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    When Will We Know Results in the Presidential Election in Honduras?

    Polls began wrapping up around 5 p.m. with few reports of problems so far.Voting began at 7 a.m. and officially ended at 5 p.m., although the electoral council has urged polls to remain open if there are still people waiting to cast their ballot.Each voting center will make a final decision on when to close. The electoral council is set to announce the first results three hours after the polls close. The final results may take days to tabulate.That timeline is subject to change, however, if there are problems, like unrest.With memories of violence and political protests during the 2017 elections still fresh in the minds of many Hondurans, there is widespread fear of unrest and further political instability after the election, especially if the initial results are close. Many businesses are have shutting down as a precaution.Polls have shown the race growing increasingly tight, with both sides certain of victory. That makes it unlikely that either will concede early, further stoking fears of violence. The 2017 vote was also marred by inconsistencies, and the results remain widely questioned.The country has since enacted several electoral reforms, but critics say the changes have been insufficient. More

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    Elecciones presidenciales en Honduras: ¿qué está en juego?

    Los hondureños van a las urnas el domingo; la violencia política generalizada durante la campaña y los resultados cuestionados de 2017 ensombrecen el panorama.En las que podrían ser las elecciones más significativas del país en más de una década, los hondureños acudirán el domingo a votar para elegir un nuevo presidente. La contienda política ha sido manchada por la violencia y será seguida con mucha atención en Washington.Elecciones en Honduras: actualizaciones en vivo aquíLos candidatos ven la carrera como una forma de transformar el destino del país, en el que temas como los crímenes violentos y la pobreza obligan a una cantidad cada vez mayor de huir al norte.Pero los analistas políticos dicen que, dado que la corrupción parece incrustada en los más altos niveles del poder, las posibilidades de un cambio realmente transformador son muy pocas.Sin embargo, a pesar de sus muchas dificultades, una elección libre y justa en Honduras sería clave para Centroamérica y le ofrecería un remanso a una región que ha virado hacia el autoritarismo. Y el resultado podría tener consecuencias para la gestión de Joe Biden.Los sondeos muestran que la carrera será cerrada. Pero si la oposición triunfa, Honduras elegirá a su primera presidenta mujer.Aquí están las claves de la elección presidencial de Honduras.¿Qué está en juego para Honduras y para Estados Unidos?Personas cruzan la frontera entre México y Estados Unidos cerca de Del Río, Texas. El presidente Biden ha visto frustrados hasta ahora sus esfuerzos por controlar la migración desde Centroamérica y combatir la corrupción en la región.Verónica G. Cárdenas para The New York TimesDado que la pobreza y la violencia siguen azotando la vida cotidiana de la mayoría de hondureños, miles de los cuales se han ido a Estados Unidos, muchos en el país esperan desesperadamente un cambio.Después de casi ocho años de mandato del presidente Juan Orlando Hernández, cuya gestión ha sido afectada por denuncias de corrupción, los dos principales partidos prometen que cortarán por lo sano.Para la oposición, las elecciones del domingo son una oportunidad de recuperar el poder por primera vez desde 2009, cuando el presidente Manuel Zelaya fue depuesto por un golpe de Estado. La coalición izquierdista ha prometido detener el deterioro de las normas democráticas que ha sucedido en el mandato de Hernández.Para el gobernante Partido Nacional, las elecciones son una oportunidad para recuperar algo de legitimidad luego de años de gobernanza corrupta y de las irregularidades generalizadas de la última votación.Las elecciones podrían tener repercusiones de gran alcance en Washington, donde el presidente Biden hasta ahora ha visto obstaculizadas dos de sus prioridades de política exterior: controlar la migración procedente de Centroamérica y combatir la corrupción en la región.Una elección libre y justa podría crear un pequeño faro de esperanza democrática en la región, que vive bajo la sombra del autoritarismo en países como Nicaragua y El Salvador.¿Quiénes son los candidatos?La contienda del domingo enfrenta a un carismático alcalde de la capital, Tegucigalpa, con la esposa de un expresidente que aspira a convertirse en la primera mujer jefa de Estado del país.Gustavo Amador/EPA vía ShutterstockLa contienda del domingo enfrenta a un carismático alcalde de la capital, Tegucigalpa, con la esposa de un expresidente que compite para ser la primera jefa de Estado del país.Nasry Asfura, de 63 años, más popularmente conocido como Papi, es un ex empresario que ha gobernado Tegucigalpa desde 2014. También ha sido legislador por el Partido Nacional en el Congreso Nacional de Honduras.Bajo el lema “Papi es diferente”, Asfura intenta distanciarse del presidente Hernández, miembro de su partido. Pero Asfura también enfrentaba acusaciones de corrupción y ha sido denunciado por malversación de fondos públicos. Los cargos, que Asfura niega, se han atorado en los juzgados.Asfura ha prometido crear nuevos empleos y mejorar la agobiada economía