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    Making America grrr-eat again: Major and Champ, the Bidens' 'first dogs'

    With Joe Biden’s election, dignity has been restored to the US presidency: after four years marked by perverse priorities and conspicuous inhumanity, a dog will finally be back in the White House.When Biden takes office in January, he and his wife Jill will be accompanied by their two German shepherds: Champ, 12, and Major, 2. They are the first dogs to occupy the Oval Office since the departure of Bo and Sunny, the Obamas’ Portuguese water dogs, in 2016.For Champ, adopted as a puppy after Biden was elected vice-president in 2008 (and named for a story he used to tell on the campaign trail), it will be a homecoming of sorts.For the rest of America, it concludes a period in presidential history that was actively hostile to man’s best friend – “like a dog” is one of Trump’s favourite putdowns – and reflects a return to founding values. More

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    Here are 277 policies that Biden can enact on day one – without Congress | Max Moran

    Moderate and progressive Democrats broadly agree on all of these policies. Biden has no excuse not to enact themOn 8 July, the Joe Biden campaign published the results of its unity taskforces with the former Bernie Sanders campaign in a 110-page document of policy recommendations. Though Biden has not committed to enacting the policies recommended by the taskforces, they represent a clear vision for what a Biden presidency might look like.While each taskforce proposed new legislation to achieve its goals, you can also read the document with an eye toward what a Biden administration could accomplish on day one, without having to go near Congress. To that end, we found 277 policies that are clearly within the executive branch’s power to immediately pursue, at least in part. Continue reading… More

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    Joe Biden ignores Trump obstruction to press ahead with cabinet selection

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    Joe Biden’s team is pressing forward with preparations to take over the federal government when his term starts despite virtually no help from Donald Trump’s outgoing administration.
    The president-elect faces choices that will either please or anger the bickering wings of his party as leftists and centrists vie to set the direction of the incoming Democratic administration. The process also sends a clear message to the Republican party and Trump: Biden won and will be sitting in the White House come January.
    “The truth is the Trump administration can file whatever it wants to the federal register, can do whatever executive orders it wants until noon on January 20th, and at that moment they can no longer do it and the Biden people get to stop whatever they had in the pipeline and put whatever they want in their own pipeline,” said Tevi Troy, who helped run the transition to the second Bush-Cheney term in 2004. Troy also authored Fight House: Rivalries in the White House from Truman to Trump.
    The Biden team, Troy added, “know the things they want to stop from happening and they’re just going to go do it”.

    On Wednesday night Biden took his most significant step yet, naming Ron Klain, a longtime aide, as his chief of staff. The move underscored that even as Biden vows to fill out his administration with figures spanning all wings of the Democratic party, he also plans to include hands familiar with the conventional levers of Washington DC.
    “He wants people who are super capable … part of what you want to do is restore faith in government, in public service and the way that career folks are treated,” said Lisa Brown, a former staff secretary for Barack Obama’s administration who worked on the 2008 presidential transition.
    Brown noted that Biden’s team was focused on diversity. “A lot of what he wants to do if we don’t get the Senate back is going to be harder and so one of the things he’s got control over is the people that he wants to appoint. So you can show people you’re representing America even if you’re not able to get through Congress some of the initiatives.”
    Klain’s appointment comes at a moment of high political tension in Washington. Despite losing the popular vote and electoral college, Trump has not conceded the race, and the General Services Administration, the federal agency in charge of supporting other agencies, has not yet given the Biden team the normal designation a victorious presidential campaign gets.
    A sign-off from the administrator of the GSA is required for an incoming administration to get some essential transition resources – such as access to classified briefings – and take steps for background checks on cabinet appointees. In past elections, the GSA has recognized the results much faster. More

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    'Don't fuel the fire': disinformation experts on how Biden should deal with Trump's election lies

