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      Kevin Faulconer on Covid Mandates, Housing and the California G.O.P.

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      He was the mayor of San Diego, California’s second-largest city, for the better part of a decade until he reached his term limit last year, praised in some quarters for being an increasingly rare moderate Republican in a state where the G.O.P. has struggled.But many Californians could not pick Kevin Faulconer out of a lineup.That has been a bit of a problem for Mr. Faulconer, who is one of more than 40 candidates vying to take Gov. Gavin Newsom’s place in Tuesday’s recall election. One recent poll shows Mr. Faulconer at a very distant second place to Larry Elder, the conservative radio host and Republican front-runner.Unlike the other candidates, though, Mr. Faulconer has experience in government. In recent weeks, Democratic strategists and The Los Angeles Times’s editorial board have urged Californians to vote no on the recall question, and — rather than leave blank the question on which candidate should replace Mr. Newsom if he is recalled — “hold your nose and select” Mr. Faulconer.Mr. Faulconer’s candidacy in the recall has been widely viewed as a chance to get his name in front of voters before running in the regular race for governor next year, which he announced early this year that he would join — regardless of whether a recall took place.Mr. Faulconer said in an interview he was adamant that his collaborative “common-sense” approach to governance and focus on policy will resonate with Californians weary of partisan tribalism. And that, he said, is what he hopes will set him apart.“My one goal is continuing to get out my message of someone who’s ready to lead, has the experience and will actually bring real solutions to California,” he said. “And somebody who knows how to bring people together.”Here’s what else he had to say, lightly edited and condensed:I’ll jump right into it: If you’re elected governor, would you keep mask, vaccine or other pandemic-related mandates in place?I would say, first of all, I want everyone to get the vaccine. Every opportunity I get, I stress that — my family is vaccinated. That is the best way for us to get on the other side of this pandemic.But you can’t mandate your way out of Covid-19. So I do not support mandates or bans, either way.You have to let local health officials make those determinations based upon the facts on the ground in their area. Los Angeles is going to be different than Sacramento, which is going to be different than the Bay Area. So my policy is one of education, education, education.Kevin Paffrath, a Democrat, and the Republicans John Cox, Kevin Kiley and Kevin Faulconer at a debate in August.Pool photo by Scott StrazzanteSo would you be in favor of lifting vaccine mandates for educators?I’m a big believer in letting the local facts on the ground dictate the proper steps to take based upon the health conditions in that community.You would leave that up to district officials or local public health officials?I would leave that to local public health officials. I think we saw 90 percent of educators had gotten vaccinated without a mandate. Again, I think that speaks to the power of education.What would you say to people in communities where public health officials have been threatened for doing their jobs and imposing restrictions, and where residents opposed to mask mandates have successfully pushed back against them?I would say the science doesn’t change based on politics. And I again urge you to trust the science and the local conditions in that community.So would you immediately reverse all the mandates that apply to state workers?I would allow local officials to make those decisions for themselves. I believe that testing is a responsible solution. Again, I want everyone to get vaccinated, and I absolutely believe that helps reduce the vaccine hesitancy if you’re not mandating everything.You’ve talked a lot about better addressing homelessness than Governor Newsom. What would your priorities be?We took very significant action in San Diego to change the dynamics. It was compassionate and it was firm. I did not allow tent encampments on the sidewalks in San Diego and in our public spaces because I believe if you let somebody live in an unsafe, unclean, unsanitary environment, you’re condemning them to die there. And we’re better than that.We were the only big city in California where we actually reduced homelessness by double digits. I set up a series of shelters in San Diego, and I made a deal with the community. I said, “It’s going to be cleaner and safer with this shelter than before it was there.”I created a new division of the San Diego Police Department called the Neighborhood Policing Division and it made a dramatic difference. These were officers, so our police officers, but in khaki pants and blue polo shirts. They became the No. 1 entity to refer people to the shelters.I’m going to lead by example as governor and do the same thing. I believe that every human being has a right to shelter. I also believe that when we provide that shelter, you have an obligation to use it, and I enforced that.During your tenure as mayor, San Diego pushed forward some of the most aggressive laws in the state for creating accessory dwelling units on single-family lots. And the state’s Senate Bill 9 just passed, which allows duplexes in single-family neighborhoods. Do you think the state should go further? Do you support S.B. 9?We need to produce more housing, period. And one of the things that this governor has completely ignored is reforming the California Environmental Quality Act, which is used to stop housing projects in California. It takes too much time. It takes too much extra dollars. It makes it more expensive.But really quickly, what’s your stance on S.B. 9?I believe our best opportunity is in our multifamily zones. What you don’t want to do is eliminate all single-family zoning, as some in the Legislature are advocating. I think our biggest opportunity to have the density where you want it is along our transit zones. And that’s exactly what we did in San Diego, with our Complete Communities that we passed.So do you support S.B. 9?You can’t eliminate single-family zoning. No.In 2016, you opposed former President Donald Trump. In 2020, you supported him. Where do you stand now?I did in 2020, and my vote was based upon the economy. I haven’t interacted with him since I was mayor.I think Gavin Newsom wants to make this campaign all about the former president. I think what Californians want is a governor who’s going to focus on California. The former president didn’t call himself the homeless czar like Gavin Newsom. It’s not the former president who’s not moving forward on water storage in California, wildfire reduction. This recall is really a referendum on Gavin Newsom’s failures.Mr. Faulconer boarding his campaign bus after an event at MacArthur Park in Los Angeles in August.Damian Dovarganes/Associated PressThe former president, as you said, is not in charge of California. At the same time, he is clearly influencing the Republican Party across the country. What do you think the Republican Party stands for now? And what do you align with, if not former President Trump?I believe we need to make it more affordable for families in California. That’s why I put forward the largest middle-class tax cut in California history.People are voting with their feet. They’re leaving our state because it’s too expensive. I believe we need to make it easier to build and start a small business. It’s not having a carbon copy of the national party. I call myself a California Republican.What does that mean to you? Democrats have a huge advantage in terms of registration in California — how does the California Republican Party need to shift?The registration in the city of San Diego mirrors that of California as a whole. How do you win in California? You win by focusing on issues and common sense. You have to build coalitions. That’s exactly what I did as mayor.That’s what this campaign has been built on, which is if you’re a Republican, I want your vote. If you’re a Democrat, I want your vote. If you’re an independent, I want your vote. And I think nobody else who’s running has also had to work with a legislature or, in my case, a majority-Democrat City Council.And so all of the housing reforms that you and I have just talked about, all of the homeless action that we took, all of the action on public safety, which I was very proud of, all of my budgets — every single one had to be approved by a majority-Democrat legislature.How did you feel about extending pandemic aid to undocumented workers, many of whom were essential. And would you reverse any legislation that gives undocumented people access to health care or driver’s licenses?My focus would have been obviously on Californians.You don’t think undocumented residents of California are Californians?I do, but like I said, legal citizens would have been my focus.I think that our immigration policy is completely broken at the federal level. And I’ve supported comprehensive immigration reform very loudly for a very long time. As governor I would advocate for that, because we know that the effects of a broken immigration policy affect us so incredibly much here in California.If you don’t become governor in the recall, you’re planning to run again next year.I was absolutely planning to run in 2022 when I started. I wouldn’t be running if I didn’t think that California was ready for a change, that we should have a competition of ideas. We’ve had one-party rule in California now for over a decade. And I believe that that has led to just a state going in the wrong direction. More

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      Takeaways From Canada's Official Election Debates

