C., is no sideshow.Rather, the Georgia inquiry has emerged as one of the most consequential legal threats to the former president, and it is already being shaped by Ms. Willis’s distinct and forceful personality and her conception of how a local prosecutor should do her job. Her comfort in the public eye stands in marked contrast to the low-key approach of another Trump legal pursuer, Attorney General Merrick B. Garland.Ms. Willis, 50, a Democrat, is the first Black woman to lead Georgia’s largest district attorney’s office. In her 19 years as a prosecutor, she has led more than 100 jury trials and handled hundreds of murder cases. Since she became chief prosecutor, her office’s conviction rate has stood at close to 90 percent, according to a spokesperson.Her experience is the source of her confidence, which appears unshaken by the scrutiny — and criticism — the Trump case has brought.Poll workers sort ballots in Decatur, Ga., in 2021.Nicole Craine for The New York TimesShe tends to speak as if the world were her jury box. Sometimes she is colloquial and warm. In a recent interview, she noted, as an aside, how much she loved Valentine’s Day: “Put that in there, in case I get a new boo,” she said. But she can also throw sharp elbows. In a heated email exchange in July over the terms of a grand jury appearance by Gov. Brian Kemp, a Republican, Ms. Willis called the governor’s lawyer, Brian McEvoy, “wrong and confused,” and “rude,” among other things.“You have taken my kindness as weakness,” she wrote, adding: “Despite your disdain this investigation continues and will not be derailed by anyone’s antics.”Understand Georgia’s Trump Election InvestigationCard 1 of 5An immediate legal threat to Trump. More

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      Haiti Opposition Group Calls on U.S. to End Support for Current Government

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      With tensions rising, many see Monday as a deadline for the government to step down.A powerful Haitian opposition group is demanding the United States withdraw its support for the government of Prime Minister Ariel Henry in Haiti, saying the administration’s legitimacy is tarnished by delayed elections and Mr. Henry’s potential connection to the assassination of the country’s president.The opposition group, called the Montana Accord, has called for the United States to act by Monday — the date on which President Jovenel Moïse had vowed to step down, before he was gunned down in his home last year. The government will be rendered unconstitutional by Monday, according to the Montana Accord and independent experts.The showdown has left the Biden administration in an increasingly uncomfortable position. Afraid that Haiti may slip further into chaos, the United States for now is supporting the status quo: a ruling party that has governed for about a decade and seen the power of gangs explode across the country and corruption run rampant.“When we look at the history of Haiti, it is replete with the international community reaching into Haitian politics and picking winners and losers,” Brian Nichols, the assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs, said in January. “Our goal in terms of the U.S. government is to avoid that.”As doubts mount that the Henry administration can hold elections this year, anti-government demonstrations have erupted throughout Port-au-Prince, the capital, and local gangs have used the moment of rising uncertainty to expand their territory.Adding to the instability, gangs stormed the airport road on Friday, shutting down businesses and putting Haiti’s police force on high alert in anticipation of more violence on Monday.The Montana Accord has called for the formation of a transitional government, with its leader, Fritz Alphonse Jean, at the helm to restore security before ultimately holding elections. By continuing to support the current government, the group says, the United States is essentially choosing a side.“Insecurity is rampant, fear of kidnapping and rape are the everyday situation of the average Haitian,” Mr. Jean said in an interview on Friday. “This is a state of disarray and the Henry government is just sitting there unable to address those challenges.”A roadblock a day before the funeral of Jovenel Moise in Cap-Haitien last July.Federico Rios for The New York TimesAnalysts acknowledge that a transitional government led by the Montana Accord would also be unconstitutional. But they say it would have more legitimacy than the Henry government because the group — made up of civil society organizations and powerful political figures — represents a wider array of the population than the current government, which was voted in with an abysmally low turnout.“What’s the most constitutional government you can have at the moment? The short answer is zero,” said Alexandra Filippova, a senior staff attorney at the Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti, a think tank focused on improving the justice system.“So the next best question is, what moves you closer to a legitimate constitutional government? We see that the Montana group is a flawed process but is the best way forward to creating a path for a legitimate government.”Senior American officials have urged the Montana Accord to work with Mr. Henry’s government to chart a path forward, and acknowledge that the group is an important partner in achieving a broadly representative political system to help steer the country toward elections.Mr. Henry has said the next government must be formed through elections, not a transitional government.The Montana Accord contends, however, that Mr. Henry has not created a feasible blueprint to improve security and to hold free and fair elections safely amid widespread gang violence, surging corruption and a disillusioned Haitian population.Adding to the distrust, Mr. Henry may also be implicated in Mr. Moïse’s killing, opposition members say.In September, Haiti’s top prosecutor claimed the prime minister was in touch with the chief suspect in Mr. Moïse’s death in the days before and hours after the assassination. The prosecutor asked the justice minister to charge Mr. Henry formally in the assassination. Mr. Henry swiftly fired both officials.Phone records obtained by The New York Times and an exclusive interview with another suspect in the assassination also bolster those accusations. Mr. Henry has denied the allegations.“The whole system is not trustworthy,” Monique Clesca, a member of the Montana Accord, said. “There is no way you can go to elections with Ariel Henry; nobody trusts him after this assassination.”Electing a new transitional president for the Montana Accord in Port-au-Prince last month.Ralph Tedy Erol/ReutersSo far, American officials have dismissed the accusations against the prime minister while urging the government and the Montana Accord to achieve a consensus. Mr. Henry, a senior American official said in an interview this month, is viewed as a caretaker and does not have the United States’ unconditional support.Average Haitians are skeptical that either the government or the opposition can improve their lives.“There’s nothing to expect from the decision makers, they always look out for themselves,” said Vanessa Jacques, 29, an unemployed mother.Ms. Jacques described a feeling of insecurity so deep that it has paralyzed her life, preventing her from attending university or running errands.“Living in Haiti, you have to look out for yourself, or no one else will,” she said.Recent presidential elections in Haiti have been plagued with problems and unrepresentative of the population. Mr. Moïse was elected in 2016 with only 600,000 votes, of a population of nearly six million eligible voters. His predecessor, Michel Martelly, was elected in a controversial election in which the United States was accused of intervening on his behalf.Still, many Haitian leaders see elections as the only path forward.“Elections are a must,” said Edmond Bocchit, Haiti’s ambassador to the United States. “Now it’s a matter of when and how are we going to get together to get it done.”While some business leaders in Haiti say Mr. Henry has questions to answer regarding Mr. Moïse’s assassination, they add that he has been able to keep the situation from unraveling and also achieved an important goal: raising fuel prices. Fuel subsidies have nearly bankrupted the state, and the previous government was unable to remove them without setting off riots.A road intersection near a street market in Pétionville last September amid insecurity and gas shortages.Adriana Zehbrauskas for The New York Times“The country has to keep moving,” said Wilhelm Lemke, the president of the​​ Haitian Manufacturers Association. “And they’ve kept it from unraveling,” he said, but Mr. Henry needs to reach out to the opposition to form a more representative government. He stressed that Mr. Henry had to sit down with the opposition to reach a broader political accord.But “the prime minister should address the inferences that he may be part of the assassination and all that. By not addressing it, you’re bringing water to your detractors,” he said. “And you’re diluting your moral authority.”Chris Cameron More