    In the days since Joe Biden won the US presidential election, Donald Trump has rejected the results, spread lies about voter fraud, replaced key military leaders with loyalists, and encouraged Republicans at every level of the party to contest the vote counts showing that he lost.
    Americans are now debating how Biden should respond.
    Biden has called Trump’s refusal to concede an “embarrassment” and told voters that “the fact that they’re not willing to acknowledge that we won at this point is not of much consequence”.
    But some have called on the president-elect to go further, and furiously sound the alarm about an American politician adopting the tactics of a dictator.
    Some experts on disinformation say that Biden’s current strategy of downplaying Trump’s behavior may be the correct one at the moment, even if it can be “frustrating to watch”, said Becca Lewis, a research affiliate at Data & Society Research Institute, who studies misinformation.
    “By not giving Trump the attention that he craves, it deflates a lot of the strength and power that Trump and his supporters have in this moment,” Lewis said.
    The Biden campaign used a similar approach during the campaign in response to Republicans’ attempts to turn a story about emails from Biden’s son Hunter into a major scandal.
    Rather than attempting to respond point-by-point, the Biden campaign bluntly dismissed the story as “a conspiracy theory”, said Whitney Phillips, a professor of communications at Syracuse University. “It was done in a tone of, ‘We’re responding to this because we have to. We’re not giving it very much mental energy,’ whether or not that’s how they felt behind the scenes.”
    “That particular strategy really did seem to work,” she said.
    Having Biden acknowledge Trump’s norm-shattering behavior since the election, rather than try to ignore it, was important, Phillips said, but his quick pivot to talking about the issues facing Americans next, and the challenges the government needed to start dealing with, was “effective rhetorically, but also emotionally”.
    Biden was responding “like an adult,” she said.

    For the Biden team, “directly responding to any of these allegations at this stage is just adding more oxygen to the fire”, said Joan Donovan, the research director at Harvard’s Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy.
    Shafiqah Hudson, an author and researcher who has studied online disinformation campaigns, said she would like to see Democrats take a stronger stance and condemn Trump’s actions “in the strongest possible terms.” But Biden’s response “is the sort of answer I would expect from someone who has the job of attempting to mend a fractured nation,” she said.
    In response to the competitive scrum of rightwing media outlets and activists spreading disinformation about Trump’s loss – resulting in 70% of Republicans saying they do not believe the election was free and fair, according to one recent poll – Democrats should keep explaining how the election process actually works, and what built-in checks and auditing are being done as votes are counted, said I’Nasah Crockett, a researcher and artist who has tracked manipulation and misinformation on social media.
    “I think it would be great if Biden and his campaign took a very kindergarten approach to the situation that we’re in,” Crockett said. “If you’re working with little kids and you’re trying to get them to understand some basic concept, you have to keep repeating it, bringing it back to square one.”
    It’s also important to acknowledge how Republicans’ sweeping claims about voter fraud are specifically targeted at delegitimizing Black voters and throwing out their votes, said Shireen Mitchell, a disinformation researcher and founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women.
    Republicans have focused their baseless claims of voting fraud on majority-Black cities such as Detroit, Philadelphia and Milwaukee, where support from Black voters helped Biden win the presidency.
    “They’re using coded language to say anyone other than white people are illegal voters,” Mitchell said. Trump’s attacks on voting by mail, which many Americans chose to do during a pandemic that has disproportionately killed Black and brown people, is part of a long history of constantly evolving strategies to disenfranchise black Americans, she said.