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      Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who called the snap election two years ahead of schedule, was repeatedly attacked by the other four candidates.OTTAWA — Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s decision to call an election two years ahead of schedule has not worked out as planned.Polls have consistently tracked a decline in voter support for his Liberal Party and a rise in backing for its nearest rivals, the Conservatives, leaving the parties in a statistical tie.The bulk of the 36-day campaign, the shortest allowed by law, came during Canada’s all-too-brief summer, when many voters’ minds were far from politics. The Taliban takeover in Afghanistan, where the Canadian military fought, further distracted the public’s attention.So for Mr. Trudeau and his rivals, particularly Erin O’Toole of the Conservatives, the debates this week in each of Canada’s official languages were crucial opportunities to define the campaign before Election Day, Sept. 20.Mr. Trudeau faced off not only against Mr. O’Toole, who is leading his party in an election for the first time, but also against Jagmeet Singh, the leader of the left-of-center New Democratic Party; Annamie Paul, who heads the Green Party; and Yves-François Blanchet of the Bloc Québécois, a regional party that endorses Quebec’s independence. With the five leaders receiving equal time, it was difficult for any to break through with a detailed message.The French-language debate on Wednesday often focused on issues of interest to Quebec. With English being the language of three-quarters of Canadians, the debate on Thursday in that language was considered the more important of the two.Trudeau struggled to justify his pandemic election.Mr. Trudeau said he called an election because he needed a new mandate to put pandemic recovery measures in place swiftly.Blair Gable/ReutersIn both debates, Mr. Trudeau’s rivals relentlessly challenged him for calling what they viewed as an unnecessary election in the middle of the pandemic. The subject came up 13 times during the French-language debate.In 2019, the Liberals under Mr. Trudeau failed to secure a majority of the seats in the House of Commons. That forced him to rely on votes from opposition parties, usually the New Democrats, to pass legislation and allowed the opposition parties to pool their votes in committees to tackle subjects embarrassing to the government.Mr. Trudeau said he needed a new mandate with a majority in order to put pandemic recovery measures in place swiftly. His opponents, however, repeatedly pointed out that none of Mr. Trudeau’s major objectives had been blocked during the past two years — although some important bills had been delayed and then died with the call for an election.In the Thursday debate, Mr. O’Toole challenged Mr. Trudeau’s decision to call for the election just as efforts to repatriate Canadians in Afghanistan and to aid Afghans who had worked for the Canadian military were in a critical phase.“You put your own political interests ahead of the well-being of thousands of people,” Mr. O’Toole said. “Mr. Trudeau, you should not have called this election; you should have gotten the job done in Afghanistan.”A complex format and a crowded stage limited debate.Mr. O’Toole, the Conservative leader, with Mr. Trudeau, who leads the Liberals. Justin Tang/The Canadian Press, via Associated PressThe two-hour debate had a complex structure. The moderator, Shachi Kurl, the president of the Angus Reid Institute, a nonprofit polling organization, asked questions written by a committee, with questions also posed via video by members of the public and at the site by journalists.Ms. Kurl assiduously enforced rules that prevented the candidates onstage from speaking out of turn or responding to questions not addressed to them. There were no closing statements.Duane Bratt, a professor of political science at Mount Royal University in Calgary, Alberta, said that the formula worked against Mr. Trudeau, who was constantly targeted by the four other leaders, and that it aided Mr. O’Toole.“O’Toole could talk about his climate plan in 30 seconds and then just move on to another subject, which is, I think, what he wanted,” Professor Bratt said. “The formula didn’t allow Trudeau time to really dig into some of O’Toole’s weaknesses.”But voters, Professor Bratt added, were the debate’s clear losers.“If this was the first time that you’re paying attention to the election, you were not well served tonight,” he said.Climate change and Indigenous issues got their due.Mr. Trudeau and Mr. Singh, who leads the left-of-center New Democratic Party.Pool photo by Sean KilpatrickClimate change, in particular, stood out as an issue, although no leader made a compelling case that his or her party offered the best approach, said Cara Camcastle, who lectures on political science at Simon Fraser University in Burnaby, British Columbia.“It’s good to see that all the leaders think it’s an important issue,” she said. “But none of them have the solutions of our own.”Mr. Trudeau was repeatedly attacked, particularly by Mr. Singh, for the rise in carbon emissions in Canada during each of the six years the prime minister has held office. Mr. Trudeau responded that his government’s climate measures, including the introduction of a national carbon price, had put Canada on a path to not just meeting but also exceeding its emissions commitment under the Paris Accord, which has a target date of 2030.Partly because of the organizer’s themed approach to the debate, reconciliation with Indigenous people received an unusual amount of attention.While all the other leaders picked apart Mr. Trudeau’s record — he has made Indigenous issues a top priority — they all agreed with his position that the process of replacing the 19th- century laws governing Indigenous people must be led by their communities rather than by the government.Guns and child care were largely absent in the English debate.Mr. O’Toole’s plan to scrap a Trudeau program under which several provinces provide child care for 10 Canadian dollars a day or less with a tax credit was prominent in the French debate but was largely bypassed on Thursday.Similarly, Mr. O’Toole’s backtracking on an earlier promise to eliminate Mr. Trudeau’s ban on 1,500 types of assault-style semiautomatic rifles received limited attention.The verdict: ‘A meaningless waste of time’?Professor Bratt and Dr. Camcastle said they believed that the two debates would not give form to what had been a largely shapeless campaign that lacked a clear issue — aside from Mr. Trudeau’s decision to call it.Frank Graves, president of EKOS Research Associates, a polling firm in Ottawa, offered a blunt assessment on Twitter.“Let me spare you the speculation of who won, lost, what impact,” he wrote. “It was a meaningless waste of time. Possibly the most vacuous and tedious debate in Canadian political history.”Bloc Quebecois Leader Yves-Francois Blanchet, left, and Green Party Leader Annamie Paul, taking part in the federal election English-language Leaders debate in Gatineau, Canada, on Thursday.Pool photo by Adrian WyldVjosa Isai More

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      How Seriously Broken Is California’s Recall Election?