hondureña y su partido acusa a la oposición de comunismo y de querer transformar radicalmente al país.Su oponente es Xiomara Castro, que está casada con Manuel Zelaya, el expresidente izquierdista que en 2009 fue retirado del cargo por un golpe militar. Castro, de 62 años, lideró un movimiento de protesta después del golpe y se convirtió en la principal candidata de oposición luego de que en octubre varios partidos políticos la respaldaron en una coalición.Castro ha prometido establecer relaciones diplomáticas con China, flexibilizar las restrictivas leyes de aborto de Honduras y mejorar la economía hondureña a través de, entre otras medidas, un mejor manejo de la deuda nacional, que asciende a 13.000 millones de dólares.A pesar de los esfuerzos del partido gobernante de presentarla como una comunista fervorosa, Castro ha conseguido el apoyo del sector empresarial hondureño al integrar a su equipo económico a tecnócratas respetados y al mismo tiempo apelar a los partidarios más de izquierda de Zelaya.¿Por qué ha sido tan mortífera la campaña?Un homenaje en Tegucigalpa, Honduras, para las víctimas de la violencia política, este mes. Los ataques mortales contra candidatos y sus partidarios se han duplicado en 2021 en comparación con hace cuatro años, según las Naciones Unidas.Orlando Sierra/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesLa violencia política ha sido durante mucho tiempo un elemento básico de las elecciones hondureñas, pero este año ha sido particularmente sangriento, con casi 30 candidatos, activistas y sus familiares asesinados en las semanas previas a las votaciones del domingo.Los ataques mortales a candidatos y sus seguidores han aumentado en más del doble en 2021, en comparación con el periodo electoral anterior hace cuatro años, según Naciones Unidas. De acuerdo con la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras, se han registrado más de 60 casos de violencia política este año. En un ejemplo particularmente atroz, varios hombres ingresaron a la casa de la congresista Olivia Marcela Zúniga Cáceres en octubre e intentaron asfixiarla, según reportaron los medios de comunicación locales.Los expertos en violencia electoral dicen que la proliferación de grupos de delincuencia organizada, la falta de acceso a la justicia y los ataques a rivales políticos durante el gobierno de Hernández son en parte culpables de la situación.Y aunque ninguno de los bandos políticos se ha librado de la violencia, los activistas dicen que es más probable que los ataques beneficien al partido en el poder al crear un clima de miedo que podría mantener a los votantes en casa.¿Participarán los hondureños en el extranjero?Impresión de papeletas electorales en Tegucigalpa este mes. Algunos hondureños que viven en Estados Unidos se han quejado de que los nuevos documentos de identidad exigidos por el gobierno hondureño para votar han sido difíciles de conseguir.Fredy Rodriguez/ReutersLos hondureños que viven en el exterior, de los cuales unos 740.000 residen en Estados Unidos, seguirán muy de cerca una elección cuyo resultado muy probablemente afecte a sus amigos y parientes en casa.Los hondureños en Estados Unidos son una fuerza económica importante, al enviar miles de millones de dólares en remesas que representan alrededor del 20 por ciento de la economía de Honduras. Muchos de los que viven en Estados Unidos culpan al gobierno actual de fomentar la violencia, la corrupción y el desempleo que ha obligado a miles a marcharse.Si bien los hondureños que viven en el extranjero son elegibles para votar, algunos en Estados Unidos se han quejado de que las nuevas tarjetas de identidad requeridas para votar por el gobierno hondureño han sido difíciles de conseguir.En Honduras también hay alrededor de 300.000 personas que aún no reclaman su nuevo documento de identidad, según informes de la prensa local.En Estados Unidos, menos de 13.000 hondureños se registraron para recibir el documento, que debía entregarse la semana pasada según un activista que habló con el Times. El embajador hondureño en Estados Unidos reconoció fallos en el proceso, pero negó cualquier sesgo político.¿Qué puede esperarse el domingo?Soldados patrullan Cantarranas, Honduras, el sábado. Con los recuerdos de la violencia durante las elecciones de 2017 aún frescos en la mente de muchos hondureños, existe un temor generalizado de que las elecciones del domingo traigan consigo disturbios.Moises Castillo/Associated PressLa votación empezó a las 7 a. m. y termina a las 5 p. m. El consejo electoral deberá anunciar resultados preliminares tres horas después del cierre de las mesas de votación, incluido un estimado de los resultados finales.En la mente de muchos hondureños están aún frescos los recuerdos de la violencia y las protestas políticas durante las elecciones de 2017 y existe un temor generalizado de disturbios y una mayor inestabilidad política después de las elecciones. Muchas empresas cerrarán este fin de semana.Las encuestas han mostrado que la contienda se fue cerrando y ambos bandos están seguros de que triunfarán. Eso hace poco probable que alguno de los candidatos conceda la victoria a hora temprana lo que azuza aún más los temores de violencia. El voto de 2017 también estuvo afectado por inconsistencias y los resultados siguen siendo muy ampliamente cuestionados.Desde aquella ocasión, el país llevó a cabo varias reformas electorales, pero los críticos dicen que los cambios han sido insuficientes. More