    Michigan’s Democratic attorney general addressed that concern explicitly this week, arguing that the Trump campaign’s election lawsuits were “baseless” and that their unifying narrative were claims suggesting, “Black people are corrupt, Black people are incompetent and Black people can’t be trusted”, the Detroit Free Press reported.
    While social media users have been furiously debating whether it’s time to label Trump’s undermining of democracy as an attempt at a “coup”, disinformation experts said that framing might not be particularly useful at the moment.
    Talking about a “coup” might speak to the concerns of some Americans, including those who have been following the news very closely, but it might not communicate that much to those who have been paying less attention, and it might alienate others, Phillips said.
    “I think the problem is less that ‘coup’ is a strong word, than that people don’t know what a coup is,” Hudson said.
    Faced with millions of Americans who already mistrust the results of the election, a more useful tactic to combat Trump’s misinformation might be to remind Americans exactly how long before the election Trump and his supporters had been advertising their plan to call the election results illegitimate, Phillips said.
    “This was a communications strategy before a single vote was cast,” Phillips said. Reminding Americans of the long timeline of Trump’s claims about the election “allows people to exercise their savvy, to sniff out bullshit. If someone has been seeding a lie before an event takes place, it should give a person pause.”
    But Biden and the Democratic party should not overestimate the strength of American democracy in the face of Trump’s attacks – or the number of Americans who see the current system as legitimate, Crockett said: “The thing that worries me most is there’s a fundamental faith in institutions that I think mainstream Democrats have which is, honestly, idealistic at this point.”
    If Trump escalates his refusal to concede, and if powerful Republican politicians continue to stand with him, it may not be enough to keep dismissing and deflecting attention from their behavior.
    “Depending on how much this snowballs, there may be a time that [Biden] has to take it seriously,” Lewis said. More

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    The Guardian view on Biden and the climate crisis: fight for net zero | Editorial

    There is no question that Joe Biden’s win will make a big difference to international efforts to deal with the climate emergency. A US president who recognises global heating as an “existential threat” will be a vital extra pillar propping up the teetering edifice of climate diplomacy. Four years of Donald Trump have done huge damage to the US’s reputation. But the world’s biggest economy, and second-biggest emitter of greenhouse gases (after China), remains vastly influential. With President Biden in charge, the prospects for next year’s Cop26 talks in Scotland, when drastic emissions cuts must be agreed if the world is to stand a chance of avoiding catastrophic heating, are already brighter.
    President Trump’s withdrawal of the US from the Paris agreement was a key plank of his nationalist “America first” agenda and an act of sabotage against both the UN climate process and the principle of a rules-based international order. It also gave cover to the world’s other climate vandals: Saudi Arabia, Brazil, Russia and Australia. With Mr Biden, that cover is gone, and ecocidal policies such as Amazon rainforest destruction and coal-power expansion should come under renewed and relentless pressure. It is striking that the president-elect put climate at the heart of his phone calls with foreign leaders.
    The path ahead is anything but smooth. A green stimulus package on the scale promised by Mr Biden’s campaign is unlikely to pass through Congress, with control of the Senate hinging on two undecided seats in Georgia. Conservative judges are a further roadblock. Legislation to limit emissions and punish polluters is certain to be challenged all the way to the supreme court. Fossil-fuel companies and other vested interests remain a formidable force. Nor can public support be taken for granted. Most voters are on board in principle, recognising the dangers of unchecked global heating. But the changes in lifestyle that will be needed to meet new targets, including reductions in meat-eating and flying, are challenging in the US as in other rich countries.
    Still, Mr Biden’s presence in the White House will be a huge opportunity, and one that the environmental movement and its supporters must seize with every hand they have. Global heating is a fact, not a hypothesis or ideology. It is not just the vast majority of Democrats who want their politicians to do more to tackle it, but also a sizable minority of Republicans. Younger people are the most anxious. Mr Biden will perform a valuable public service simply by doing the opposite of his predecessor, and telling the truth.
    Democrats have shown that climate can be a unifying force within their party. Mr Biden’s climate taskforce was chaired by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the New York congresswoman and star of his party’s progressive wing. Now, if they are to create sufficient momentum, Democrats must look beyond the ranks of committed green supporters, as the writer Arlie Russell Hochschild did in her book Strangers in Their Own Land, about environmental politics in Tea Party-supporting Louisiana. Already, Mr Biden has signalled that the harm caused by pollution to poorer Americans will be among his priorities.
    In recent weeks China, South Korea and Japan have all announced net zero emissions targets. Rapid falls in the price of renewables have made the process of weaning away from fossil fuels far less painful than most experts predicted. Climate protesters have shown how effective they can be in mobilising support for strong action. Now that the election is over, they must keep pushing Mr Biden and other legislators as hard as they can. More

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    Joe Biden advised against Osama bin Laden raid, Barack Obama writes