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      California’s process for recalling its governor is so broken, some Democratic strategists are encouraging a vote for a Republican former San Diego mayor because “he’s not insane.” Millions of mail-in ballots were already cast before the state even released a list of qualified write-in candidates to potentially replace the sitting governor, Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, leaving voters to choose from a list of 46 mostly gadflies and wannabes.Voters are asked to answer two questions: First, do they want to recall Mr. Newsom, and second, if he is recalled, whom do they want to replace him? The governor can be recalled through a simple majority vote. His replacement needs only a plurality, no matter how small. This means that Mr. Newsom could win the support of 49 percent of voters and still be recalled. A candidate vying to replace him could be elected with half of that support, or even less.Election rules don’t allow for Mr. Newsom’s name to appear on the ballot, as is the case in a number of other states with recall rules, or for him to serve if he wins as a write-in candidate. That structure may amount to unconstitutional disenfranchisement. Another wrinkle: In order for votes for write-in candidates to count, the person written in must have filed paperwork to qualify. The list of qualified write-in candidates wasn’t made public until last Friday, less than two weeks before polls close on Sept. 14 — but weeks after mail-in ballots were sent out.Scrapping the century-old recall system altogether would deny California voters an important check on their top elected official. Whatever the result of the Newsom recall effort, however, the process is well past due for an overhaul.For starters, California’s recalls can happen in off-years, which makes them ripe for manipulation by the minority party. There have been at least 179 recall attempts in California since the measure was adopted by voters in 1911, and every governor since 1960 has faced at least one.The timing also means a far smaller electorate ends up determining who is the state’s leader. Special elections will always draw fewer voters, but for something as consequential as the governorship of the country’s most populous state, every effort should be made to increase turnout, including potentially requiring them to be held during regularly scheduled votes. Voters in off-cycle elections generally skew older, whiter and more conservative, a recent study led by the University of California, San Diego, found. In other words, not very representative of California’s population.Early polling suggested that as few as one-third of the state’s 22.3 million registered voters may participate this time — and they are facing a dizzying array of choices for Mr. Newsom’s potential successor. The slate is a ragtag bunch including the former Olympian Caitlyn Jenner, YouTube star Kevin Paffrath and mononymous billboard personality Angelyne. Kevin Faulconer, a former San Diego mayor, is among the few with any prior political experience.The leading candidate is the Republican talk-radio host Larry Elder, whose conservative policy positions — including his opposition to mask mandates, abortion rights and a minimum wage, as well as his troubling views on women’s rights and climate change — aren’t in line with any statewide election result in California for decades.Yet polls show he is the top candidate with the support of just 20 percent of likely voters. In California’s recall scheme, he could assume the governor’s office with well under two million votes, compared with the 7.7 million votes Mr. Newsom won in the regular 2018 election.“The system as it’s designed allows a minority faction that really has no hope of winning statewide election to get a recall on the ballot,” said Chris Elmendorf, a professor at the University of California, Davis, School of Law, who studies elections.Some Californians point to the last recall election, in 2003, as evidence that the system works. That year, voters booted Gray Davis, a Democrat, and replaced him with Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican. While Mr. Schwarzenegger fell short of winning an outright majority, at least more people voted for him than voted to keep Mr. Davis.But is that good enough? There are numerous ways that California should reform its recall system.First, it ought to shift the burden of winning majority support from the incumbent — who was, after all, duly elected by the voters — and put it on the recall effort. There is a reason that impeaching and removing the president requires not only a majority vote in the House but also a supermajority in the Senate. In a democracy, the results of a regularly scheduled election should not be overturned before the next election except in the most extraordinary circumstances.Other states with recall provisions, like Minnesota and Washington, require an act of malfeasance or a conviction for a serious crime for the recall to proceed. Mr. Newsom’s maskless dinner at a high-end restaurant to celebrate a lobbyist’s birthday, which buttressed the recall effort, was certainly hypocritical and tone-deaf, but it shouldn’t alone be grounds for early eviction from office.Another needed reform is to make it harder to get a recall on the ballot in the first place. Among the 18 other states with voter recall measures, none have a lower threshold than California’s. It takes signatures equal to just 12 percent of the total votes cast in the previous gubernatorial election to initiate a recall in California. In many other states, the threshold is 25 percent. In Kansas, the bar is 40 percent. In 2020 alone, at least 14 governors nationwide faced recall efforts, but only California’s attempt proceeded to a ballot, according to Joshua Spivak, a senior fellow at Wagner College’s Hugh L. Carey Institute for Government Reform and the author of a recent book on recall elections. That’s due in part to those other states’ higher thresholds. California already has a more stringent 20 percent standard for recalls of state lawmakers and judges. That would make sense for governors as well.Finally, California’s system discourages the sitting governor’s party from backing a replacement candidate for fear of bolstering the recall effort. That’s why Mr. Newsom asked voters to vote “no” on the recall and leave the second question blank. Doing so makes it even more likely that a candidate from the opposing party will win.Another fix would be to hold the vote on the recall itself on a different day than the vote on a successor, as several other states do. That would give replacement candidates time to put together a campaign on the issues, rather than just on the recall itself.Alternatively, lawmakers should consider requiring a recalled governor’s seat to be turned over to the democratically elected lieutenant governor, who would otherwise assume the post if the governor died, resigned or was impeached.Properly conducted, recalls can serve an important function in representative democracies, a salve for buyer’s remorse in extreme circumstances. But it should be in the state’s interest to have the broadest and most diverse electorate possible. That’s not now the case in California, where many people aren’t even aware the recall election is happening, even though ballots were sent to all registered voters in the state.A system that allows a legitimately elected governor to be replaced with a fringe candidate winning only a small fraction of the vote is in desperate need of reform. California voters should vote no on the recall question, and the Legislature should, at last, begin the work of revising the state’s recall elections.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. More

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      Olaf Scholz Is Running as the Next Angela Merkel in Germany, and It Seems to Be Working