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    Honduras Election: What's at Stake

    Hondurans head to the polls on Sunday, but widespread political violence during the campaign and questionable results from 2017 are looming large.In what may be their country’s most significant elections in more than a decade, Hondurans will head to the polls on Sunday to choose a new president, a political contest that has been marred by violence and is being closely watched in Washington.With issues like violent crime and poverty forcing an ever-increasing number of Hondurans to flee north, candidates are billing the race as a chance to alter the country’s destiny.But with corruption seemingly ingrained in the highest levels of power, political analysts say the chances of truly transformative change are slim.Still, a free and fair election in Honduras, despite its many problems, would be significant for Central America, offering a respite from the region’s antidemocratic turn. And the outcome could be consequential for the Biden administration.Polls are showing a tight race. But if the opposition triumphs, Honduras would elect its first female president.Here’s what else you need to know about Honduras’s presidential elections.What’s at stake for Honduras, and the United States?People crossing between Mexico an the United States near Del Rio, Texas. President Biden has so far been stymied in his efforts to control migration from Central America and combat corruption there.Verónica G. Cárdenas for The New York TimesWith poverty and violence continuing to plague daily life for most Hondurans, thousands of whom have fled to the United States, many in the country are desperate for change.After nearly eight years under President Juan Orlando Hernández, whose administration has been marred by corruption allegations, the country’s two major parties are both pledging a clean break.For the opposition, Sunday’s elections are a chance to regain power for the first time since 2009, when President Manuel Zelaya was ousted in a coup. The left-leaning coalition has vowed to halt the erosion of democratic norms under Mr. Hernández.For the governing National Party, the elections represent a chance to re-establish some legitimacy following years of corrupt governance and widespread irregularities during the last election. The elections could have far-reaching repercussions in Washington, where President Biden has so far been stymied in two of his most important foreign policy priorities: controlling migration from Central America and combating corruption there.With the shadow of authoritarianism hanging over neighboring countries, including Nicaragua and El Salvador, a free and fair election could create a small beacon of democratic hope in the region. Who is running?Sunday’s contest pits a charismatic mayor from the capital, Tegucigalpa, against the wife of a former president who is running to become the country’s first female head of state.Gustavo Amador/EPA, via ShutterstockSunday’s contest pits a charismatic mayor from the capital, Tegucigalpa, against the wife of a former president who is running to become the country’s first female head of state.Nasry Asfura, 63, more popularly known as Papi, which means “Daddy” in Spanish, is a former businessman who has been mayor of Tegucigalpa since 2014. He has also served in Honduras’s National Congress, representing the National Party.Running under the slogan “Daddy Is Different,” Mr. Asfura is trying to set himself apart from President Hernández, a member of his party. But Mr. Asfura has also faced corruption allegations and been accused of embezzling public funds. The charges, which Mr. Asfura denies, have stalled in court.Mr. Asfura has promised to create new jobs and improve the crippled Honduran economy, and his party accuses the opposition of being communists intent on radically transforming the country.His opponent is Xiomara Castro, who is married to Manuel Zelaya, the former leftist president who was deposed in a 2009 military coup. In the wake of the ousting, Ms. Castro led a sustained protest movement. Ms. Castro, 62, became the leading opposition candidate after a number of political parties coalesced behind her in October.Ms. Castro has promised to establish diplomatic relations with China, loosen Honduras’s restrictive abortion laws and improve the Honduran economy through, among other things, better managing the nation’s $13 billion debt.Despite the governing party’s efforts to