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    Un ataque a la democracia desde el interior de la Casa Blanca

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    Así ganó Biden

    Los fallos en las encuestas

    ¿Trump perdió Pensilvania?

    Quién es el esposo de Harris

    La diversidad del voto latino

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    Biden to Tap More Former Obama Officials for Top National Security Jobs

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    Georgia Runoff Results

    Latest Updates

    Live Forecast

    The Candidates in Georgia

    Electoral College Votes

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    Republicans, Fearing Trump’s Wrath, Splinter Over Bid to Overturn Election

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesElectoral College ResultsBiden’s CabinetInaugural DonationsAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyRepublicans, Fearing Trump’s Wrath, Splinter Over Bid to Overturn ElectionFacing a consequential test, Republicans staked out dueling positions over whether to join an insurgency in their ranks pushing to invalidate President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victoryRepresentative Elise Stefanik of New York, a rising star in the Republican Party, announced that she would join the effort to object to the certification on Wednesday.Credit…Anna Moneymaker/The New York TimesCatie Edmondson and Jan. 4, 2021Updated 10:17 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — Republican divisions deepened on Monday over an effort to overturn President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory, as lawmakers weighed their fear of alienating President Trump and his supporters against the consequences of voting to reject a democratic election.With a Wednesday vote looming on whether to certify the election results, the last-ditch bid to deny Mr. Biden the presidency has unleashed open warfare among Republicans, leaving them scrambling to stake out a defensible stance on a test that carried heavy repercussions for their careers and their party. On Monday, as Mr. Trump ratcheted up his demands for Republicans to try to block Mr. Biden’s election, elder statesmen of the party and some rank-and-file lawmakers rushed to provide political cover for those disinclined to go along.In the House, seven Republicans, some of whom are part of the conservative Freedom Caucus that normally aligns with Mr. Trump, released a statement arguing at length against the effort.“The text of the Constitution is clear,” the lawmakers, led by Representative Chip Roy of Texas, wrote. “States select electors. Congress does not. Accordingly, our path forward is also clear. We must respect the states’ authority here.”Chief executives and other leaders from many of America’s largest businesses also weighed in, urging Congress to certify the electoral vote.“Attempts to thwart or delay this process run counter to the essential tenets of our democracy,” they said in a statement signed by 170 people, including Laurence D. Fink of BlackRock, Logan Green and John Zimmer of Lyft, Brad Smith of Microsoft, Albert Bourla of Pfizer and James Zelter of Apollo Global Management.And John C. Danforth, a former Republican senator and paragon of the party establishment, denounced the electoral challenge, calling it part of a “populist strategy to drive America even farther apart by promoting conspiracy theories and stoking grievances.”“Lending credence to Trump’s false claim that the election was stolen is a highly destructive attack on our constitutional government,” Mr. Danforth, a mentor to Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri, the instigator of the effort in the Senate, said in a statement. “It is the opposite of conservative; it is radical.”Yet the effort won a high-profile convert on Monday, when Senator Kelly Loeffler of Georgia announced just hours before Mr. Trump appeared at a rally on her behalf that she, too, would vote against certifying the election results.Complicating the calculation for fretful Republicans were fresh revelations about Mr. Trump’s own efforts to subvert the election results by pressuring Georgia’s Republican secretary of state to “find” him enough votes to overturn Mr. Biden’s win. Proponents of the electoral challenge, who have sought to portray their position as principled and apolitical, conceded on Monday that leaked audio of the call has made their task more difficult.Mr. Trump used his Twitter bully pulpit on Monday to hammer at Republicans who declined to back the doomed effort, labeling them the “Surrender Caucus” and singling out Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas.“How can you certify an election when the numbers being certified are verifiably WRONG,” Mr. Trump wrote, repeating a false claim. “Republicans have pluses & minuses, but one thing is sure, THEY NEVER FORGET!”The gambit is all but guaranteed to prolong what is typically a brief and routine recap of each state’s electoral votes, set to begin at 1 p.m. on Wednesday, prompting a bitter, hourslong debate that will culminate in a vote — or perhaps several — on whether to certify Mr. Biden’s election. Democratic leaders, on a private caucus call Monday, counseled lawmakers to avoid focusing on Mr. Trump during the discussion and instead highlight the lack of evidence of fraud.“I don’t think we need to go all night,” said Representative Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland, the majority leader. “We have members from each state who are ready to discuss, you know, the status of their state, what happened and what the courts said.”Still, more Republicans announced on Monday that they would back the objections to certifying the results. Representative Elise Stefanik of New York, a rising star in the party who led Republican efforts to recruit women to Congress over the past two years, said she owed it to voters who believe the election was rigged to support the challenge.