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      Mr. Scholz, a Social Democrat who is modeling himself as the candidate of continuity, has a fair shot at being Germany’s next chancellor.BERLIN — When Olaf Scholz asked his fellow Social Democrats to nominate him as their candidate for chancellor, some inside his own camp publicly wondered if the party should bother fielding a candidate at all. Germany’s oldest party was not just trailing Chancellor Angela Merkel’s conservatives but had slipped into third place behind the Greens with a humiliating 14 percent in the polls. As recently as June, the German media was framing the contest to succeed Ms. Merkel as a two-way race between her conservatives and the ascendant Green Party.But with the Sept. 26 national elections fast approaching, Mr. Scholz and his once-moribund party have unexpectedly become the favorites to lead the next government in Europe’s biggest democracy.“It’s really touching to see how many citizens trust me to be the next chancellor,” a beaming Mr. Scholz told hundreds of supporters at a recent campaign event in Berlin, as he stood in front of a giant screen proclaiming: “Scholz will tackle it.”Ten months after Joseph R. Biden Jr. won the U.S. presidency for the Democrats, there is a real chance that Germany will be led by a center-left chancellor for the first time in 16 years. Not since the second term of former President Bill Clinton have both the White House and the German chancellery been in the hands of center-left leaders.“The atmosphere is just amazing right now — we’re almost in disbelief,” said Annika Klose, who is a Social Democrat candidate for Parliament and watched Mr. Scholz speak. “Since I joined the party in 2011, every election result was worse than the last.”With 25 percent in recent polls, Mr. Scholz’s Social Democrats have overtaken both the Green Party and the conservative party of Chancellor Angela Merkel.Gordon Welters for The New York TimesIt’s not that Germans have suddenly shifted left. Mr. Scholz, who has served as Ms. Merkel’s finance minister and vice chancellor for the past four years, is in many ways more associated with the conservative-led coalition government than his own party. Two years ago, he lost the party’s leadership contest to a leftist duo, which attacked him for his moderate centrism.But Mr. Scholz has managed to turn what has long been the main liability for his party — co-governing as junior partners of Ms. Merkel’s conservatives — into his main asset: In an election with no incumbent, he has styled himself as the incumbent — or as the closest thing there is to Ms. Merkel.“Germans aren’t a very change-friendly people, and the departure of Angela Merkel is basically enough change for them,” said Christiane Hoffmann, a prominent political observer and journalist. “They’re most likely to trust the candidate who promises that the transition is as easy as possible.”With 25 percent in recent polls, Mr. Scholz’s Social Democrats have overtaken the Greens, now lagging at 17 percent, and the conservatives at barely over 20 percent. But political analysts point out that this would hardly constitute a convincing victory.“No one has ever become chancellor since 1949 with so little trust,” said Manfred Güllner, head of the Forsa polling institute, referring to the founding year of the Federal Republic of Germany after World War II.“German voters are quite unsettled,” Mr. Güllner added. “After 16 years of a Merkel chancellorship that provided a certain sense of stability, we’re in a place we’ve never been before.”On the campaign trail Mr. Scholz has spoken admiringly of the current chancellor. A slickly produced TV ad by the party shows him walking in front of a projected image of Ms. Merkel. Mr. Scholz with Ms. Merkel in August. On the campaign trail Mr. Scholz has spoken admiringly of her. Maja Hitij/Getty ImagesHe has been photographed making the chancellor’s hallmark diamond-shaped hand gesture — the “Merkel rhombus” — and used the female form of the German word for chancellor on a campaign poster to convince Germans that he could continue Ms. Merkel’s work even though he is a man.The symbolism isn’t subtle, but it is working — so well in fact that the chancellor herself has felt compelled to push back on it — most recently in what might be her last speech in the Bundestag.Mr. Güllner, the pollster, said at least part of the recent surge in support for the Social Democrats comes from Merkel voters who are not happy with her party’s candidate, Armin Laschet, a conservative state governor who has repeatedly fumbled on the campaign trail. “There is no real Scholz enthusiasm in Germany,” said Ms. Hoffmann. “His success is due primarily to the weakness of the other candidates.”Unlike his rivals, Mr. Scholz hasn’t put a foot wrong in the campaign. He takes few risks and is controlled to the point that Germans have dubbed him the “Scholz-o-mat” — or “Scholz machine.” Sticking to his message of stability has also made it harder for his opponents to attack him on past blunders, although some have tried. As mayor of Hamburg he took private meetings with a banker seeking a million euro tax deferment, an episode that has become part of a state investigation, and it was on his watch as finance minister that the fraudulent German fintech company Wirecard imploded.But this has barely surfaced in the campaign. Instead, Mr. Scholz’s popularity has continued to rise. Mr. Scholz was a socialist in the 1970s who gradually mellowed into a post-ideological centrist. First defending workers as a labor lawyer, then defending painful labor-market reforms and now co-governing with a conservative chancellor, his journey in many ways tracks that of his party.In its 158-year-history the Social Democrats have been a formidable political force, fighting for workers’ rights, battling fascism and helping to shape Germany’s postwar welfare state. But after serving three terms as junior partners to Ms. Merkel, the party’s vote share had halved.Unlike his rivals, Mr. Scholz hasn’t put a foot wrong in the campaign. He takes few risks and is controlled to the point that Germans have dubbed him the “Scholz-o-mat” — or “Scholz machine.” Gordon Welters for The New York TimesGerhard Schröder, the last Social Democrat to become chancellor, won 39 percent of the vote in 2002. In 2005, when the Social Democrats entered their first coalition with Ms. Merkel, they were still winning 34 percent of votes; by 2017 that had shrunk to 20 percent.But even as his party sank to a postwar low, Mr. Scholz became one of Germany’s most popular politicians. It helped that as finance minister he controlled the government’s purse strings during the pandemic. After years of religiously sticking to Germany’s cherished balanced budget rule, he promised to bring out the “bazooka” to help businesses survive the pandemic, initially spending 353 billion euros, or about $417 billion, in recovery and assistance funds.“Scholz has zero charisma but he radiates stability — and he handed out the money in the economic crisis,” said Andrea Römmele, dean of the Berlin-based Hertie School of Governance. If current polls hold, the Social Democrats will finish first but will need two other parties to form a governing coalition. One would almost certainly be the Greens. As for the other, Mr. Scholz has all but ruled out the far-left Left Party, which would leave either the conservatives or — more likely — the free-market Liberal Democrats.Mr. Scholz has offered some ideas on how he would govern differently, but the changes are relatively modest and might be further watered down by his coalition partners, analysts predict.Mr. Scholz, who has served as Ms. Merkel’s finance minister and vice chancellor for the past four years, is in many ways more associated with the conservative-led coalition government than his own party. Gordon Welters for The New York TimesHe has tried to woo his party’s core working-class voters by using “Respect” as one of his main campaign slogans. In his stump speech, he emphasizes that people who earn as much as him should not get tax breaks. Instead, he wants to lower taxes for middle- and low-income earners and raise them modestly for those with incomes of more than 100,000 euros a year.He promises to raise the minimum wage to 12 euros an hour (instead of the current 9.60 euros), build 400,000 homes a year (instead of the about 300,000 built in 2020) and pass a raft of climate measures, though without getting out of coal before 2038.“We would not expect changes in taxes and spending to add up to a big additional fiscal stimulus,” wrote Holger Schmieding, chief economist for Berenberg Bank in a recent analysis of what a Scholz chancellorship would mean for financial markets. In a coalition with the Greens and the Liberals, he predicted, “the pragmatic Scholz himself would likely rein in the leftist inclinations” of his own party base.Only the conservatives, desperately under pressure, have been arguing the opposite.Even Ms. Merkel, who had said she wanted to stay out of the race, has recently felt compelled to distance herself from Mr. Scholz’s unabashed attempts to run as her clone.There is “an enormous difference for the future of Germany between him and me,” Ms. Merkel said. More

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      Islamists See Big Losses in Moroccan Parliamentary Elections

