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    New Hampshire Primary: How It Works

    It’s the nation’s first primary contest, following the caucuses in Iowa. Here’s what to know.New Hampshire voters will head to the polls Tuesday for the nation’s first primary election, where Nikki Haley is hoping to make a dent in former President Donald J. Trump’s delegate lead after his big win in the Iowa caucuses. Voting in the state technically starts at midnight, but the vast majority of polling places will open at 7 a.m. Eastern time.Here’s what else to know:When is the New Hampshire primary?This year’s primary is set for Tuesday, Jan. 23.Why is New Hampshire first?The simple answer is because it’s the law: A state law passed in 1975 mandates that the election must take place at least a week before any other state’s primary.The Granite State’s tradition of voting first existed long before the law was passed. Its original first-in-the-nation contest took place in 1920, when 16,195 Republicans and 7,103 Democrats turned out on March 9.The state has clung to the tradition ever since. Going first has its benefits: Every four years, the political spotlight brings with it an influx of out-of-state cash, media and attention to the small and sparsely populated state.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    Ron DeSantis suspende su campaña presidencial: lo que hay que saber

    El gobernador de Florida, Ron DeSantis, suspendió su campaña presidencial el domingo y respaldó al expresidente Donald Trump, lo que marcó una espectacular implosión para un candidato que alguna vez fue visto como el que tenía la mayor probabilidad de destronar a Trump como el nominado del Partido Republicano en 2024.Su salida de la contienda tan solo dos días antes de las elecciones primarias de Nuevo Hampshire deja a Nikki Haley, la exgobernadora de Carolina del Sur, como la última rival de Trump que queda.La derrota devastadora de DeSantis por 30 puntos porcentuales frente a Trump en el caucus de Iowa del lunes pasado lo dejó ante una pregunta desalentadora: ¿por qué seguir adelante? El domingo, dio su respuesta y reconoció que no había sentido en continuar sin un “camino claro a la victoria”.“Hoy suspendo mi campaña”, dijo DeSantis en un video publicado después de que The New York Times informara que se esperaba que abandonara la contienda, y añadió: “Trump es superior al actual presidente, Joe Biden. Eso es claro. Firmé un compromiso de apoyar al nominado republicano y cumpliré ese compromiso. Tiene mi respaldo porque no podemos volver a la vieja guardia republicana de antaño”.DeSantis había volado de vuelta a Tallahassee el sábado por la noche después de hacer campaña en Carolina del Sur. Se esperaba que apareciera en un evento de campaña en Nuevo Hampshire el domingo por la tarde, pero fue cancelado.Incluso antes de que DeSantis hiciera su anuncio, Trump ya había comenzado a hablar de su candidatura en tiempo pasado. “Que descanse en paz”, dijo Trump sobre DeSantis en un mitin el sábado por la noche en Manchester.La semana pasada, DeSantis había comenzado a insinuar que podría estar buscando salir de la contienda, poniendo sus ojos en la elección de 2028 y admitiendo que Trump había logrado una victoria abrumadora en Iowa.El caos marcó los últimos días de su campaña, justo como había ocurrido al principio, cuando inició su campaña con un evento de transmisión en vivo ampliamente ridiculizado y con fallas técnicas en Twitter. Durante el fin de semana, el itinerario de DeSantis estuvo en constante cambio, ya que volaba entre Nuevo Hampshire y Carolina del Sur con poco aviso, posponiendo eventos y finalmente cancelando sus apariciones en los programas políticos matutinos del domingo.El respaldo de DeSantis a Trump fue rápido y somero. El gobernador de Florida no ofreció ninguna justificación para apoyar a Trump más allá de que el expresidente contaba con el respaldo de la mayoría de los republicanos en las encuestas, y que no era Haley. DeSantis tampoco pudo resistirse a dar un último golpe al candidato líder de su partido y volvió a plantear críticas sobre el manejo de la pandemia de Trump.Al darle su respaldo a Trump, DeSantis parecía estar tratando de unir al ala conservadora del partido detrás del expresidente mientras dejaba pasar el hecho de que estaba cediendo ante un hombre que lo había ridiculizado como si fuera un deporte sangriento.Después de anunciar su candidatura para la presidencia, con grandes expectativas, en mayo, DeSantis y su campaña resultaron ser un fracaso costoso: en conjunto con grupos externos bien financiados, gastaron decenas de millones de dólares con poco efecto evidente.La constante ridiculización de Trump —sobre cualquier cosa, desde las expresiones faciales de DeSantis hasta su elección de calzado— degradó su imagen como un guerrero conservador confiable. A lo largo de su campaña, los números de DeSantis cayeron aproximadamente a la mitad en las encuestas nacionales, lo que parece ser una sentencia tanto de sus habilidades como candidato como de su estrategia de intentar posicionarse a la derecha de Trump. Un apoyo cacareado y un sistema de sondeo pagado por su súper PAC (sigla en inglés que designa al comité de acción política), Never Back Down, apenas parecieron hacer una diferencia en la contienda.Por momentos, parecía como si DeSantis estuviera yendo de un episodio embarazoso a otro, mientras su campaña lidiaba con contratiempos como despidos masivos y las consecuencias de producir un video en redes sociales que presentaba un símbolo nazi.En Iowa, su osada promesa de ganar resultó ser vacía. En cambio, apenas venció a Haley, cuya imagen más moderada parecía ser inadecuada para los republicanos socialmente conservadores del estado. Invertir recursos en Iowa dejó sin fondos los esfuerzos de DeSantis en Nuevo Hampshire y Carolina del Sur, dos de los otros estados de nominación temprana, donde sus números en las encuestas se desplomaron. La pérdida de apoyo tanto de votantes como de donantes significó que no había mucho sentido en continuar hacia más derrotas inevitables.Aunque había comenzado su contienda en una posición relativamente fuerte, las encuestas ahora mostraban a DeSantis en un lejano tercer lugar en Nuevo Hampshire, con alrededor del 6 por ciento de los votos.Tanto DeSantis como sus aliados parecían estar quedándose peligrosamente con pocos fondos. Ningún anuncio a favor de DeSantis se había transmitido en la televisión de Nuevo Hampshire desde antes del Día de Acción de Gracias.En la noche de su derrota en Iowa, DeSantis había intentado convertir su resultado en algo positivo, diciendo que como el finalista del segundo lugar había “impulsado su candidatura” fuera del estado.Resultó que ese impulso fue válido por menos de una semana.El autobús perteneciente a Never Back Down, el comité de acción política de DeSantis, transitando por Hampton, Nuevo Hampshire. DeSantis tercerizó muchas de las operaciones de su campaña al PAC, un movimiento inusual. John Tully para The New York TimesEl planAl retirarse antes de Nuevo Hampshire, DeSantis se salvó de una derrota catastrófica el martes, deteniendo una larga y lenta hemorragia política.No había forma de evitar cuán malo resultaría. DeSantis había hecho un poco de campaña aquí, y en los días posteriores a Iowa sugirió que se concentraría, más bien, en Carolina del Sur, que no celebraría sus primarias hasta un mes después. Never Back Down comenzó a despedir a miembros del personal.Pero la caída de DeSantis había comenzado en Iowa, donde había apostado toda su campaña.Aunque los resultados no lo reflejaban, DeSantis siguió la misma estrategia allí que los candidatos republicanos usaron para ganar los últimos tres caucus disputados.DeSantis visitó todos los 99 condados de Iowa, respondió un sinfín de preguntas de los votantes y obtuvo el respaldo de dos figuras clave, la gobernadora Kim Reynolds y el líder evangélico Bob Vander Plaats.