“To the tens of thousands of constituents and patriots across the country who have reached out to me in the past few weeks — please know that I hear you,” Ms. Stefanik said in a statement.Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, and his deputies have made clear to colleagues that they strongly oppose the effort to reverse the election results, but Mr. Hawley has said he will force a vote and at least 12 other Republican senators plan to back him. The party fissures have extended to the House, where the top Republican, Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, has not revealed how he plans to vote on Jan. 6 but has said he is supportive of those who want to have a debate, while Representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming, the No. 3 Republican, has argued vociferously against the move.That has created something of a free-for-all in the House. Lawmakers have been left to weigh on their own whether to vote to protect the sanctity of the election and risk incurring the wrath of their constituents, or move to overturn the results in a doomed loyalty test that could badly damage their party.Representative Thomas Massie, Republican of Kentucky, said in an interview that he and the other conservatives who came out on Monday against the challenge were hoping to put forward a “constitutionally grounded” argument from a “pro-Trump perspective” that their colleagues could adopt.“I think there are a lot of people of the same mind as us, but they were looking for some kind of grounding or maybe some kind of cover,” Mr. Massie said. “I feel like there are people getting sucked into the other vortex as the hours go by.”Other Republicans, including some of the president’s most ardent defenders, were plainly uneasy about the coming vote, prompting a series of tortured statements seeking to justify the most basic of democratic positions: a vote to respect the outcome of an election.“The easiest vote for me politically would be to object to everything and vote for every objection,” Senator Kevin Cramer, Republican of North Dakota, said on Sunday. On Monday, Mr. Cramer issued a statement saying he would not object, adding “objecting to the Electoral College votes is not an appropriate or effective way to change the results.”Senator Rob Portman, an Ohio Republican who is up for re-election in 2022, said in a lengthy statement that he voted for Mr. Trump but could not object to certifying the election results, citing his opposition to a similar, Democratic-led effort in 2005.“I stood in opposition to Democrats then, saying Congress should not ‘obstruct the will of the American people,’” Mr. Portman said. “I was concerned then that Democrats were establishing a dangerous precedent where Congress would inappropriately assert itself to try to reverse the will of the voters. I cannot now support Republicans doing the same thing.”Senator Rob Portman, Republican of Ohio, said he could not object to certifying the election results.Credit…Anna Moneymaker for The New York TimesBy Monday afternoon, Mr. McConnell had dialed dozens of senators to try to map out the process on Wednesday, but remained in the dark about how many would lodge objections and to which states, according to people familiar with the discussions.Even the 11 senators who signed onto the effort, led by Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, were debating how far to push their objections, according to a person familiar with their discussions. Some of them were unsure of how to defend their position in interviews, the person said, and were looking to Mr. Cruz to serve as the spokesman for the group.“None of us want to vote against electors, but we all want to get the facts out there,” said Senator James Lankford of Oklahoma, one of the 11 who signed onto a statement over the weekend pledging to oppose certifying Mr. Biden’s win unless an independent commission was formed to audit the election results. “There are lots of folks in my state that still want those answers to come out, and so at least one of the electors I would vote against at that point, once we get to that moment. And it’s a statement to be able to say, ‘We got to get this done.’”He repeatedly declined to say which state’s electors he would object to on Wednesday, even as he conceded that the establishment of a commission was “highly unlikely.”As the vote approached, some Republicans said they were alarmed at a process that appeared to be spiraling out of control. Mr. Massie said he was frustrated with conservative groups that have promoted the effort to reject the election results — including exhorting followers to travel to Washington for a “Stop the Steal” rally near the Capitol on Wednesday — and called some of the messaging “disingenuous.”“They are not telling the base, some of whom are getting on buses and coming to D.C. right now, that it’s mathematically impossible to overturn the election,” he said. “I have great respect for my colleagues on the other side of this debate and I see where they’re coming from, but the people who are agitating for constituents to come here are also concealing from them that there is no way to win.”Opponents of the electoral challenge were hopeful that Mr. Trump’s call with Brad Raffensperger, Georgia’s secretary of state, would turn away lawmakers who had been mulling joining the bid.Even senators who supported it conceded that the recording had hurt their cause.“One of the things, I think, that everyone has said,” Senator Marsha Blackburn, Republican of Tennessee, said on “Fox & Friends,” “is that this call was not a helpful call.”Luke Broadwater More

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    What Does President-Elect Biden Owe to Black Voters, Communities?