paint her as an ardent communist, Ms. Castro has won the endorsement of the Honduran business sector by bringing respected technocrats into her economic team, while also appealing to Mr. Zelaya’s more leftist supporters.Why has this campaign been so deadly?A memorial in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, this month to victims of political violence. Deadly attacks on candidates and their supporters have more than doubled in 2021 compared with four years ago, according to the United Nations.Orlando Sierra/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesPolitical violence has long been a staple of Honduran elections, but this year has been particularly bloody, with almost 30 candidates, activists and their relatives killed in the weeks leading up to Sunday’s election.Deadly attacks on candidates and their supporters more than doubled in 2021 compared with the previous campaign period four years ago, according to the United Nations. According to the National Autonomous University of Honduras, there have been more than 60 cases of political violence this year. In one particularly egregious example, several men entered the home of Olivia Marcela Zúniga Cáceres, a congresswoman, in October and tried to asphyxiate her, the local news media reported.Experts on electoral violence say that the proliferation of organized criminal groups, the lack of access to justice and the attacks on political rivals under the government of Mr. Hernández are partly to blame.And while neither side of the political divide has been spared the violence, activists say that the attacks are more likely to benefit the incumbent party by creating a climate of fear that could keep voters at home.Are Hondurans abroad participating?Electoral ballots being printed in Tegucigalpa this month. Some Hondurans living in the United States have complained that new identity cards required by the Honduran government to vote have been difficult to obtain.Fredy Rodriguez/ReutersHondurans abroad, some 740,000 of whom live in the United States, will be watching the election closely, with the outcome likely to affect friends and family at home.Hondurans in the United States are an important economic force back home, with billions of dollars in remittances accounting for some 20 percent of the Honduran economy. Many of those in the United States blame the current government for fomenting the violence, corruption and unemployment that has forced thousands to flee.While Hondurans living overseas are eligible to vote, some in the United States have complained that the new identity cards required to vote by the Honduran government have been difficult to obtain.In Honduras, too, some 300,000 people have yet to claim their new ID cards, according to local news media reports.Fewer than 13,000 Hondurans in the United States registered for the IDs, which were supposed to have been delivered last week, according to a Honduran activist who spoke with The Times. The Honduran ambassador to the United States acknowledged flaws in the process but denied any political bias.What can we expect on Sunday?Soldiers patrolling Cantarranas on Saturday. With memories of violence during the 2017 elections still fresh for many Hondurans, there is widespread fear that Sunday’s election will bring unrest.Moises Castillo/Associated PressVoting begins at 7 a.m. and ends at 5 p.m. The electoral council is set to announce preliminary results three hours after the polls close, including an estimate of the final results. With memories of violence and political protests during the 2017 elections still fresh in the minds of many Hondurans, there is widespread fear of unrest and further political instability after the election, and many businesses are shutting down this weekend.Polls have shown the race growing increasingly tight, with both sides certain of victory. That makes it unlikely that either will concede early, further stoking fears of violence. The 2017 vote was also marred by inconsistencies, and the results remain widely questioned.The country has since enacted several electoral reforms, but critics say the changes have been insufficient. More

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    'Blindsided': Biden faces tough test in reversing Trump's cruel border legacy

    Lauded for his human touch, Joe Biden is facing an early political and moral test over how his government treats thousands of migrant children who make the dangerous journey to America alone.