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      The moderate Justice and Development Party may have lost control of Parliament, according to early results, in the latest defeat for Islamists in the region.Morocco’s moderate Islamist party suffered major losses in parliamentary elections on Wednesday, a stinging setback in one of the last countries where Islamists had risen to power after the Arab Spring protests.Moroccans cast ballots in legislative, municipal and regional races, the first such votes in the country since the start of the coronavirus pandemic.Despite turnout figures showing nearly half of Moroccans didn’t cast a ballot, the results were clear: The Justice and Development Party, the moderate Islamists known as the PJD, who have held power since 2011, faced steep losses both up and down the ballot — possibly enough to lose control of Parliament.With more than half of the votes counted, the winners included the National Rally of Independents, and the conservative Istiqlal party, both seen as closely aligned with the monarchy.Any changing of the guard, however, is unlikely to herald major policy shifts in a country where the royal palace has long been in command. While Morocco is officially a constitutional monarchy, its Parliament lacks the power to overrule the will of Mohammed VI, said Saloua Zerhouni, a political science professor in the capital, Rabat.“The monarchy will continue to control political parties, undermine the powers of government and the Parliament, and position itself as the sole effective political institution,” Ms. Zerhouni said.But the result did show one thing: the diminishing space that Islamists now find for themselves in the Middle East and North Africa.A polling station on Wednesday in Rabat. Voter turnout was expected to be low, as it has been in the past three elections.Fadel Senna/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesAfter the pro-democracy protests of the Arab Spring in 2011, many Islamist parties were allowed to run in elections, in some cases for the first time. They swept parliamentary seats in some countries and took power in others, including in Morocco, where overhauls by Mohammed VI paved the way for the PJD to form a governing coalition.But the tide eventually turned against the Islamists. In Egypt in 2013, a coup deposed the Muslim Brotherhood, leading to its current dictatorship. This year, President Kais Saied of Tunisia suspended Parliament, which was controlled by moderate Islamists, in what many countries described as a coup.In Morocco, the moderate Islamists made little headway on any agendas of their own, with key ministries like foreign affairs and industry being controlled by other parties. When Morocco’s king decided to make a deal last year with Israel to normalize relations, there was nothing Islamists could do to stop a move they bitterly opposed.“Most Moroccans across the country, across educational levels, have a pretty healthy dose of political skepticism” and saw that the Islamists had little real power, said Vish Sakthivel, a postdoctoral associate in Middle East studies at Yale University.And as the pandemic swept through Morocco, the royal palace was seen as the main driver of relief programs.“Most of the decisions aimed at alleviating the social and economic effects of the pandemic were associated with the central power, the monarchy,” Ms. Zerhouni said. “Whereas political parties and the Parliament were presented as inactive and awaiting directives from the king.”The distrust has previously been reflected in low numbers at the polls, including in the past three elections, which averaged a turnout of just 42 percent. And this time, pandemic restrictions forced most campaigning online, alienating many voters without internet access.A wall in Khemisset, Morocco, painted with the symbols of some of the political parties involved in the elections.Jalal Morchidi/Anadolu Agency, via Getty ImagesIn March, Morocco overhauled its electoral laws, making it more difficult for any party to have a big lead in terms of seats. The leading party will now have to form a coalition government bringing together several parties with different ideologies.To many, the moves have diluted the power of parties to govern and strengthened the king’s hand — and led some to not cast a ballot at all on Wednesday.“The room for expression available to citizens to express their grievances has been reduced so much that the only way today to show discontent without repercussions is to abstain from voting because the regime is attentive to the participation rate,” said Amine Zary, 51, who works in the tourism industry in Casablanca and did not vote.On Morocco’s streets, many pointed to the fact that elections had changed little in the past decade.Cases of protest by self-immolation continue to make the news, a reminder of the one that set off the initial unrest of the Arab Spring after a fruit seller set himself on fire in 2010 in Tunisia. Beatings by police officers remain frequent. A Moroccan protest movement in 2017 was met with crackdowns. And the government has targeted journalists who have spoken out against oppression.“I literally have a knot in my stomach because I have a feeling of déjà vu,” said Mouna Afassi, 29, an entrepreneur in Rabat who voted on Wednesday. “I recognize this feeling of hope too well. During five years, they allow us to find the strength to believe it before receiving another slap.”She added, “I would like to stop thinking about leaving Morocco in order to give my daughter the life I dream of for her.”A volunteer with the National Rally of Independents passing out campaign pamphlets in Sidi Slimane last month.Fadel Senna/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesThe challenges were clear on a recent Saturday when, despite restrictions on campaigning imposed because of the pandemic, volunteers canvassed a residential neighborhood in Rabat. In a small office, members of the Democratic Leftist Federation, a coalition of different parties, convened to bolster their get-out-the vote efforts.“You have to show the citizens that they are like you,” Nidal Oukacha, 27, a campaign director said to one of the volunteers. “We need to tell people that Morocco can still change.”But as the team fanned out on bicycles across the district, getting the message out was easier said than done. Many people were not home, and many that were had already made up their minds. A few potential voters listened to the canvassers, but it was not clear whether they would cast ballots in the end.Leila Idrissi, 59, a physiotherapist and a politician with the nationalist Party of Independence, said Moroccans must not give up on voting even if they are frustrated with political stagnation. “A lot of promises weren’t kept, especially in the last eight years,” she said. “I tell young people that if they don’t vote, they’re letting people who aren’t competent or ill-intentioned people decide for them. They need to be in charge of their future.” More

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      Revocatoria en California: ¿por qué no participan los latinos?