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionliveLatest UpdatesElectoral College ResultsBiden’s CabinetInaugural DonationsAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyNews AnalysisBlack Voters Want President Biden to Take a Cue From Candidate BidenIn his victory speech, the president-elect said of Black voters: “You’ve always had my back, and I’ll have yours.” Many of those voters are watching to see what he does in office.Joseph R. Biden Jr. with his wife and granddaughter at Royal Missionary Baptist Church in North Charleston, S.C., in February. He won the state’s primary later that month.Credit…Hilary Swift for The New York TimesDec. 24, 2020Updated 4:17 p.m. ETNORTH CHARLESTON, S.C. — Joseph R. Biden Jr. went to the Royal Missionary Baptist Church in South Carolina in late February, before the state’s presidential primary, and listened as the Rev. Isaac J. Holt Jr. delivered a message of encouragement.“You’re going to win,” Mr. Holt said he told Mr. Biden privately, a political prophecy that was fulfilled in the coming days.Now Mr. Holt, the pastor of one of Charleston’s largest Black congregations, has another message for Mr. Biden as he plans for his incoming administration: “Biden owes us. And we have not forgotten.”Black voters have a political marriage of convenience with the Democratic Party. They are at once the party’s most solid voting demographic and deeply frustrated by the lack of systemic change its politicians have delivered for them.In South Carolina, the state that helped propel Mr. Biden to the Democratic nomination and where about half of the Democratic electorate is Black, voters complain of receiving campaign promises from politicians while they are running but not being prioritized once they are elected.There are similar grievances among voters in cities like Milwaukee, Detroit and Philadelphia, hubs of general-election campaigning in key swing states, who have grown used to the silence that follows presidential election years.In their telling, attention quickly shifts to midterm races in gerrymandered, Republican-leaning congressional districts, and the Black voters who helped Democrats ascend to the White House are sometimes discarded. Their issues are too divisive. Their needs are too great.Mr. Biden has insisted that this time will be different, and people like Mr. Holt are taking him at his word. Last month, in his victory speech after becoming president-elect, Mr. Biden cited Black voters specifically, alluding to those who rallied around him in South Carolina after his primary campaign flopped in other early-voting states.“Especially at those moments when this campaign was at its lowest ebb, the African-American community stood up again for me,” Mr. Biden said. “You’ve always had my back, and I’ll have yours.”But who defines political priorities for Black voters, and what does it mean to have their back?Leading Black politicians, civil rights leaders, activists and many of the same South Carolina church leaders Mr. Biden leaned on to turn his campaign around all said in interviews that it was important to address the coronavirus pandemic. But they also raised issues that ran the gamut of liberal policy initiatives, from investing in small businesses and historically Black colleges and universities to tackling student debt and climate change.Many also pushed back against the singular focus on racial representation that has dominated debates over Mr. Biden’s transition team and cabinet picks. Having a cabinet that reflects the racial diversity of America is good, they said. But they added that Mr. Biden’s legacy on race would be judged on his willingness to pursue policy changes that address systemic racism — a standard he has set for himself.Mr. Biden has sought to build a diverse cabinet with selections like Representative Marcia L. Fudge of Ohio for housing secretary. But many civil rights leaders said action was more important than representation.Credit…Hilary Swift for The New York Times“What he’s got to do, in my opinion, is to depart from the tradition,” said Representative James E. Clyburn, the powerful South Carolina Democrat who is the highest ranking Black member of the House. “What is getting us in trouble in the past is when people get into office, they abandon the platform they ran on” in favor of appeasing Republicans, he said.The Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II, co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign, cited a commitment Mr. Biden had made during a public forum to prioritize eliminating poverty and addressing the concerns of poor people.Live up to that, he said, and a cross-racial section of marginalized Americans, including Black people, will have their lives transformed.