    Officials say the number of people caught attempting to cross the US-Mexico border is on pace to hit its highest number for 20 years. Single adults and families are being expelled under coronavirus safety rules inherited from Donald Trump.
    But a growing number of children, some as young as six years old, from Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras are arriving at the southern border without parents or guardians. These minors are brought to border patrol facilities – where many languish in cramped, prison-like conditions for days on end.
    The fast-developing humanitarian emergency shows how Biden’s determination to break from Trump’s harsh, nativist crackdown in favour of a more compassionate approach has collided with the reality of finite resources and a broken system.
    “I do think that they were blindsided by this surge,” said María Teresa Kumar, founding president of the grassroots political organisation Voto Latino. “As someone that monitored this a lot, I didn’t see that coming and I don’t think the community saw that coming. It took everybody by surprise.
    “It is heart-wrenching knowing that there are children that are cold and don’t have family. It’s one of these cases where there seems to be no right answers. Knowing the people inside the administration are very much on the side of immigrants speaks to me that there are real moral dilemmas happening right now and I would not want to be in that position.”

    Democrats have called the situation a “challenge” and “problem” and blamed Trump’s legacy. Republicans have rushed to brand it the first “crisis” and “disaster” of Biden’s presidency. The battle is proof that border access remains one of the most complex, emotive and radioactive issues in American politics.
    Trump launched his campaign for the presidency by promising to build a wall, routinely vilified migrants and, ahead of the 2018 midterm elections, spoke often of an “invasion”. Biden stopped construction of the wall and promised to unwind Trump’s zero-tolerance policies.
    The number of “encounters” between migrants and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has increased every month since April 2020. But when 100,441 migrants were reported attempting to cross the border last month, it was the highest level since March 2019 and included a particular rise in unaccompanied children.
    Many such children head to the US to reunite with family members or escape poverty, crime and violence. Central America has been hit by hurricanes and the economic fallout of Covid-19. In an ABC interview this week, Biden denied that more migrants were coming because he is “a nice guy”, insisting: “They come because their circumstance is so bad.”
    Under Trump, unaccompanied children were sent straight back to Mexico. Biden decided they should go to a border patrol facility and, within 72 hours, be transferred to the health department with a view to being placed with a family member or sponsor.
    However, it has quickly become clear the system is not fit for purpose, leaving about 4,500 children stuck in facilities designed for adult men. Lawyers who visited one facility in Texas described seeing children sleeping on the floor or on metal benches and being allowed outside for a few minutes every few days.
    The administration is scrambling to find more capacity, opening emergency shelters and using a convention centre in Dallas to house up to 3,000 teenage boys. It also deployed the Federal Emergency Management Agency (Fema), which typically responds to floods, storms and other disasters, to help shelter and transport children at least until early June.
    Republicans seized on that move as evidence a disaster is unfolding. The House minority leader, Kevin McCarthy, led a delegation of a dozen Republicans to El Paso, Texas, and spoke of “the Biden border crisis”, adding: “It’s more than a crisis. This is human heartbreak.”
    The message has resounded through a conservative media that finds Biden an elusive target. Trump made wildly exaggerated claims in a Fox News interview: “They’re destroying our country. People are coming in by the hundreds of thousands, And, frankly, our country can’t handle it. It is a crisis like we have rarely had and, certainly, we have never had on the border.”
    For Republicans, reeling from election defeat, internal divisions and failure to block Biden’s $1.9tn coronavirus relief bill, the border offers a political lifeline.
    Henry Olsen, a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center thinktank in Washington, said: “If the numbers go down next month this isn’t a crisis, but I think what they are expecting is that they’re not going to go down and that this is going to be something that will be an enduring and endemic problem.
    “It’s something that energises and unites the Trump voting coalition and could easily be seen as a failure on behalf of the administration by just enough of the people who voted for him but aren’t hardcore Democrats. So I think it’s a very smart move by Republicans to play this out and Biden needs to figure out how you can be compassionate while not being naively welcoming. He has not yet figured out how to do that.”