“Nadie trabajó más duro, y lo dimos todo en el campo”, dijo DeSantis el domingo en su video de salida de su candidatura.Su estrategia se basaba en la suposición de que los votantes republicanos podrían dividirse en tres grupos, basados en sus sentimientos hacia el expresidente: aquellos que siempre apoyarían a Trump, quienes nunca apoyarían a Trump y los electores a los que les gustaba Trump y sus políticas pero estaban listos para un nuevo portador de estandarte para el partido, quizás alguien más joven y con menos equipaje. Era ese tercer grupo de votantes el que DeSantis se propuso ganar. Una vez que lo hiciera, según la teoría, los que nunca apoyarían a Trump le seguirían.Pero a DeSantis le costó explicar por qué esos votantes de Trump poco comprometidos deberían elegirlo a él en lugar de al expresidente. Durante gran parte de la campaña apenas intentó crear un contraste y, en cambio, se centró en su historial en Florida. Los votantes lo cuestionaron repetidamente sobre cuándo desafiaría con firmeza al candidato favorito, incluso hasta los últimos días de la campaña.Con el tiempo, DeSantis se conformó con un argumento de que Trump había fallado en implementar gran parte de su agenda conservadora, y que solo DeSantis podría dar a los republicanos las victorias que anhelaban. Pero eso sonó hueco para muchos votantes del Partido Republicano, quienes creían que Trump había sido un presidente eficaz injustamente obstaculizado por los liberales y “el Estado profundo”.“Trump defendió a la gente”, dijo Brett Potthoff, de 30 años, un ingeniero de Sac City, Iowa, quien consideró apoyar a DeSantis en los caucus pero que al final afirmó que respaldaría a Trump. “Todo el mundo estaba tratando de hundirlo por cosas falsas”.Al principio de su candidatura, DeSantis evitó a los medios de comunicación. También tuvo dificultades para conectar con los votantes en los recorridos de campaña. Jordan Gale para The New York TimesEl fracaso de DeSantis con los votantes evangélicos blancos fue especialmente notable, dado lo mucho que se esforzó por ganárselos. El año pasado firmó una prohibición de aborto de seis semanas en Florida que ilegalizaba el procedimiento en un momento en el que muchas mujeres no saben que están embarazadas. Trump criticó la ley por ser demasiado dura, y DeSantis intentó usar el aborto como un tema divisivo para persuadir a los cristianos conservadores de apartarse del expresidente.No funcionó. Muchos líderes y votantes antiaborto adoraban a Trump por nombrar a los jueces de la Corte Suprema que ayudaron a anular Roe contra Wade, un objetivo de su movimiento durante décadas. No podían ser apartados de su lado.Mientras que DeSantis ganó poco con los evangélicos, perdió mucho entre los votantes del centro político, así como entre los donantes republicanos ricos con puntos de vista sociales más moderados. Su decisión de ceder el centro ayudó a crear un camino en la contienda para Haley, quien usó un tono más mesurado sobre el aborto. También le dificultó recrear la amplia coalición que le dio una reelección de 19 puntos de ventaja en Florida, que había creado con apoyo de mujeres e independientes, así como de votantes hispanos.Aun así, algunas cosas parecían estar fuera del control de DeSantis. Enfrentarse a Trump, quien en buena medida tiene los beneficios de alguien que estuvo en la presidencia, no era tarea fácil. Y en otra época, las imputaciones de Trump en cuatro casos criminales habrían parecido beneficiar a DeSantis. Pero lejos de disminuir la posición del expresidente entre los republicanos, los cargos en realidad unieron al partido en torno a él.Trump no fue el único candidato en atacar a DeSantis con mensajes negativos. Haley, quien había estado muy por detrás de DeSantis durante la mayor parte de la contienda, también lo criticó sin cesar.Al final, ningún candidato enfrentó más gastos negativos que DeSantis.Eso no impidió que, hasta la noche del caucus, DeSantis y su equipo prometieran un rendimiento dominante en Iowa. Sus asistentes señalaron que aproximadamente 40.000 habitantes de Iowa habían firmado cartas de compromiso para apoyarlo.Pero en una noche extremadamente fría, solo poco más de la mitad de esa cantidad de personas se presentaron para respaldarlo.DeSantis apenas superó a la exgobernadora de Carolina del Sur Nikki Haley en la contienda por el segundo lugar en Iowa, a pesar de haber hecho campaña más intensamente en el estado. Maansi Srivastava/The New York TimesTropezar en la línea de salidaDeSantis y su equipo cometieron una serie de errores propios, incluso antes de que entrara en la contienda.Tras una reelección dominante en 2022, con unos números de encuestas no muy lejos de los de Trump, DeSantis se quedó al margen. En lugar de comenzar de inmediato su candidatura para la presidencia, decidió esperar hasta después de la sesión legislativa de Florida, donde los legisladores aprobaron una serie de leyes conservadoras pensadas para darle más crédito con la derecha. Ese retraso permitió que Trump estableciera la narrativa de que DeSantis era débil y un traidor al movimiento MAGA.Luego, en lugar de anunciar que se postularía en un mitin tradicional, rodeado de su familia y seguidores animados, DeSantis eligió declarar el inicio de su candidatura durante una conversación transmitida en vivo con el empresario tecnológico Elon Musk en X, que se interrumpía con tanta frecuencia que fue un objeto de burlas. Ese inicio del 31 de mayo fue visto de manera generalizada como un desastre que marcó el tono para las siguientes semanas.Pronto comenzó a escasear el dinero. Los grandes donantes habían sido desanimados por los errores de DeSantis, su conservadurismo social estridente y una serie de videos extraños en las redes sociales, uno de los cuales incluía el símbolo nazi. Su campaña, construida para dar una batalla a nivel nacional, fue rápidamente considerada inflada e insostenible. A finales de julio, DeSantis despidió a más de un tercio de su personal de campaña. Iowa se convirtió en el único objetivo. A muchos de los miembros del personal que quedaban se les ordenó trasladarse a Des Moines.Al mismo tiempo, Never Back Down, que había sido promocionado como su arma secreta, cayó en la confusión. Los funcionarios de la campaña y del súper PAC debatieron la estrategia en una serie de memorandos conflictivos que se hicieron públicos porque la ley de financiamiento de campañas prohibía a las dos organizaciones coordinar la estrategia a puerta cerrada. Casi estalla una pelea a golpes entre el presidente de la junta del grupo, un amigo de la universidad de DeSantis llamado Scott Wagner, y su estratega principal, Jeff Roe. Poco después, cinco altos funcionarios de Never Back Down renunciaron o fueron despedidos, seguidos por Roe. Wagner, un abogado con poca experiencia política, asumió el control.El caos en la campaña y en el súper PAC socavó el mensaje de DeSantis de que era un líder competente y sin dramas. Y expuso lo poco que confiaba en alguien fuera de un pequeño círculo de asesores y amigos, y cuán limitada era la experiencia que muchos de esos ayudantes tenían a nivel presidencial.Seguidores esperando que DeSantis hable en su fiesta en la noche de los caucus de Iowa. Trump ganó por 30 puntos porcentuales. Jordan Gale para The New York TimesDeSantis también tuvo dificultades en la campaña. A pesar de tener una historia personal convincente, apenas habló de su biografía. Evitó a los medios de comunicación. Le resultó difícil conectar con los votantes y sus momentos incómodos se volvieron virales. Su respuesta más común al aprender el nombre de un votante era un entusiasta “¡OK!”. Tendía a hablar en acrónimos difíciles de seguir, refiriéndose a temas desconocidos que eran principalmente de interés para los ideólogos republicanos, como “ESG” (siglas en inglés de gobernanza ambiental, social y corporativa) y “DEI” (las siglas de diversidad, equidad e inclusión). Las encuestas mostraron que la mayoría de los votantes se preocupaban más por la economía y la inmigración.En su primer gran evento en Iowa después del Año Nuevo, un momento en el que por lo general los votantes comienzan a prestar más atención a la contienda, DeSantis abrió su discurso con una larga crítica del proceso de acreditación para las universidades.La conferencia no pareció tener impacto. En una sesión de preguntas y respuestas posteriormente, una votante confundida preguntó de qué estaba hablando el gobernador.