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    Joe Biden advised Barack Obama to wait to order the raid that killed Osama bin Laden, the former president writes in his new memoir.
    “Joe weighed in against the raid,” Obama writes in A Promised Land, about discussion of the Navy Seals mission, which he ordered to go ahead as intended in Abbottabad, Pakistan, on the night of 1-2 May 2011.
    Obama’s book will be published on Tuesday. Guardian US has seen a copy. Obama writes that his vice-president, who will follow him to the White House in January, immediately supported his decision to proceed with the Bin Laden raid.
    Whether Biden advised against the raid has been a contentious issue in US politics. During this year’s election, Republican attack ads claimed Biden opposed taking Bin Laden out altogether.
    Biden has said that during group discussion of whether to order the raid, he advised Obama to take more time, saying: “Don’t go.” He has also said he subsequently told Obama to “follow your instincts”.
    In his memoir, Obama echoes the accounts of other senior aides present in the White House Situation Room nine years ago who have said Biden counselled caution.
    Like the defense secretary, Robert Gates, Obama writes, Biden was concerned about “the enormous consequences of failure” and counselled that the president “should defer any decision until the intelligence community was more certain that bin Laden was in the compound”.
    In the event, a Navy Seal team flew from Afghanistan to Pakistan and shot dead the al-Qaida leader, the mastermind of the 9/11 attacks.
    “As had been true in every major decision I’d made as president,” Obama writes, “I appreciated Joe’s willingness to buck the prevailing mood and ask tough questions, often in the interest of giving me the space I needed for my own internal deliberations.”
    Obama also writes that he “knew that Joe, like Gates, had been in Washington during Desert One”.
    Desert One, in April 1980, was a failed attempt to free American hostages held in Iran, resulting in the deaths of eight US servicemen in a helicopter crash and severely damaging Jimmy Carter’s hopes of re-election.
    Gates, Obama writes, reminded him “that no matter how thorough the planning, operations like this could go badly wrong. Beyond the risk to the team, he worried that a failed mission might adversely impact the war in Afghanistan.”
    Obama calls that “a sober, well-reasoned assessment”.
    Biden was a US senator from Delaware from 1973 to 2009, then Obama’s vice-president until 2017. Though Donald Trump is refusing to concede defeat in this year’s election, Biden has achieved a clear victory in the electoral college as well as the popular vote and will be inaugurated as the 46th president on 20 January.
    Obama’s views of his vice-president will be scrutinised keenly.
    He also writes that amid intense discussion in the Situation Room, with the Seal team waiting in Jalalabad, Afghanistan, he himself characterised the raid as “a 50-50 call”.
    The CIA chief, Leon Panetta, homeland security adviser, John Brennan, and chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, Adm Mike Mullen, favoured mounting the raid, Obama writes. Hillary Clinton, then secretary of state, thought it was a “51-49 call” – and “came down on the side of sending in the Seals”.
    Brennan has called Obama’s decision to go after Bin Laden one of the “gutsiest calls of any president in memory”.
    Obama does not write about any subsequent conversation with Biden. But in his account of the immediate aftermath of the mission, he writes: “As the helicopters took off, Joe placed a hand on my shoulder and squeezed.
    “‘Congratulations, boss,’” he said. More

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    Longest-serving Senate Republican joins call for Biden to receive briefings