    Others, however, regard the Republican response as predictable ploy by a party obsessed with demonising migrants. Kumar said: “They’re phonies and it is coldly calculated because they know they have problems with suburban white women voters, and they are trying to make a case for it for the midterms.
    “It’s cynical and gross because when children were literally dying at the border, when they had a president that was teargassing refugees, not one of them stood up. It’s callous and cold political expediency and it’s shameful.”
    The White House has pointed out that the Trump administration forcibly separated nearly 3,000 children from parents, with no system in place to reunite them. Alejandro Mayorkas, the first migrant and first Latino in charge of the Department of Homeland Security, told Congress: “A crisis is when a nation is willing to rip a nine-year-old child out of the hands of his or her parent and separate that family to deter future migration. That, to me, is a humanitarian crisis.”
    Mayorkas argues that Trump’s decision to cut staffing, bed capacity and other resources was reckless given the likelihood that the number of migrants would rise again as the pandemic waned.
    “The system was gutted,” he said, “facilities were closed and they cruelly expelled young children into the hands of traffickers. We have had to rebuild the entire system, including the policies and procedures required to administer the asylum laws that Congress passed long ago.” More

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    Man leaves church and reunites with family after years in sanctuary from deportation

    After three and a half years living inside a Missouri church to avoid deportation, a Honduran man has finally stepped outside, following a promise from Joe Biden’s administration to let him be.Alex García, a married father of five, was slated for removal from the US in 2017, the first year of Donald Trump’s administration. Days before he would have been deported, Christ Church United Church of Christ in the St Louis suburb of Maplewood offered sanctuary.Sara John of the St Louis Inter-Faith Committee on Latin America said García’s decision to leave the church came after Immigration and Customs Enforcement declared that he was no longer a deportation priority and that the agency would not pursue his detention or removal.García, braced by a hand on his shoulder from a son and fighting back tears, told a cheering crowd of about 100 people that he was separated from living with his family for 1,252 days.“Hi everyone,” García said. “Thank you everyone for showing support for me and my family. Today is the day I’m going to get out of sanctuary after three years and a half.”“We are not done yet,” García said, reading from a written statement. “There is still so much work that has to be done,” he added, noting that he would be fighting for “permanent protection”.In his first weeks as president, Biden has signed several executive orders on immigration issues that undo his predecessor’s policies, though several Republican members of Congress are pushing legal challenges.Myrna Orozco, organizing coordinator at Church World Service said 33 immigrants remain inside churches across the US and that number should continue to drop.“We expect it to change in the next couple of weeks as we get more clarity from Ice or [immigrants] get a decision on their cases,” Orozco said.Others who have emerged from sanctuary since Biden took office include José Chicas, a 55-year-old El Salvador native, who left a church-owned house in Durham, North Carolina, on 22 January. Saheeda Nadeem, a 65-year-old from Pakistan, left a Kalamazoo, Michigan, church this month. Edith Espinal, a native of Mexico, left an Ohio church after more than three years.In Maplewood, emotion spilled out during a brief ceremony marking García’s departure. The church’s bell tolled. Mayor Barry Greenberg’s voice broke as he told García he couldn’t grant him US citizenship, but he could make him an honorary citizen of Maplewood. He presented a key to the city that García’s young daughter immediately took out of the box to play with.“Oh God, we want to burst into song!” Pastor Becky Turner said during a prayer, but noting that prayer “isn’t enough. We have to do the work that we pray for.”Garcia’s exit came just two days after Representative Cori Bush, a St Louis Democrat, announced she was sponsoring a private bill seeking permanent residency for Garcia. Bush said on Wednesday that she will still push the bill forward.“Ice has promised not to deport Alex, and we will stop at nothing to ensure that they keep their promise,” Bush said in a statement.García fled extreme poverty and violence in Honduras, and after entering the US in 2004, he hopped a train that he thought was headed for Houston – but instead ended up in Poplar Bluff, Missouri, a town of about 17,000 residents in the south-eastern corner of the state.He landed a job and met his wife, Carly, a US citizen, and for more than a decade they lived quietly with their family.In 2015, García accompanied his sister to an immigration office for a check-in in Kansas City, Missouri, where officials realized García was in the country illegally. He received two one-year reprieves during Barack Obama’s administration. More