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      Los votantes hispanos conforman una tercera parte del electorado estatal. El gobernador Gavin Newsom, que enfrenta una votación para retirarlo del cargo, no ha logrado conectar con ellos.LOS ÁNGELES — El poder de los latinos nunca ha sido tan fuerte en California.Son el grupo étnico más numeroso en el estado y constituyen aproximadamente el 30 por ciento de los votantes registrados. Desde hace décadas impulsan las victorias de los demócratas y han ayudado a que el partido obtenga supermayorías en ambas cámaras de la legislatura estatal, donde los senadores y asambleístas latinos ocupan puestos poderosos y han aprobado leyes que se destacan por su apertura hacia la inmigración.Pero ahora que el gobernador Gavin Newsom intenta mantenerse en el poder durante una elección revocatoria que se celebra en apenas unos días, los mismos votantes latinos con los que cuenta parecen indecisos y poco participativos ante la posibilidad de que lo retiren del cargo.En 2018, las encuestas de salida mostraron que Newsom contaba con el apoyo de alrededor de dos terceras partes del total de latinos. Ahora, los sondeos sugieren que los latinos están divididos casi en partes iguales sobre la elección revocatoria. Y hasta el momento, solo el 15 por ciento de todos los latinos registrados para votar han enviado por correo sus papeletas, en contraste con el 29 por ciento de los votantes blancos, según Political Data Inc., un grupo de investigación con sede en Sacramento.Los sentimientos encontrados, para muchos votantes latinos, surgen de la larga batalla contra la pandemia, pues enfrentan desempleo y mayores tasas de contagios y mortalidad. Otros perciben una desconexión profunda con el Partido Demócrata y con el propio Newsom, un multimillonario dueño de una bodega en Napa a quien ven como alguien distante y frío.Entrevistas con votantes latinos, estrategas y activistas estatales revelan que los hispanos sienten una frustración que Newsom jamás ha abordado. La pandemia arraigó la desigualdad en todo el estado y profundizó el descontento en torno a una división de clase generalizada. La riqueza de Newsom resalta esa brecha.Karla Ramirez, una demócrata de 43 años que vive en Downey, un suburbio muy latino al sureste de Los Ángeles, dijo que creía que Newsom había manejado bien la pandemia, en general. Pero Ramirez, que es propietaria junto con su marido de un negocio de limpieza comercial, dijo que no planeaba participar en la contienda y no tenía los medios para prestarle atención a la política estatal mientras el virus seguía arrasando. Su hija de 9 años y su esposo dieron positivo a COVID-19 y están recuperándose de síntomas leves.Todos los votantes registrados han recibido papeletas por correo y tienen la alternativa de enviarlas a través del servicio postal, ir a depositarlas en las urnas o acudir a votar en persona desde ahora hasta el 14 de septiembre, día de la elección. Ramirez ya no tiene la opción de votar por correo.“Me llegó la boleta y la tiré a la basura. Siento que no podría ser justa”, dijo Ramirez. “Estoy ocupada con el regreso de mis hijos a la escuela y con la vacunación”.Karla Ramirez, quien vive en Downey, un suburbio de Los Ángeles, dijo que no votará en las elecciones revocatorias.Jenna Schoenefeld para The New York TimesA solo una semana del cierre de las urnas, las encuestas públicas sugieren que Newsom seguirá en el cargo. Pero muchos ven su dificultad con los votantes hispanos como una preocupante señal para los demócratas, tanto a nivel estatal como nacional, y como un atisbo de las consecuencias del fracaso para conectar con una fuerza política vital cuya lealtad está en juego. Los demócratas se alarmaron luego de la elección presidencial de 2020 cuando muchos votantes hispanos en Florida, Texas y otras zonas del país se inclinaron por el presidente Donald Trump. Pero este problema podría llegar a tener más consecuencias en un estado en el que los latinos representan casi una tercera parte del electorado..css-1xzcza9{list-style-type:disc;padding-inline-start:1em;}.css-3btd0c{font-family:nyt-franklin,helvetica,arial,sans-serif;font-size:1rem;line-height:1.375rem;color:#333;margin-bottom:0.78125rem;}@media (min-width:740px){.css-3btd0c{font-size:1.0625rem;line-height:1.5rem;margin-bottom:0.9375rem;}}.css-3btd0c strong{font-weight:600;}.css-3btd0c em{font-style:italic;}.css-w739ur{margin:0 auto 5px;font-family:nyt-franklin,helvetica,arial,sans-serif;font-weight:700;font-size:1.125rem;line-height:1.3125rem;color:#121212;}#NYT_BELOW_MAIN_CONTENT_REGION .css-w739ur{font-family:nyt-cheltenham,georgia,’times new roman’,times,serif;font-weight:700;font-size:1.375rem;line-height:1.625rem;}@media (min-width:740px){#NYT_BELOW_MAIN_CONTENT_REGION .css-w739ur{font-size:1.6875rem;line-height:1.875rem;}}@media (min-width:740px){.css-w739ur{font-size:1.25rem;line-height:1.4375rem;}}.css-9s9ecg{margin-bottom:15px;}.css-uf1ume{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-box-pack:justify;-webkit-justify-content:space-between;-ms-flex-pack:justify;justify-content:space-between;}.css-wxi1cx{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-flex-direction:column;-ms-flex-direction:column;flex-direction:column;-webkit-align-self:flex-end;-ms-flex-item-align:end;align-self:flex-end;}.css-12vbvwq{background-color:white;border:1px solid #e2e2e2;width:calc(100% – 40px);max-width:600px;margin:1.5rem auto 1.9rem;padding:15px;box-sizing:border-box;}@media (min-width:740px){.css-12vbvwq{padding:20px;width:100%;}}.css-12vbvwq:focus{outline:1px solid #e2e2e2;}#NYT_BELOW_MAIN_CONTENT_REGION .css-12vbvwq{border:none;padding:10px 0 0;border-top:2px solid #121212;}.css-12vbvwq[data-truncated] .css-rdoyk0{-webkit-transform:rotate(0deg);-ms-transform:rotate(0deg);transform:rotate(0deg);}.css-12vbvwq[data-truncated] .css-eb027h{max-height:300px;overflow:hidden;-webkit-transition:none;transition:none;}.css-12vbvwq[data-truncated] .css-5gimkt:after{content:’See more’;}.css-12vbvwq[data-truncated] .css-6mllg9{opacity:1;}.css-qjk116{margin:0 auto;overflow:hidden;}.css-qjk116 strong{font-weight:700;}.css-qjk116 em{font-style:italic;}.css-qjk116 a{color:#326891;-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;text-underline-offset:1px;-webkit-text-decoration-thickness:1px;text-decoration-thickness:1px;-webkit-text-decoration-color:#326891;text-decoration-color:#326891;}.css-qjk116 a:visited{color:#326891;-webkit-text-decoration-color:#326891;text-decoration-color:#326891;}.css-qjk116 a:hover{-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;}“El verdadero tema es que el gobernador Newsom no ha engendrado entusiasmo entre los votantes latinos”, dijo Thomas A. Saenz, presidente del Fondo Educativo y de Defensa Legal Mexicoestadounidense, y quien ha participado en la política californiana desde hace décadas. “En parte, esa es la razón por la que él está en riesgo. No los motivan sus políticas y prácticas y él no ha abordado para nada a la comunidad latina como una comunidad latina ni ha reconocido su importancia para el estado”.Los colaboradores de la campaña de Newsom niegan que haya fallado en llamar la atención o atender a los votantes latinos. Más bien, indican que la expansión del servicio Medi-Cal a los habitantes de más de 50 años, que incluye a inmigrantes indocumentados, así como la moratoria a los desalojos son dos políticas clave que han beneficiado a miles de latinos en California. Su campaña ha alardeado repetidamente por el nombramiento de Alex Padilla al Senado de Estados Unidos, lo que lo convirtió en el primer latino de California en servir en esa cámara.Nathan Click, vocero de la campaña de Newsom, dijo que la estrategia del gobernador para acercarse a los votantes latinos prácticamente no ha cambiado. La campaña, dijo Click, siempre ha visto la dificultad, y la importancia, de llegar a los latinos, y en particular a los latinos jóvenes.“Desde el primer día hemos sabido que los votantes que participan en los años electorales pero no votan en las elecciones de medio término y, en realidad, no votan en las elecciones especiales son el principal objetivo de todos nuestros esfuerzos”, dijo.Hace una generación, la Propuesta 187, una iniciativa electoral que habría prohibido a los inmigrantes indocumentados recibir la mayoría de los servicios públicos, obtuvo un amplio apoyo entre los republicanos de California, incluido el gobernador Pete Wilson. La medida antiinmigrante alejó en gran medida a los votantes latinos del Partido Republicano y los lanzó a los brazos de los demócratas, que han reconocido públicamente que la medida electoral fue fundamental para su ascenso al poder.Pero muchos votantes latinos son demasiado jóvenes como para recordar la Propuesta 187 de principios de los noventa y no sienten ninguna lealtad especial por los demócratas. Por mucho que se hable del potencial político latino en California, ningún gobernador en la historia reciente ha logrado convocar a los latinos para convertirlos en sus acérrimos partidarios.Newsom saludaba a trabajadoras agrícolas retiradas en una clínica, en Fresno, el mes pasado.Eric Paul Zamora/The Fresno Bee, vía Associated Press“No hemos argumentado de forma adecuada y durante el tiempo suficiente que las cosas son distintas y mejores, sobre todo para los latinos jóvenes”, comentó Lorena Gonzalez, una demócrata que representa a una zona de clase trabajadora y latina de San Diego en la Asamblea Estatal. “Es como si no hacerle daño a los latinos fuera suficiente para muchos políticos demócratas”.La revocatoria también sucede mientras muchos siguen sufriendo el impacto de la pandemia. Los latinos en California tenían muchas más probabilidades de contraer el virus y morir que los habitantes blancos del estado. La tasa de desempleo entre los latinos sigue por encima del 10 por ciento y muchos pequeños comerciantes latinos han perdido considerablemente sus ingresos en el último año y medio.Frank Oropeza, de 27 años y barbero en Montebello, al este de Los Ángeles, dijo que votó por el presidente Biden el año pasado y se considera demócrata. Pero comentó que no había pensado mucho en por quién votar en la revocatoria y que se sentía dividido: en redes sociales leía de otros colegas del ramo y peluqueros que dijeron estar a favor de revocar a Newsom, que cerró en dos ocasiones sus negocios y también se enteraba de otros que tenían opiniones distintas.“Soy muy influenciable”, dijo riendo. “Es tipo: ‘Cierra los ojos y tira un dardo’”.Oropeza dijo que entendía que eran necesarias algunas restricciones pandémicas. Pero le frustraba que los peluqueros y barberos hubieran tenido que dejar de trabajar en una segunda ocasión, aunque ya se habían implementado las medidas de precaución, como el uso universal de cubrebocas.Esa es una de las críticas que han aprovechado los oponentes de Newsom para intentar persuadir a más latinos de votar a favor de la revocatoria.“Muchos de esos pequeños negocios que cerraron para siempre eran propiedad de personas de color”, dijo Larry Elder, el presentador de radio conservador que se ha convertido en el favorito de los republicanos entre la multitud de candidatos de la elección revocatoria, la semana pasada.En una rueda de prensa virtual, Elder se presentó junto a Gloria Romero, demócrata y exlegisladora que ahora es una ferviente defensora de las escuelas autónomas o chárter. Protagonizó una publicidad en español que la campaña de Elder envió a los votantes latinos por mensaje de texto.“Se trata de mandar un mensaje sobre cómo el Partido Demócrata ha abandonado en gran medida a los latinos”, dijo Romero. “Nos han dado por sentado”.Los votantes latinos son una fuerza en todos los rincones del estado y representan a un amplio espectro de posiciones políticas. Mientras que los liberales con formación universitaria en los centros urbanos son un elemento crucial de la base demócrata, los moderados de clase trabajadora en los suburbios de Inland Empire y Silicon Valley son esenciales para ganar en todo el estado. Y en el condado de Orange, el Valle Central y los confines al norte del estado, los votantes religiosos y los libertarios han ayudado a llevar a los republicanos al poder en distritos clave para el Congreso.Y hay señales de que los republicanos están teniendo algo de éxito para atraer a los votantes hispanos, entre ellos algunos que participarán por primera vez en unas elecciones.“Estoy cansado con cómo están las cosas”, dijo Ruben Sanchez, un obrero de la construcción que vive en Simi Valley, un bastión conservador al norte de Los Ángeles. Sánchez, que asiste a una iglesia evangélica, dijo que había votado por primera vez en 2020 y que había favorecido a Trump, sobre todo debido a sus creencias religiosas. Comentó que planeaba votar por Elder en la revocatoria. “Este gobernador y este estado no son para la gente trabajadora, para la gente a la que le importa este país”.El personal de la campaña de Newsom prometió bombardear a los votantes latinos en los días previos a la elección. La semana pasada, la campaña del gobernador lanzó un aviso donde aparecía el senador por Vermont Bernie Sanders, excandidato presidencial que se volvió tan popular entre los latinos de California que recibió el apodo de Tío Bernie.Durante las primarias presidenciales demócratas, la campaña de Sanders centró gran parte de sus esfuerzos en los votantes latinos desde el principio: abrió oficinas de campaña en vecindarios predominantemente latinos y lanzó videos para su difusión en las redes sociales. Los esfuerzos fueron ampliamente reconocidos como una especie de manual para llegar de manera efectiva a los votantes latinos, y algunos demócratas han criticado la campaña de Newsom por no hacer más para replicar ese enfoque.Más allá de estos esfuerzos, Sanders atrajo a muchos votantes latinos en gran parte por su ideología, que pedía Medicare para todos, proponía perdonar los préstamos estudiantiles y presentaba legislación para combatir el cambio climático.“Los latinos todavía tienen algunas frustraciones básicas que Bernie abordaba y no se han resuelto”, dijo Rafael Navar, quien fue el director para California de la campaña de Sanders. “Hemos tenido altas tasas de mortalidad, alto desempleo y una enorme desigualdad”.A pesar del escepticismo que despierta Newsom, muchos votantes hispanos dicen que temen lo que podría suceder si un republicano asumiera el cargo. Sin embargo, aunque les desagrada la política republicana, algunos votantes liberales no se identifican como demócratas entusiastas. La lealtad al partido, dijeron, no es tan importante para ellos como sí lo es apoyar a un candidato que atenderá sus preocupaciones de manera más directa.Ernesto Ruvalcaba, de 27 años y experto en cartografía que vive en Los Ángeles, dijo que aunque había votado en contra de la revocatoria porque Newsom “hacía el trabajo”, seguía insatisfecho.“Las cosas que hizo las pudo hacer mejor”, dijo Ruvalcaba. “Solo que los partidos son muy viejos, los dos. Necesitan una ruptura”.Jennifer Medina es reportera de política estadounidense que cubrió la campaña presidencial de Estados Unidos de 2020. Originaria del sur de California, anteriormente pasó varios años reporteando sobre la región para la sección National. @jennymedinaJill Cowan es la corresponsal de California Today, que sigue la pista de las cosas más importantes que ocurren en su estado natal todos los días. @jillcowan More