    The longest-serving Republican in the Senate has joined the call for Joe Biden to receive daily intelligence briefings, with those briefings currently withheld from the president-elect because the Trump administration refuses to acknowledge Biden’s victory in the election.
    Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa was asked by CNN whether Biden should have access to classified briefings. “I would think – especially on classified briefings – the answer is yes,” Grassley said.
    The comment came after the Republican governor of Ohio, Mike DeWine, said that Biden’s victory should be recognized. “We need to consider the former vice-president as president-elect. Joe Biden is the president-elect,”DeWine told CNN on Thursday morning.
    Even senator Lindsey Graham, a staunch Trump ally who has publicly told the president “do not concede”, agreed with the idea that Biden should get presidential-level security briefings.
    “I think so,” Graham told reporters at the Capitol.
    As basic acknowledgements of reality, the comments from DeWine, Graham and Grassley were not notable – but as practical concessions of victory to Biden they were exceptional.
    Most Republicans have refused to state the fact of Biden’s win plainly, instead treating Donald Trump’s effort to erode faith in the election result, with baseless accusations of voter fraud as a legitimate legal inquiry.
    The Biden camp has not waited for Trump’s blessing to put the presidential transition into gear. The Democrat has appointed a coronavirus taskforce and named longtime aide Ron Klain as his incoming White House chief of staff.
    Biden has also reached out to foreign allies and signaled that the US withdrawal from multilateral alliances to fight everything from the climate crisis to the coronavirus – a retraction Trump made under the banner of “America first” – would be reversed.
    Trump, meanwhile, remained bunkered in the White House. He has not made a public statement, apart from on Twitter, since he inaccurately declared victory in the election one week ago. Trump has celebrated victories in states that were recently called –North Carolina and Alaska – while insisting that earlier calls of states he lost were invalid.
    In addition to floating dozens of fruitless lawsuits, Trump’s team is applying pressure behind the scenes to get Republican state legislatures to take action to slow the certification of results in key states. The move is a long-shot plot to sabotage the electoral college system that scholars have called a coup attempt while judging it to have an extremely small, but not zero, chance of payoff.
    Democrats decried the Republicans’ failure to defend the election and condemned what they called Republican inaction on a coronavirus relief bill as the US set a ghastly record of 143,231 new daily confirmed infections.
    “Stop the circus and get to work on what really matters to the American people,” the House speaker, Nancy Pelosi, said on Thursday. “It’s like the house is burning down, and they refuse to throw water on it.”

    Republicans in Congress are under visible pressure not to break the wall of silence about Biden’s election win. A second Republican senator backpedaled on Twitter Wednesday night after telling a local Oklahoma radio station he would “step in” if Biden did not begin receiving the intelligence briefings by the end of the week.
    In an interview with local KRMG, first picked up by the Hill, the Oklahoma senator James Lankford was asked what he thought of the refusal by the office of the director of national intelligence to brief the president-elect until another arm of the bureaucracy certified Biden’s victory.
    “There is no loss from him getting the briefings, and to be able to do that,” said Lankford. “And if that’s not occurring by Friday, I will step in as well, and to be able to push and to say this needs to occur, so that regardless of the outcome of the election … people can be ready for that actual task.”
    In his suggestion that the “outcome of the election” was still in doubt, Lankford made himself an ally to Donald Trump’s cause of overturning the election or, failing that, spoiling public faith in it, as a means of weakening Biden.
    Republicans have been unable to produce any evidence of voter fraud in any state, despite the lieutenant governor of Texas offering $1m out of campaign coffers to anyone who can provide such evidence.
    A postal worker who signed an affidavit alleging voter fraud retracted the accusation after it was revealed that he was the beneficiary of a GoFundMe account established by Republican donors and filled with more than $130,000.
    The presidential transition process is stalled, meanwhile, with Biden aides shut out of office space, vetting of Biden appointees unable to begin and Biden himself excluded from the presidential daily briefing.
    It has been the custom of the White House to share the presidential daily briefing with the president-elect during the transition period ever since the advent of the briefing in the 1960s, David Priess, the author of a book on presidential briefings, told NPR. The briefing contain intelligence findings and analysis of potential threats and opportunities.
    Trump himself began to receive daily intelligence briefings soon after the 2016 election, but then revealed he usually skipped them, believing he did not need them, explaining on Fox News: “You know, I’m, like, a smart person.”
    An open letter signed by four former homeland security secretaries from both parties warned on Wednesday that delaying the presidential transition endangered the country.
    “At this period of heightened risk for our nation, we do not have a single day to spare to begin the transition,” the letter said. “For the good of the nation, we must start now.”
    Former House intelligence committee chair Mike Rogers, a Republican from Michigan, echoed the warning.
    “Our adversaries aren’t waiting for the transition to take place,” Rogers tweeted. “Joe Biden should receive the President’s Daily Brief (PDB) starting today. He needs to know what the latest threats are & begin to plan accordingly. This isn’t about politics; this is about national security.” More