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    'Deeply alarming corruption': US bill would sanction Honduran president

    A group of influential Democratic senators are introducing legislation which would sanction the president of Honduras – an alleged drug trafficker and key US ally – and cut off financial aid and ammunition sales to the country’s security forces which are implicated in widespread human rights abuses and criminal activities.The Honduras Human Rights and Anti-Corruption Act, co-sponsored by Senators Jeff Merkley, Bernie Sanders, Patrick Leahy, Ed Markey, Elizabeth Warren, Dick Durbin, Sheldon Whitehouse and Chris Van Hollen, would suspend certain US assistance to the Central American country until corruption and human rights violations are no longer systemic, and the perpetrators of these crimes start facing justice.Joe Biden has vowed to tackle the root causes of migration from Central America’s northern triangle – Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador – the most violent region in the world outside an official war zone, which accounts for most migrants and refugees seeking safety and economic opportunities in the US.This bill makes clear that tackling migration from Honduras will be impossible if the US continues to prop up the president, Juan Orlando Hernández, and the security forces.It lays bare the violence and abuses perpetrated since the 2009 military-backed coup, as a result of widespread collusion between government officials, state and private security forces, organized crime and business leaders.It also catalogues the systematic use of force against civilians, a clampdown on the freedom of speech and protest, and targeted attacks such as arbitrary arrests, assassinations, forced disappearances and fabricated criminal charges against human rights and environmental defenders, political opponents and journalists.In the past year alone, at least 34,000 citizens have been detained for violating curfew and lockdown restrictions including nurse Kelya Martinez, who earlier this month was killed in police custody.“The United States cannot remain silent in the face of deeply alarming corruption and human rights abuses being committed at the highest levels of the Honduran government,” said Merkley, who serves on the Senate foreign relations committee. “A failure to hold President Hernández, national officials and the police and military accountable for these crimes will fuel widespread poverty and violence and force more families to flee their communities in search of safety.”This is the first time the Senate has proposed legislation which could genuinely threaten the post-coup regime, which has used drug money, stolen public funds and fraud to maintain its grip on power with few consequences from the international community.Hernández, who has been identified as a co-conspirator in three major drug trafficking and corruption cases brought by New York prosecutors, would be investigated under the Kingpin Act to determine whether he is a designated narcotics trafficker – a criminal status given to drug bosses like Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán.Hernández has repeatedly denied any links to drug trafficking including prior knowledge about his younger brother’s cocaine and arms deals for which he was convicted in New York last year.The bill also details Hernández’s role in the demise of the rule of law in the country: as a congressman, he supported the 2009 coup, and later created the militarized police force which is implicated in extrajudicial killings, oversaw a purge of the judiciary and pushed through unconstitutional reforms in order to stay in power and shield corrupt officials from prosecution.Hernández, who has so far enjoyed a close relationship with key military and political leaders, would have his US visa revoked and assets frozen as part of the proposed sanctions.The bill would also ban the export of munitions including teargas, pepper spray, rubber bullets, water cannons, handcuffs, stun guns, Tasers and semi-automatic firearms until the security forces manage 12 months without committing human rights violations. Financial assistance including equipment and training would also be suspended, though waivers in the national interest would remain possible. The US would also vote against multilateral development bank loans to the security forces.“This legislation is designed to send a clear message to Biden that it will be impossible to tackle the root causes of migration without getting rid of Hernández and withdrawing support from the security forces which have a long track record of corruption, organised crime and repression,” said Dana Frank, professor of history at the University of California and author of The Long Honduran Night: Resistance, Terror, and the United States in the Aftermath of the CoupIn order for the restrictions to be lifted, Honduran authorities would need to demonstrate that it had pursued all legal avenues to prosecute those who ordered, carried out and covered up high-profile crimes including the assassination of indigenous environmentalist Berta Cáceres, the killing of more than 100 campesinos in the Bajo Aguán, the extrajudicial killings of anti-election fraud protesters, and the forced disappearance of Afro-indigenous Garifuna land defenders. More