“Creo que estaba diciendo la palabra ‘depredadores’”, le dijo a De Santis Patrica Janes, de 64 años, de Johnston, Iowa.“Acreditación”, explicó DeSantis. “Acreditador”.Un reajusteDeSantis sí hizo ajustes durante el transcurso de la campaña.Después de los despidos del personal, comenzó a hacer una contienda al estilo de quien va en desventaja, viajando de arriba abajo por Iowa para hacer paradas en pequeños pueblos y escuchar preguntas de los votantes. Habló con reporteros todos los días y dio entrevistas a las principales cadenas de televisión.“Parecía como que se estaba censurando durante mucho tiempo”, dijo Cody Ritner, de 26 años, un partidario de DeSantis de Decorah, Iowa, después de escuchar a DeSantis al final de la campaña. “Mejoró mucho cuando comenzó a soltarse”.La atmósfera en sus eventos también mejoró.Sin embargo, algunas de las tendencias obstinadas de DeSantis permanecieron. Continuó utilizando el dinero de sus donantes para pagar aviones privados en lugar de usar vuelos comerciales. Su campaña prohibió a los reporteros de The New York Times asistir a eventos durante más de un día en respuesta a un artículo crítico. Su oficina no invitó a legisladores estatales de Florida que habían respaldado a Trump a una fiesta de Navidad anual en la mansión del gobernador, aunque todos habían recibido invitaciones el año anterior.Casi nunca, como candidato, DeSantis parecía poder conducir la agenda del día. Algo que había hecho de manera tan efectiva como gobernador, por ejemplo, cuando cautivó a los medios nacionales e indignó a la izquierda al hacer que su gobierno trasladara migrantes a Martha’s Vineyard.Pero en la contienda presidencial, la fuerza de la personalidad de Trump borró todo lo demás.Como candidato, DeSantis raramente parecía capaz de dirigir la narrativa diaria, como lo había hecho como gobernador de Florida. John Tully para The New York TimesVida después de la derrotaDeSantis, quien había sido visto como una figura todopoderosa en el Capitolio del Estado, ahora enfrenta un regreso a Florida con su estatura reducida.Aún así, le quedan casi tres años como gobernador del tercer estado más grande del país, así como un historial comprobado de asegurar la aprobación de su agenda legislativa. Y sus calificaciones de preferencia generalmente siguen siendo altos entre los republicanos a nivel nacional.Mientras asimilaba su pérdida en Iowa, DeSantis argumentó que había dejado una “impresión” contundente. Dijo que había escuchado a varios votantes que habían declarado su lealtad a Trump esta vez, pero dijeron que lo apoyarían en 2028.Había algunas evidencias que respaldaban eso. A pesar de la dura contienda, muchos partidarios de Trump tenían cosas buenas que decir sobre DeSantis.Karen Kontos, de 65 años, salió el mes pasado de un evento de DeSantis en Ames, Iowa, impresionada por el candidato y sosteniendo una pancarta con su nombre. Sin embargo, no tenía intención votar por DeSantis, a quien comparó con una versión más joven de Trump.“Piensan igual”, dijo. “Me gusta DeSantis. Tiene buenas ideas”.Pero, agregó Kontos, “no es Trump”.El domingo, incluso Trump le tendió una rama de olivo a su rival derrotado.Hablando con los partidarios en su sede de campaña de Nuevo Hampshire, Trump dijo que ya no se referiría DeSantis como “DeSanctimonious”, un apodo despectivo que había usado durante meses.“Ese nombre está oficialmente retirado”, dijo Trump.Catie Edmondson More

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    Republican who said she held Trump accountable for January 6 endorses him

    The Republican South Carolina congresswoman Nancy Mace faced widespread accusations of hypocrisy after she endorsed Donald Trump – the presidential candidate she previously said she held “accountable” for the January 6 attack on Congress.On Monday, Mace announced her endorsement, a day before the New Hampshire primary, in which Trump enjoys comfortable polling leads over the former South Carolina governor Nikki Haley, his only remaining opponent.“I don’t see eye to eye perfectly with any candidate,” Mace said. “And until now I’ve stayed out of it. But the time has come to unite behind our nominee.”Saying “it’s been a complete shit show since [Trump] left the White House”, the congresswoman said the US “needs to reverse all the damage Joe Biden has done”. Trump, she said, would be better on the economy, immigration and national security.“Donald Trump’s record in his first term should tell every American how vital it is he be returned to office,” Mace said.“Good Lord,” said Adam Kinzinger, an Illinois Republican who sat on the House January 6 committee then quit Congress over his opposition to Trump. “Nancy Mace is just the worst.”At present, Trump faces 91 criminal charges (17 for election subversion), attempts to keep him off the ballot for inciting an insurrection and assorted civil trials. Still, he has dominated the Republican primary, winning comfortably in Iowa last week.Observers were quick to point to what Mace made of Trump at the end of that term, in the aftermath of January 6.On that day, supporters Trump told to “fight like hell” to block certification of his defeat by Biden attacked Congress, seeking lawmakers to capture and possibly kill in a riot now linked to nine deaths, more than 1,200 arrests and hundreds of convictions.“Everything that he’s worked for … all of that, his entire legacy, was wiped out yesterday,” Mace told CNN on 7 January 2021. “We’ve got to start over.”On 11 January, Mace said: “We have to hold the president accountable for what happened. The rhetoric leading up to this vote, the lies that were told to the American people – this is what happens, rhetoric has real consequences. And people died.”Trump was impeached a second time for inciting the Capitol attack.On 13 January, Mace said on the House floor she would vote against impeachment but added: “I believe we need to hold the president accountable. I hold him accountable for the events that transpired for the attack on our Capitol last Wednesday.”While 10 House Republicans voted to impeach Trump, he was acquitted at his Senate trial when enough members of his party stayed loyal.Trump turned against Mace, endorsing a primary rival in her district in South Carolina. Mace fought off the challenge – with campaign help from Haley.Also on Monday, Steve Benen, an MSNBC producer, said: “Remember when Trump called Nancy Mace ‘absolutely terrible’ and tried to end her career? And when Nikki Haley scrambled to rescue her? A lot can happen in 18 months.”Mace is not the only senior South Carolina Republican to desert the former governor: the US senator Tim Scott, who Haley appointed in 2012, endorsed Trump on Friday.Jose Pagliery, a politics reporter for the Daily Beast, pointed to another widely remarked irony in Mace’s decision to endorse Trump this week, writing: “Rape survivor Nancy Mace just endorsed Donald Trump in the middle of his second rape trial.”In April last year, on CBS’s Face the Nation, Mace discussed both her work to improve the processing of rape kits by law enforcement and her support for exceptions for victims of rape or incest in abortion bans passed in Republican states.She also said: “I am a victim of rape, I was raped by a classmate at the age of 16. I am very wary and the devil is always in the details, but we’ve got to show more care and concern and compassion for women who’ve been raped.”In August, a New York judge dismissed a counterclaim by Trump in a defamation suit brought by the writer E Jean Carroll over her claim that Trump sexually assaulted her in a department store changing room in the 1990s.Explaining why the jury decided Trump “sexually abused” Carroll but did not endorse Carroll’s claim that he raped her, Lewis A Kaplan discussed the difference, under New York law, between forcible penetration with the penis or with fingers.The jury said Trump did the latter to Carroll. Kaplan, however, wrote: “Mr Trump did in fact ‘rape’ Ms Carroll as that term is commonly used and understood in contexts outside of the New York penal law.”The case has now reached a second trial, though a hearing scheduled for Monday was postponed due to juror illness.A representative for Mace did not immediately respond to a request for comment.Speaking to Fox News, Mace said Haley had been a “great governor” but voters in her South Carolina district were “overwhelmingly with Donald Trump”.“People want the primary to be over,” Mace said, pointing to an eventuality most pundits expect sooner rather than later, given Trump’s leads over Haley in New Hampshire, South Carolina (the third state to vote) and elsewhere.Mace also said that for voters in her district, “women’s issues” including abortion were “gonna be really important in the 2024 cycle”. More