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    Trump’s election attacks sow distrust and pose US security threat, experts warn

    Donald Trump’s attacks on the credibility of Joe Biden’s election win through meritless lawsuits could undermine Americans’ trust in voting and could pose an immediate threat to the security and safety of the country, experts have warned.
    Trump’s campaign has unleashed a stream of lawsuits in states key to Biden’s electoral college win, none of which are expected to affect the outcome of the election.
    The US attorney general, William Barr, has authorized the Department of Justice to investigate voting irregularities, in a highly unorthodox move, and Republican state representatives in Pennsylvania are calling for an audit of the election, though they have no evidence of fraud.
    University of Southern California (USC) law professor Franita Tolson said she was concerned that these actions, which would not change the trajectory of the election, were meant to call into question the legitimacy of the result.
    “What does that do to our democracy as we play out this process? What does it do to the belief in the system when 70 million people think the election was stolen,” Tolson said, referring to the popular vote total for Trump. “To me that’s the danger of this narrative, that’s the danger of this litigation.”
    Top election officials in every state, representing both political parties, told the New York Times there was no evidence that fraud or other irregularities played a role in the outcome of the race. A coalition of hundreds of journalists from more than 150 newsrooms also found no major problems, in ProPublica’s collaborative election monitoring project Electionland.
    “Legal people can say this litigation has no merit, but what do everyday Americans think?” Tolson said. “And they may actually think the president is being treated poorly and he won this election and the system is trying to take it from him.”
    Only a few Republicans have publicly acknowledged Biden’s win, but behind the scenes, many Republicans have reportedly accepted the results. Some White House aides have told reporters anonymously that the president’s refusal to concede the election is an embarrassment.
    Peter Feaver, who worked on national security in Republican George W Bush and Democrat Bill Clinton’s administrations, said that while the president is within his rights to ask for recounts and investigate reasonable allegations of misbehavior, leveling false charges of fraud without evidence has serious consequences.
    “The messaging coming from the campaign, and particularly from the president himself, is far more extreme than that and it’s more reckless messaging and I think it does complicate America’s standing in the world,” said Feaver, a professor of political science and public policy at Duke University.
    Feaver said it was also a risk for the president and his team to be focused on fighting a losing legal battle instead of responding to issues such as Covid-19 and the recession.
    “Instead they’re distracting the president’s attention and the remaining energy of the administration in another direction,” Feaver said. “That’s what’s hurting the average American family.”
    But the Trump campaign continues to bring new challenges.
    In Michigan on Wednesday, the Trump campaign sought to block the election results from being certified in the state, where Biden is ahead of Trump by about 148,000 votes.
    The campaign also has eyes on Georgia, where young, Black voters appear to have helped flip the state for the Democrats, though the race has not been called. Georgia’s top election official announced on Wednesday there would be a hand recount of the 5 million ballots cast.
    Brad Raffensperger, the Republican secretary of state, made the announcement after Trump’s campaign demanded the recount, but insisted he was not bowing to pressure.
    “This will help build confidence. It will be an audit, a recount and a recanvass, all at once,” Raffensperger said on Wednesday. “It will be a heavy lift. But we will work with the counties to get this done in time for our state certification.”
    Recounts rarely change the outcome and Trump has a large margin to overcome – Biden leads by 14,000 votes in the state.
    Tensions are especially high in the state because it has two runoff elections on 5 January which will determine which party controls the Senate. Republican senators Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue, who are facing runoff votes, called for Raffensperger’s resignation on Tuesday.
    In a press briefing with Feaver, Bruce Jentleson, who worked on Barack Obama and Al Gore’s presidential campaigns, blamed the disquiet on the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell.
    “Part of their strategy, what’s going on right now is positioning for 2024, who might inherit the Trump constituency, and positioning for the two Georgia runoffs,” said Jentleson, a professor of public policy and political science at Duke.
    Jentleson said: “It is politics but there’s a point at which it’s deeply irresponsible for Mitch McConnell to be doing what he’s doing and setting a tone for the other Republican senators.” More