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      in Elections

      The ease of mail-in voting may increase turnout in California’s recall election.

      by

      A temporary change in California’s election rules aimed at protecting voters during the coronavirus pandemic could be instrumental in Gov. Gavin Newsom’s effort to beat back a proposed recall — and could become permanent if the governor signs a bill that state lawmakers passed last week.Voting by mail has emerged as a critical factor in the Republican-led recall, which political experts say will probably hinge on whether Mr. Newsom, a Democrat, can turn out the state’s enormous base of liberal voters before the polls close on Sept. 14.Because of the coronavirus, lawmakers ensured that ballots would automatically be mailed to every registered, active voter, turning an already popular option into the default through at least the end of this year.As a result, political experts tracking returns in the recall are predicting that at least 50 percent of registered voters will cast ballots, roughly double the turnout that would be expected in a special election. Paul Mitchell, a vice president at Political Data Inc., a Sacramento-based supplier of election data, said more than a quarter of the electorate had already voted.“You cannot overstate how important the mail-in ballot will be in this election,” said David Townsend, a Sacramento-based Democratic political consultant. Because Democrats outnumber Republicans by two to one in California, the electoral math is with Mr. Newsom — but only if his voters cast their ballots. Voting by mail gives even indifferent voters a nudge and an opportunity to cast a ballot without much effort..css-1xzcza9{list-style-type:disc;padding-inline-start:1em;}.css-3btd0c{font-family:nyt-franklin,helvetica,arial,sans-serif;font-size:1rem;line-height:1.375rem;color:#333;margin-bottom:0.78125rem;}@media (min-width:740px){.css-3btd0c{font-size:1.0625rem;line-height:1.5rem;margin-bottom:0.9375rem;}}.css-3btd0c strong{font-weight:600;}.css-3btd0c em{font-style:italic;}.css-w739ur{margin:0 auto 5px;font-family:nyt-franklin,helvetica,arial,sans-serif;font-weight:700;font-size:1.125rem;line-height:1.3125rem;color:#121212;}#NYT_BELOW_MAIN_CONTENT_REGION .css-w739ur{font-family:nyt-cheltenham,georgia,’times new roman’,times,serif;font-weight:700;font-size:1.375rem;line-height:1.625rem;}@media (min-width:740px){#NYT_BELOW_MAIN_CONTENT_REGION .css-w739ur{font-size:1.6875rem;line-height:1.875rem;}}@media (min-width:740px){.css-w739ur{font-size:1.25rem;line-height:1.4375rem;}}.css-9s9ecg{margin-bottom:15px;}.css-uf1ume{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-box-pack:justify;-webkit-justify-content:space-between;-ms-flex-pack:justify;justify-content:space-between;}.css-wxi1cx{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-flex-direction:column;-ms-flex-direction:column;flex-direction:column;-webkit-align-self:flex-end;-ms-flex-item-align:end;align-self:flex-end;}.css-12vbvwq{background-color:white;border:1px solid #e2e2e2;width:calc(100% – 40px);max-width:600px;margin:1.5rem auto 1.9rem;padding:15px;box-sizing:border-box;}@media (min-width:740px){.css-12vbvwq{padding:20px;width:100%;}}.css-12vbvwq:focus{outline:1px solid #e2e2e2;}#NYT_BELOW_MAIN_CONTENT_REGION .css-12vbvwq{border:none;padding:10px 0 0;border-top:2px solid #121212;}.css-12vbvwq[data-truncated] .css-rdoyk0{-webkit-transform:rotate(0deg);-ms-transform:rotate(0deg);transform:rotate(0deg);}.css-12vbvwq[data-truncated] .css-eb027h{max-height:300px;overflow:hidden;-webkit-transition:none;transition:none;}.css-12vbvwq[data-truncated] .css-5gimkt:after{content:’See more’;}.css-12vbvwq[data-truncated] .css-6mllg9{opacity:1;}.css-qjk116{margin:0 auto;overflow:hidden;}.css-qjk116 strong{font-weight:700;}.css-qjk116 em{font-style:italic;}.css-qjk116 a{color:#326891;-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;text-underline-offset:1px;-webkit-text-decoration-thickness:1px;text-decoration-thickness:1px;-webkit-text-decoration-color:#326891;text-decoration-color:#326891;}.css-qjk116 a:visited{color:#326891;-webkit-text-decoration-color:#326891;text-decoration-color:#326891;}.css-qjk116 a:hover{-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;}“Before this, you had to convince a voter to get in a car, drive to a location with no real signage but a flag and go vote on something they might care about or might not,” Mr. Townsend noted. “Now you get a ballot in the mail, make an X by a box, sign it and drop it back in the mailbox. You don’t even have to look for a stamp.”About two-thirds of California voters cast mail-in ballots in 2018, but in many parts of the state the option required that voters meet an application deadline. As the coronavirus surged in 2020, Mr. Newsom and California’s legislators became concerned that going to the polls might endanger voters and poll workers.Assemblyman Marc Berman, a Democrat who represents parts of Silicon Valley, said he was particularly alarmed by Wisconsin’s primary election, where voters were required to come to the polls in person as infections were raging.“There was this footage of people standing for hours risking their health,” Mr. Berman said, “just to exercise their right to vote.”The bipartisan decision to mail ballots to all 22 million or so of the state’s registered and active voters was “wildly successful,” Mr. Berman said. “Elections officials up and down the state said the election went remarkably smoothly.”Californians who had not actively voted in recent years did not get ballots mailed to them, and bar codes helped prevent double voting. Studies conducted afterward found few, if any, sustained complaints of voter fraud.Some 87.5 percent of the electorate used the mail-in ballots to vote in 2020, either mailing them in or dropping them off at drop boxes or polling places. Turnout among registered California voters was nearly 81 percent, said Mindy Romero, director of the Center for Inclusive Democracy at the University of Southern California.“We had the highest voter turnout since Harry Truman was president,” said State Senator Tom Umberg, an Orange County Democrat who, as chair of his chamber’s committee on elections, sought to extend the system at least through this year.At the time, he said, the extension was to protect voters in two upcoming local special elections; the recall effort against the governor had so few signatures that it was widely regarded as a long shot.As former President Donald J. Trump complained with increasing intensity that his presidency had been stolen, California Republicans became less supportive of mail-in ballots, and the extension in California passed on a party-line vote. A bill to make the system permanent is on the governor’s desk after the State Legislature passed it last week, again over Republican objections.A spokeswoman for the governor said he does not comment on pending legislation. However, lawmakers said the governor was expected to sign the bill.If it is signed, Mr. Berman said, California will become the sixth state to require active registered voters to be mailed a ballot before each election, along with Hawaii, Oregon, Washington, Colorado and Utah.Still, experts say that many California voters from across the political spectrum prefer to hand their ballot to a human rather than drop it in the mail.“Young voters and Latino voters tend to vote in person,” said Luis Sánchez, executive director of Power California, a statewide progressive organizing group focused on young voters. “They want to make sure their vote counts.”As of Tuesday, 15 percent of voters ages 18 to 34 had returned their ballots, compared with 47 percent of those 65 and older, although the former make up the largest age group, according to Political Data Inc.Democratic ballots far outnumbered those from Republicans. More