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    Nikki Haley bets on New Hampshire as best chance of wresting nomination from Trump

    Plodding across frigid New Hampshire ahead of Tuesday’s primary, Nikki Haley offered the state’s proudly freethinking voters a tantalizing proposal: choose her and save America from the presidential rematch seemingly nobody wants.“Seventy percent of Americans have said they don’t want to see a Donald Trump-Joe Biden rematch,” Haley exclaimed on Sunday, drawing head nods and murmurs of agreement from attendees packed into a middle school library in Derry. Haley leaned in: “Do we really want to have two presidential candidates in their 80s?”Biden, the 81-year-old Democratic president, is coasting to his party’s nomination and Trump, the 77-year-old former president, is marching toward the Republican one as the field narrows and he consolidates support from across the party. But Haley, who celebrated her 52nd birthday hopscotching the state on Saturday, insisted there was a different – viable – path.Haley, the former “Tea Party governor” of South Carolina who served as Trump’s first United Nations ambassador, has staked her presidential aspirations on a strong showing in the first-in-the-nation primary.“New Hampshire is do-or-die for Nikki Haley,” said Mike Dennehy, a veteran Republican strategist in New Hampshire who worked on John McCain’s winning presidential primary campaigns in the state in 2000 and 2008 and is unaffiliated. “She needs to go all in and speak specifically to independent voters who want change in this country.”Trump demolished his rivals in the Iowa caucuses. Haley finished third, behind the Florida governor Ron DeSantis who dropped out of the race on Sunday and threw his support behind Trump, the latest sign of Republicans closing ranks around the former president.A Suffolk University/Boston Globe/NBC10 Boston daily tracking poll of New Hampshire voters on Monday had Trump ahead of Haley by double digits, 57% to 38%, with his lead ticking slightly higher in recent days.A competitive night in the Granite state, she hopes, will deliver enough momentum to vault her campaign into her home state of South Carolina, which holds the south’s first presidential primary next month.The secretary of state is predicting record turnout for the Republican primary. And unlike in Iowa, where arctic temperatures likely dampened turnout, Tuesday’s forecast in New Hampshire is several degrees above freezing, or, as locals joke, “shorts weather”.High turn-out is expected to favor Haley, who is relying on outsized support from the nearly 40% of registered voters who do not belong to a political party and can choose to participate in either primary. New Hampshire’s famously freethinking independents have long injected a degree of unpredictability into the state’s contest, setting it apart from socially conservative Iowa.Haley’s best chance of wresting the nomination from Trump may depend on voters like Marie Mulroy, 76, a self-described political moderate from Manchester who despises Trump and voted for Biden in 2020.“I’m sick of it,” Mulroy said. “Two incumbents. Two lame ducks. I’m tired of the forced choices.” On Tuesday, she’ll choose a Republican ballot and vote for the candidate she has seen on the campaign trail 12 times and believes could be the nation’s first female president.Though Mulroy disagrees with Haley on some social issues, particularly abortion, she is impressed by Haley’s approach to foreign policy and the federal debt. Importantly, Mulroy added, she was confident that if Haley were the Republican nominee and lost the election, she would concede. “We won’t have a January 6th with her,” Mulroy said.Haley will also need support from conservative voters like Erin Williams of Newmarket. Williams supported Trump in 2020 but says it’s time to usher in a younger generation of leaders. Drawn to Haley’s “energy and no-nonsense approach,” Williams cringed at the possibility of a Biden-Trump repeat.“I don’t even want to think about that,” she said after Haley’s Sunday night rally at a high school in Exeter.‘One fella and one lady’On Sunday, just two days before voters go to the polls, DeSantis’s departure set the stage for the one-on-one showdown with Trump in New Hampshire that Haley has been seeking.Moments after DeSantis announced his departure Haley shared the news with the mix of patrons and supporters gathered at Brown’s Lobster Pound on New Hampshire’s seacoast.“It’s now one fella and one lady left,” she said, sending the crowd into a frenzy of cheers and applause. “May the best woman win.”Haley has invested heavily in New Hampshire, where Trump is potentially more vulnerable in the highly educated, less religious state. Deep-pocketed allies have helped knock doors and troll Trump on her behalf.SFA Fund Inc, a Haley aligned Super Pac, taunted Trump with mobile billboards outside one of his rallies this week. A spokesperson for the group said the ads were targeting “Trump supporters who are tired of losing”.Americans for Prosperity Action, the political network backed by conservative billionaire Charles Koch, has contacted more than 210,000 voters in the state since endorsing Haley in November, said Greg Moore, the group’s New Hampshire director.In a briefing with reporters, he said that those conversations made it clear that, true to form in a state known for “breaking late”, many voters were still making up their minds.“Some of the narrative is that it’s all moderates for Haley and all conservatives for Trump. I know that’s not true,” Moore said. “She is pulling from both conservatives and moderates.”A Monmouth poll released on Monday found that the number of registered independents who planned to take a Republican ballot has increased from 52% in November to 63%, suggesting a “measurable influx of Democratic-leaning independents” in Tuesday’s primary.Haley is walking a fine line in icy New Hampshire, chasing both independent voters who despise Trump and conservatives who voted for him but are open to an alternative.The effort has earned her the backing of New Hampshire’s popular Republican governor, Chris Sununu, who has escorted her around the state. On Sunday, Haley won the endorsement of the Union-Leader, a state newspaper which praised her as a candidate who could “run circles around the dinosaurs from the last two administrations, backwards and in heels”.“She has the difficult task of trying to reach out to two very different parts of the electorate,” said Dante Scala, a professor of Political Science and International Affairs at the University of New Hampshire. “There’s a real chasm.”skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionIn stops around the state, Haley has played up her conservative credentials and hawkish foreign policy, rebutting Trump’s attacks on her, with vows to crack down on the southern border, stand up to China and never raise taxes.Early in her 2024 campaign, Haley stepped gingerly around the topic of her former boss. But with Trump holding firmly to his lead in New Hampshire – and several of her would-be supporters in the state clamoring for more – Haley began to confront him head-on.On the eve of Tuesday’s contest, she questioned Trump’s mental acuity, accused him of spreading “lies” about her record, berating his relationship with dictators and slamming his support from “Washington insiders”.Yet she continues to sidestep questions about Trump’s web of legal troubles, which has only hardened the extraordinary loyalty he inspires from the Republican base. As president, she said she would pardon Trump if he’s convicted but not preemptively. Separately, she has committed to supporting the Republican nominee.One of her campaign’s most consistent knocks on Trump is that he’s bad for Republicans. During his time in office, the party lost the House, Senate and White House during his time in office. They also repeatedly lost New Hampshire in the general election. Even then, she has left some of the sharpest attacks to her allies.“I am tired of losing,” Sununu, his voice hoarse from days of campaigning, told a crowd in Exeter. “I’m tired of losers. And I’m sure as hell tired of Donald Trump.”‘The sound of a two person race’Trump hopes to extinguish Haley’s path with a decisive victory on Tuesday before the race turns to an even friendlier contest in Nevada.“We need big margins,” Trump said at a rally in Manchester.A memo by the Trump campaign argued that Haley “must win” in New Hampshire. If she doesn’t, it said, she had two choices: suspend her campaign and endorse Trump or prepare to be “absolutely DEMOLISHED and EMBARASSED [sic] in her home state of South Carolina”.Haley has vowed to ride on. Her campaign scheduled a rally in South Carolina on Wednesday, 24 hours after polls close in New Hampshire.Part of Haley’s pitch is that she is more electable than the former president. She frequently points to polling that shows her beating Biden in a hypothetical matchup. But there is a creeping sense that the race for the Republican nomination is a foregone conclusion no matter what happens in New Hampshire.In Manchester, Carter Crumley, 60, a retired engineer and registered independent, said Haley had “a lot of great qualities” but felt she didn’t have a chance. He plans to vote for Trump.“You don’t just want to waste a vote because you like someone,” he said. “You want them to be electable.”Haley is embracing her status as an underdog, reminding voters that she’d been underestimated and counted out for much of her career only to prove the “fellas” wrong: besting a 30-year Republican incumbent to win a seat in the state legislature and surging past a field of more prominent Republicans when she ran for governor in 2010.And unlike Trump’s rowdy rallies, Haley has been doing the time-honored work of retail politics that New Hampshire voters expect – and demand – of their candidates. In recent days, she has answered interrogatories at Mary Ann’s diner in Amherst, tossed back a Guinness at the Peddler’s Daughter Irish Bar in Nashua before zipping to Chick-fil-A in the governor’s red mustang.At a seafood restaurant in Epping, Haley dropped down to sign a drawing made for her by five-year-old Cora. The girl’s mother, who gave only her first name, Jessica, said her daughter was drawn to Haley because she was the only woman in the stack of campaign literature flooding their mailbox.As for herself, she had hoped to support the former Arkansas governor, Asa Hutchinson, who dropped out of the presidential race after his anti-Trump candidacy failed to break through. Now, she said she will follow Hutchinson’s lead and support Haley.In a sign of the times, protesters have disrupted multiple Haley’s events in recent days. As supporters booed, Haley quieted the crowd to say that she is always “happy to see a protester” because her husband, who is deployed, and other armed service members are serving to protect their right to free speech. It is one of her strongest applause lines.An electric crowd filled a high school gymnasium in Exeter for Haley’s final campaign stop on Sunday. Her campaign shot T-shirts into the audience. A young supporter danced on stage.“Can you hear that sound?” Haley asked as she began her remarks. “That’s the sound of a two-person race.”But it was Judy Sheindlin, the straight-talking television arbiter known and loved by American viewers as Judge Judy, who delivered Haley’s closing argument.“Please, New Hampshire. Use your brains and your heart,” Sheindlin said. “Bring her home on Tuesday.”David Smith contributed reporting. More

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    Trump holds wide lead over Nikki Haley in New Hampshire, polls show

    The ignominious end of Ron DeSantis’s presidential campaign is unlikely to boost Donald Trump’s last challenger, Nikki Haley, to the Republican nomination , according to two New Hampshire polls released on the eve of the primary in the north-eastern state.DeSantis also endured a round of scathing critiques of his campaign which started off being seen as a major source of opposition to Trump. But his White House bid never fully took off and fizzled into failure and a major blow to the rightwing Florida governor’s political reputation.In a poll released on Sunday, the day the hard-right Florida governor contradicted his own Super Pac, Never Back Down, and backed down, NBC News, the Boston Globe and Suffolk University put Trump 19 points clear of Haley, at 55% to 36% support.Ending his campaign, DeSantis looked past months of personal attacks from Trump to offer the twice-impeached, 91-times criminally charged former president – whose lie about a stolen 2020 election DeSantis has disowned – his endorsement to face Joe Biden.On Monday, the Washington Post and Monmouth University put Trump at 52% support in New Hampshire, to 34% for Haley.That represented a near-doubling of support for the former South Carolina governor and UN ambassador since November. But, the Post said, that was primarily a result of the withdrawal of Chris Christie, the former New Jersey governor who campaigned as an anti-Trump candidate.DeSantis had 8% support in the Post-Monmouth poll, which was carried out before he ended his campaign.“If DeSantis’s supporters in the poll are allocated based on their second choice,” the Post said, “Trump’s support rises by four points while Haley’s increases by two.”On Sunday, Haley staged a rally in New Hampshire with Judy Sheindlin, better known to millions of Americans as Judge Judy, a former Manhattan family court judge made famous by a small claims, arbitration-based TV show.“What a crowd, Exeter!” she said. “The energy on the ground is electric, and it’s clear Granite Staters are ready to make a difference on Tuesday! An extra special thanks to America’s favorite judge, Judge Judy Sheindlin, for joining us! She gets it: this country needs no drama, no chaos, no nonsense – just results!”But despite such determined boosterism, polling results undeniably show Haley well adrift of Trump in New Hampshire and even further behind in South Carolina, her home state which next month will be the third to vote.According to the polling site FiveThirtyEight.com, Trump leads Haley by 61% to 25% in the southern state.Larry Sabato, director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia, said: “I wish I had a dollar for every Republican who’s told me over the last three years, ‘We’ve learned our lesson. No way will Trump be our nominee again.’”Speaking to CNN, Sabato added: “If [Haley] loses on Tuesday, it almost certainly marks the end of her run. She may continue through her home state of South Carolina though I think she’d be hesitant to do it because she wouldn’t want to lose her home state. That’s really difficult to explain to people.