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      As German Elections Near, Angela Merkel Dips Into Campaign Fray

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      Germany’s chancellor pleaded with voters to support her party, which has flagging poll numbers and a candidate who has failed to capture imaginations.BERLIN — Angela Merkel has said she wanted to stay out of the election campaign for her replacement as Germany’s chancellor. But with her party polling at record lows, Ms. Merkel used a speech to Germany’s Parliament on Tuesday to plead with Germans to keep the Christian Democrats in power.Since late July, the conservative Christian Democrats and their Bavaria-only partners, the Christian Social Union, have been dropping steadily in the polls, while their candidate to replace Ms. Merkel, Armin Laschet, has struggled to overcome a series of gaffes that sent his own popularity plunging.The situation has become alarming enough that Ms. Merkel has dropped the pretense of being a bystander, and in recent weeks she has been using her voice and platform to try to drum up support for Mr. Laschet and distance herself from his main rival, Olaf Scholz.Mr. Scholz, Germany’s finance minister and Ms. Merkel’s vice chancellor, has been seeing his popularity rise, along with that of his center-left Social Democratic Party — often by positioning himself as the true successor to the chancellor under whom he has governed since 2017.In an effort to claw back support, Mr. Laschet has taken to warning that a government led by Mr. Scholz could shift the country away from its current centrist course, especially if he includes the Left Party in any governing coalition. The Left Party has repeatedly rejected Germany’s participation in NATO missions and questioned whether the alliance should exist.Olaf Scholz of the Social Democratic Party has positioned himself as the true successor to Ms. Merkel.Pool photo by Jens SchlueterMs. Merkel, who is not seeking another term in office, echoed that warning on Tuesday in what was likely her last speech before Parliament as chancellor, urging voters to throw their support behind Mr. Laschet when they go to the polls on Sept. 26 to elect a new government. It is the first time since modern Germany was founded in 1949 that the incumbent chancellor is willingly ceding power.“In a few days, our citizens have to make a choice: either between a government with the Social Democrats and the Greens, that accepts support from the Left Party, or at least does not exclude it,” Ms. Merkel said, “or a German government led by the Christian Democrats and Christian Social Union, with Armin Laschet as chancellor.”Despite Ms. Merkel’s intentions to stay out of the campaign, Tuesday’s remarks were not the first time she has stepped up to help her party’s flagging fortunes. On Aug. 20, when Mr. Laschet sought to relaunch his election campaign heading into the final weeks, Ms. Merkel praised, among other things, his Christianity as his guiding moral compass. Still, his fortunes failed to turn around.Last week, Mr. Laschet presented a team of expert advisers he hoped would shore up his numbers, but that appears to have had little impact.Polls released this week have shown Mr. Laschet’s party struggling to retain 20 percent support — a previously unthinkable position for a party that has governed Germany for all but two of the past seven decades.Armin Laschet, the candidate of the conservative Christian Democrats, has struggled to move past a series of gaffes.Daniel Roland/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesMs. Merkel also went on the attack against Mr. Scholz, who during a campaign speech last week described the 50 million Germans who had been vaccinated against Covid-19 as “guinea pigs” who had proven the safety of the vaccines.“We were the guinea pigs for those who have waited,” Mr. Scholz told a radio station in North Rhine-Westphalia. “As one of the 50 million, I can say, it went well! Please join us!”In her speech on Tuesday, Ms. Merkel shot back: “Of course no one of us who has been vaccinated is in any way a guinea pig,” she said, adding that all vaccines had undergone the necessary testing to be granted approval.Mr. Scholz defended his comment as a lighthearted attempt to convince more people to get their inoculation against Covid-19. “If some people don’t want to laugh, but get upset, maybe it has something to do with their ratings in the polls that aren’t very funny,” he said.Long the traditional rivals of the center-right conservatives, the Social Democrats spent 12 of Ms. Merkel’s nearly 16 years in government as the junior coalition partner in her government, influencing many of the policies passed, like a national minimum wage and billions in Covid relief.Mr. Scholz, who was initially dismissed as a viable candidate for chancellor, has surprised the conservatives with his strong showing. Headed into the race, the Christian Democrats thought their biggest challenge would be the Green Party and its 40-year-old candidate, Annalena Baerbock, who has campaigned on a promise to usher in an era of change.Mr. Scholz, 63, has understood that after four terms of prosperity and relative stability under Ms. Merkel, Germans still value a feeling of security. He has focused his campaign on pledging to ensure jobs and working to shore up social stability by fighting child poverty and keeping housing prices in check.“A new beginning is needed,” Mr. Scholz told Parliament on Tuesday. “I hope, and I am sure, that it will succeed.”Christopher F. Schuetze More