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotion“But for all practical purposes, once DeSantis left and once the other candidates were knocked out of the race, it was Trump’s to lose and Trump has to lose significantly and he’s not going to lose it.”DeSantis exited the race with a statement containing both a Churchill quote it turned out Churchill never said and his endorsement of Trump.Sabato was asked about DeSantis’s decision to back Trump after, only last week, attacking Republicans he said had chosen to “kiss the ring” and endorse the former president.“I guess he saw some good examples of ring kissing and decided to imitate it,” Sabato said.“Look, who knows what was going through his mind other than the fact that he certainly wants to run the next time. Now, whether he’ll be credible as a candidate after this disastrous run? Remember, he was supposed to be Trump’s main challenger and most of the establishment in the Republican party was betting on him. And his campaign crashed and burned.“This was really a disgraceful enterprise in so many different ways. But in [DeSantis’s] mind, at least right now, as he’s coming to terms with the the demise of his dream, he’s thinking about running in 2028. Well, being associated with Nikki Haley is not going to help you, because this party has already become the Donald Trump party or the Maga party and it will be in all likelihood even more so as the years go on.” More

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    Ron DeSantis Made Smiling Look Hard

    And just like that, Ron DeSantis’s quest for the presidency is kaput. In a short video on Sunday, the Florida governor looked natty in a blue suit and red tie, every hair perfectly in place as he papered over his deeply imperfect campaign. He touted his own leadership and, perhaps with an eye toward running again in 2028, endorsed the Republican kingmaker, Donald Trump. It wasn’t a terrible performance, especially under the circumstances. But watching DeSantis’s now-famous awkward smile and listening to his unnatural cadence, it was hard not to think: Yeah. I can see why this guy’s candidacy is deader than disco.I am not being mean here. OK, I am being a little bit mean, but in the service of a serious point. Mr. DeSantis is a successful governor of a major state and a smart guy with a picture-perfect family. But he is also one of those unfortunate political creatures who do not wear well, whose early promise and poll numbers fade over time: The more people saw him, the less they seemed to like him. On the presidential campaign trail, he was robotic and awkward, rude and arrogant, with the interpersonal skills of poorly designed A.I. He struck people as an all-around odd duck, and not in a good way.For a modern presidential contender, this is the kiss of death. Popular policies, a savvy campaign strategy, a message that speaks to the moment — these things matter. And DeSantis had much to offer a conservative Republican base: his angry populism, his vilification of all the right people (Dr. Anthony Fauci, George Soros, migrants, teachers’ unions), his record of achievement in Florida. Let us grant him all that, and more. But if the messenger has a likability problem, the rest tends to get overshadowed.For all of DeSantis’s apparent G.O.P. pluses, he was constantly tripping over his personal minuses. His tone-deaf remarks, like when he told a kid in Iowa that his Icee probably had a lot of sugar in it. His inability to hide his discomfort when interacting with regular Americans. The creepy smile that popped up in pretty much every debate. That quickie lip lick, where the tip of his tongue would suddenly burst into view. His visible impatience. His trouble making eye contact. His fidgeting. His explosive, gaping laugh. The peculiar rhythm of his speech — sometimes too fast, sometimes stilted, and never quite right. It was … a lot. But also not enough, lacking a certain quality that says, “I am human.”A big part of the presidency involves convincing people to believe in you, rallying support for your priorities, conveying competence, caring, strength, hope, determination, courage. You are, chiefly, a leader — not a manager, a policy wonk or a political strategist. And getting people to follow you is much harder if they find you personally off-putting.This wasn’t Team DeSantis’s only problem, of course. His campaign’s failures, of strategy and of luck, were rich and multifaceted. But underneath them all ran this foundational flaw. To quote Mr. Trump, a viciously shrewd observer of human nature, “The problem with Ron DeSanctimonious is that he needs a personality transplant, and those are not yet available.”We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    GOP Donors Face Dilemma as DeSantis Drops Out

    Ron DeSantis’s exit, and Nikki Haley’s struggle to make headway against Donald Trump, are forcing Republicans to make a tough choice.The narrowing race for the Republican presidential nomination is creating tough choices for anti-Trump donors.Sophie Park for The New York TimesIt’s down to Trump and Haley now The effort to pick anyone but Donald Trump as the Republican presidential nominee took another big, if expected, blow on Sunday when Ron DeSantis dropped out of the race and endorsed the former president. (Other former hopefuls, including Vivek Ramaswamy and Tim Scott, have also endorsed Trump.)The Republican faithful are coalescing around Trump in a way that raises questions about the next move by the wealthy donors who have sought to stop him.Nikki Haley is now the only potential roadblock to a Trump nomination. DeSantis came into the race as the most daunting opponent to the former president, but his misstep-laden campaign never turned into a serious threat. Among his strategic errors was betting that “anti-woke” fights, including his battle against Disney, would resonate with voters. (Politico reports that a top DeSantis fund-raiser had proposed a legally untested way for the campaign to remain afloat, but the Florida governor eventually yielded to electoral reality.)Haley has embraced her status as the last anti-Trump candidate standing: “May the best woman win,” she said on Sunday. But polls put her some 15 percentage points behind Trump in New Hampshire, as voters head to the polls tomorrow.It’s a sign that the influence of big-money donors is limited. DeSantis’s war chest was financed largely by deep-pocketed benefactors. And in recent months, Haley has drawn support from a bipartisan group of anti-Trump moguls, including the hedge fund billionaire Stanley Druckenmiller and the Democratic investor and LinkedIn founder Reid Hoffman. (JPMorgan Chase’s Jamie Dimon has publicly exhorted people of all political stripes to back Haley.)But as The Times’s Ken Vogel notes, winning over the moneyed class hasn’t guaranteed electoral success for years. Just ask Jeb Bush.What will those anti-Trump donors do? Some are continuing to back Haley: Several Wall Street titans, including Druckenmiller and Henry Kravis, will host a fund-raiser for her on Jan. 30, a week after the Republican and Democratic New Hampshire primaries. And Americans for Prosperity, a super PAC backed by the Koch business empire, said it would continue to back Haley through at least Super Tuesday in early March.But if Haley loses badly in New Hampshire, how long will business leaders accustomed to success stick with a failing bet? Ken Langone, a co-founder of Home Depot and one of her backers, said recently that he wants to see how she does tomorrow before giving more money.In other election news: The top outside political group backing President Biden raised $208 million last year. And Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen is heading to the Midwest this week to tout Biden’s economic record as data points increasingly turn positive.HERE’S WHAT’S HAPPENING The war in Gaza hits the Middle East’s economy. Three months in, the conflict has cost Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan more than $10 billion in economic losses, and risks pushing 230,000 into poverty. Meanwhile, international support for Israel is fraying as casualties in Gaza mount and as attacks by Houthi rebels on commercial vessels in the Red Sea are driving up shipping costs.Exxon Mobil sues climate investors to stop a proxy fight. The fossil-fuel giant asked a federal court in Texas to throw out a proposal from Follow This and Arjuna Capital that calls for speeding up the company’s efforts to cut greenhouse gases. A decision could clarify S.E.C. guidance on which shareholder proposals can be put up for a vote by company shareholders.Another Boeing model comes under regulatory scrutiny. The F.A.A. said on Sunday that airlines should inspect the door plugs on Boeing 737-900ER planes “as an added layer of safety.” Confidence in Boeing’s engineering and quality control has fallen after hundreds of Boeing 737 Max 9s were grounded in the wake of a door panel tearing off an Alaska Airlines jet in flight.S&P 500 futures are up again on Monday. After hitting a record on Friday, the benchmark index looks set to extend those gains. Last week’s rally was driven by investor bets on interest rates cuts and the artificial intelligence boom buoying tech stocks.Could Macy’s get hostile? Macy’s has rejected a $5.8 billion takeover bid from the investment firms Arkhouse Management and Brigade Capital that valued the struggling department store chain at roughly 20 percent above its closing share price on Friday.The investor group is now threatening to take the offer to shareholders. With a potential hostile bid looming, here are DealBook’s questions about what may come next.How would Arkhouse and Brigade pull off a deal? Macy’s board cited doubts about the investment firms’ financing when it rejected the proposal on Sunday. The company said the firms had proposed to pay 25 percent of the offer in equity. The rest would most likely be from debt such as leveraged loans, the market for which has been tight thanks in part to high interest rates.Could the rejection open the door to other bids? Arkhouse’s 2021 offer for Columbia Property Trust led to another buyer entering the picture. Macy’s has not reached out to prospective buyers, people familiar with the matter tell DealBook. But the retailer indicated in a statement that it would “be open to opportunities that are in the best interests of the company and all of our shareholders.”The list of prospective suitors is short, given the challenges facing the retail sector and the scarring memories of buyouts-gone-bad like with Sears.What is Macy’s turnaround plan? The retailer’s shares have fallen about 30 percent over the past five years, as the company lost significant market share, forcing it to close stores and lay off staff — including an announcement last week that it would cut 2,350 jobs.All eyes are on Tony Spring, who takes over as C.E.O. next month after having led Bloomingdale’s, Macy’s much-healthier higher-end brand. But duplicating that kind of success could be challenging, given Macy’s large and underperforming store base and its different shopper demographics.Taking the temperature of tech C.E.O.s Tech sector C.E.O.s are more optimistic about the economy this year, especially the potential for artificial intelligence and the I.P.O. market. But they also remain wary that geopolitical tensions could disrupt trade and increase headwinds in the capital markets, SoftBank’s latest annual survey of its portfolio companies shows.DealBook got an exclusive first look at the report, which includes start-ups backed bySoftBank’s two Vision Funds and its Latin America fund.Hope is returning after a dismal two years. Almost half of the C.E.O.s surveyed were more upbeat about the economy than they were a year ago and expected to raise capital this year.The improvement in sentiment is from a low base, cautioned Alex Clavel, co-C.E.O. of SoftBank Investment Advisers, which manages the funds. Last year was a hangover from 2022, when the fund-raising “faucets were turned off,” he said. Hopes didn’t pan out that I.P.O.s at the end of 2023 — including of the SoftBank-backed Arm — would lead to a flow of new listings, but 37 percent of C.E.O.s said public listings would pick up in the second half of 2024.A.I. excitement is high, even if it’s unclear how it will be deployed. “There is an increasing sense that 2024 is the year when we go from A.I. enthusiasm to A.I. impact,” Clavel said. A third of the C.E.O.s said they had increased A.I. investment by 50 percent last year and were using it to make products more cheaply or to improve efficiency.But some are proceeding cautiously. Clavel said one company has used A.I. to cut costs significantly but is holding off on more changes “because it’s going to be too unsettling” for the work force.The C.E.O.s said tensions with China were the top geopolitical risk. Still, that obstacle hasn’t significantly affected their businesses yet. The biggest concern for 2024: that wider instability, including war in the Middle East, could sap investor interest in I.P.O.s or raise energy costs in Europe.“I have lost confidence in the determination and ability of the Harvard Corporation and Harvard leadership to maintain Harvard as a place where Jews and Israelis can flourish.” — Larry Summers, the former Treasury secretary and ex-president of Harvard, after the university announced a new antisemitism task force on Friday. The committee is set to be co-chaired by Derek Penslar, a professor of Jewish history who Summers said was “unsuited” for the role in part because of his position on the extent of the school’s antisemitism problem.The week ahead On the agenda this week: earnings, inflation and central bank decisions.Tomorrow: Netflix, Procter & Gamble, Johnson & Johnson and Lockheed Martin release quarterly results. Also, the Bank of Japan is expected to maintain its ultra-loose monetary policy; the markets predict the country will exit its negative rates regime as soon as March.Elsewhere, the Academy Awards nominees are set to be announced.Wednesday: The Dutch chips-equipment manufacturer ASML, Tesla and AT&T report earnings.Thursday: It’s decision day for the European Central Bank, which is expected to hold steady on interest rates. On the other side of the Atlantic, U.S. fourth-quarter G.D.P. is set to be published.In earnings, LVMH, Intel, Visa and a slew of airlines including American, Southwest and Alaska Air Group are due to report.Friday: The Personal Consumption Expenditures report, the Fed’s preferred inflation gauge, will be released.THE SPEED READ DealsSony ended a $10 billion deal to combine its Indian assets with Zee Entertainment, a Mumbai-based media company. (Reuters)Macquarie, the big Australian investment firm, has raised 8 billion euros ($8.7 billion) for its latest European infrastructure fund. (FT)What Citigroup’s exit from the $4 trillion market for municipal bonds, a field it once dominated, means for the business of financing state and local governments. (WSJ)Artificial intelligenceEleven Labs, an A.I voice-cloning start-up, raised $80 million in new funds from investors led by Andreessen Horowitz at a valuation of more than $1 billion. (Bloomberg)How Japan is turning to avatars, robots and A.I. to tackle its labor crisis. (FT)Best of the rest“‘America is Under Attack’: Inside the Anti-D.E.I. Crusade” (NYT)American clothing makers are pushing to change a trade rule that effectively lets foreign manufacturers ship directly to U.S. consumers without paying tariffs. (NYT)The Chinese electric carmaker BYD is going upmarket with a Lamborghini-style E.V. to step up its fight with Tesla. (WSJ)We’d like your feedback! Please email thoughts and suggestions to dealbook@nytimes.com. More

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    Biden’s name won’t appear on New Hampshire ballots – where does that leave Democrats?

    While Donald Trump and Nikki Haley might draw focus, a shadow presidential primary is taking place in New Hampshire, where Joe Biden could stumble at the first hurdle of his bid to run for president again in 2024 following an internal Democratic party feud.As a consequence of the party scrap, Biden’s name will not even appear on the ballot in the Granite state on Tuesday. While the president remains the favorite to win his party’s overall nomination, his absence here has opened a window for Dean Phillips, a Democratic congressman from Minnesota, and Marianne Williamson, an author and self-help guru who ran for president in 2020, to mount longshot presidential bids.The pair have spent weeks campaigning in the state, pitching different visions for the future. Phillips, 55, has touted his reputation as a centrist; his record of working with Republicans to get things done; and the fact that he is 26 years younger than Biden.Williamson, who withdrew from the 2020 race before the Iowa caucuses, is selling more of a deviation from the current administration. A progressive, she would introduce free college tuition, declare a climate emergency and “Department of Peace” which would be tasked with avoiding war abroad and tackling white supremacy at home.So far it is Phillips who seems to be drawing the most attention from Granite staters, even if, as he told voters in Salem on Friday, challenging Biden has meant being “excommunicated” from the wider Democratic party.“I was a darling as of 90 days ago, and now I’m the devil somehow,” Phillips told the Guardian after the event.“But that’s how it works. I expected this because it is a nonsensical culture, of standing in line playing your role waiting your turn. We can’t do that if we hope to save this country.”Phillips, who ran his family’s hundred million dollar brewing company before winning a seat in the House of Representatives in 2018, only launched his campaign in October 2023, but he has established a large political operation in the state.At his events his volunteers scurry around gathering signatures from people in the crowd, and hand out T-shirts and buttons with the legend: “I like Dean” written on the front. Frequently the crowds are large.An event in Nashua on Saturday, a bitterly cold day with wispy snow falling from the sky, drew more than 200 people, who heard Phillips tout his record as “the second most bipartisan” Democrat in the House of Representatives.“We believe it is time to segregate the far-left and the far-right and give voice to the exhausted majority of America. Are you ready for that?” Phillips said, to applause.A man who clearly has a passion for language, Phillips then addressed a Democratic effort to write-in Biden’s name on the ballot on Tuesday by suggesting: “If he wrote you off, why would you write him in,” and claimed that Biden “took the granite state for gran-ted”.On the stump Phillips sometimes adds: “I did torpedo my career in Congress, so that this country will not be torpedoed by this nonsense.”New Hampshire polling shows Biden with a commanding lead over Phillips, and an even more commanding lead over Williamson. But given Biden’s name isn’t on the ballot, there’s a possibility Phillips could win.The unusual situation stems from the Democratic national committee’s decision to ditch decades of tradition this year in choosing South Carolina, a much more racially diverse state, to host the first presidential primary. When New Hampshire said it would host its primary first anyway – South Carolina will vote next week – the Democratic National Committee essentially said it would ignore the state’s results.It means that Phillips’s and Williamson’s efforts here won’t actually help them become a presidential candidate, but that doesn’t render the time they spend here completely redundant, said Dante Scala, a professor of political science at the University of New Hampshire.“New Hampshire historically has not been about delegates, because we have relatively few to offer in the big scheme of things,” Scala said.“It’s about the publicity that comes with a victory or even a better-than-expected performance in an early voting state in the nomination process, and I think they’ve been following that playbook.”Biden might be absent from the state, but a movement has emerged encouraging people to write his name on voting slips, and in a sign that the Biden campaign sees the potential for embarrassment, a series of high-profile Biden supporters have been dispatched to New Hampshire in recent weeks.Ro Khanna, a rising Democratic congressman from California, held an event for Biden on Saturday, while Pete Buttigieg, the transportation secretary, is among a slew of Biden’s cabinet officials who have pitched up here since the start of December.Another problem for Phillips and Williamson is a liberal-led effort to get independent New Hampshirites to vote for Haley in the Republican primary, in an attempt to damage Trump’s chances in the state. PrimaryPivot, the organization running the campaign, has been a regular presence at Republican events.“There’s a difference between a regular conservative Republican and someone who is an autocrat,” said Robert Schwarz, co-founder of PrimaryPivot.“For the issues most important to our democracy, Nikki Haley and Donald Trump are night and day.”For Phillips and Williamson, the write-in Biden campaign, and a separate effort to write-in “ceasefire” on Democratic ballots to critique Biden’s handling of Israel’s actions in Gaza, is an unwanted distraction.“President Biden doesn’t really care about a write-in campaign. The president would care if a candidate, such as myself, who has called for a ceasefire from the very beginning, got a lot of votes,” Williamson said at a campaign event in Manchester on Saturday.“I find [the campaign] kind of self-indulgent, performative.”Williamson, who after dropping out of the 2020 race endorsed Bernie Sanders for president, has a much broader critique of the US than Phillips. Political elites, Williamson said, have a “business model” of “job elimination, and worker exploitation, and demonization of unions, and tax cuts for the very, very wealthy”.“A majority of Americans live paycheck to paycheck. The majority of Americans can’t even dream of homeownership at this point. A majority of Americans cannot afford to absorb a $500 unexpected expenditure. One in four Americans live with medical debt, 75 million Americans are uninsured or underinsured,” Williamson said.She has found some support among people like Lisa Swanson, a student at Quinnipiac university who voted for Sanders four years ago. Speaking after the Manchester event, Swanson said she found Williamson “very reasonable”.“She shares a lot of the beliefs that I’ve had for a very long time, as if she’s plucked them right out of my own brain. So that’s very refreshing,” Swanson said.But while the campaigns of Williamson and Phillips might be winning support, there is still a sense that this could all be for naught. Neither is expected to seriously challenge Biden in South Carolina primary, let alone in the states to follow.Like others who attended events for these rebel candidates, Swanson was angry at the Democratic party skipping their state.“I feel like it’s pretty anti-democratic, quite frankly. It is the opposite of democracy. We are supposed to vote as the people to show what we want, and the DNC doing that with Joe Biden, quite frankly, says that they don’t trust the people to make a decision,” Swanson said. More