“We certainly want to see a cabinet that looks like America. But more important, we want to see a cabinet that works for America,” Dr. Barber said. “And not just the middle class. And not just the so-called working class. But from the bottom up.”In effect, they are asking President Biden to take a cue from candidate Biden. During the primary and general election, and under pressure from activists who cast Mr. Biden as an artifact of the political past, his team embraced a plan for Black Americans called “Lift Every Voice,” which would seek to close the Black-white income gap, expand educational opportunities, invest $70 billion in H.B.C.U.s and reimagine the criminal justice system and policing.Mr. Biden’s selection of Vice President-elect Kamala Harris, the first Black woman on a major party ticket, was — with the campaign’s encouragement — taken as a symbolic affirmation of these commitments. Former President Barack Obama, the country’s first Black president, had to assure white America he would be a president for all races. But Mr. Biden repeatedly asserted that Black communities would get special attention in his administration.The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated Dec. 23, 2020, 5:45 p.m. ETLoeffler and Perdue voted for a pandemic bill that Trump, their patron, just trashed. It’s awkward.Trump vetoes a military bill that Congress passed with veto-proof majorities.In an unusual move, a judge temporarily blocked a Trump administration drilling project.Black political leaders believe that the biggest barrier to Mr. Biden’s commitment to address systemic racism is his own instinct for compromise, bipartisanship and deference to the idea of Washington civility. Mr. Biden has consistently restated his belief that congressional Republicans will work with his administration in due time, though some of them continue to cast doubt on the legitimacy of his victory and President Trump shows no signs of loosening his grip on the party’s base.“Bipartisanship is how the president-elect and vice president-elect plan to get things done from Day 1,” said Ramzey Smith, a spokesman for Mr. Biden’s transition team. “They’ve made it abundantly clear that in order to combat the systemic inequities that Black Americans have faced for generations, it is imperative to work across the aisle and engage with all groups to reach a consensus that doesn’t compromise our principles or priorities.”Some Black leaders who have met with Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris during the transition have been frustrated by this sentiment, according to several people familiar with the discussions. Mr. Biden, the leader of the Democratic Party, is one of the few Democrats left who believes that the Republicans who reflexively opposed Mr. Obama’s every action and have been slow to acknowledge Mr. Biden’s legitimacy are simply an aberration.Leaders are asking him to consider unilateral action like executive orders to enact his agenda, claiming that Washington horse-trading has rarely prioritized the needs of Black communities. Mr. Biden has been steadfast: Republicans will come around.“We will see if he’s right, and we’ll see very shortly,” said Sherrilyn Ifill, president of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund Inc., who has met with the Biden transition team. “If he’s not, we’ll also see it very shortly.”She added: “It’s perfectly fine to be hopeful. But certainly you should be fully prepared to pivot and to be effective.”Even vocal allies of Mr. Biden say his ability to rise to the standards he set for himself, particularly when it comes to racial equity and a Black agenda, may rely on his willingness to see Republicans as obstructionists to be overcome, not negotiators to be met at a midpoint.Representative James E. Clyburn’s endorsement of Mr. Biden ahead of the South Carolina primary was viewed as key to his decisive victory in the contest.Credit…Travis Dove for The New York TimesMr. Clyburn, whose well-timed endorsement of Mr. Biden in South Carolina helped ensure his dominance in the state, said Mr. Biden must learn from the mistakes made by previous Democratic leaders, including Mr. Obama.He cited Mr. Obama’s Supreme Court nomination of Judge Merrick B. Garland, whom Republicans refused to even grant a hearing, as an example.Republicans “lied to him and told him that if he put up a moderate, they will approve him for the Supreme Court,” Mr. Clyburn said. “They never did it and they never planned to do it.”“I told them at the time that you will be better off putting up an African-American woman for the Supreme Court,” he added. “If you put up a Black woman, she would have an immediate constituency. Make them turn her down. He would have redefined politics in this country, and frankly I think Hillary Clinton would have been elected president.”The Rev. Joseph A. Darby Jr., the senior pastor at Nichols Chapel A.M.E. Church in Charleston and a former leader of the local N.A.A.C.P., said he had been heartened by Mr. Biden’s cabinet choices, including that of retired Gen. Lloyd J. Austin III, who would be the first Black man to lead the Defense Department.“Just having new folks at the table is helpful,” Mr. Darby said. “But it’s that plus the substance.”The stakes could not be higher. Black people sit at the intersection of the year’s biggest policy priorities: access to health care, criminal justice and the climate change crisis. Black Americans have been ravaged by the coronavirus pandemic, dying, being hospitalized and facing economic devastation at disproportionate rates.In Mr. Darby’s congregation, a mother and her child both died from the virus. Mr. Holt’s congregation hasn’t been able to convene since March, just weeks after Mr. Biden spoke from the pulpit as a candidate.Last week, in an interview at his church, Mr. Holt made another of his patented political predictions: If Mr. Biden does not follow through on his promises to Black people — does not make eroding systemic racism a priority in deed, not just words — Republicans will make gains with Black voters.He cited the modest shift toward Mr. Trump in November’s election among some Black voters and the increasingly nonpartisan nature of younger Black people. Those are warning signs, he said.“The party system is not something that fits the Black community as a whole,” Mr. Holt said. “We’re tired of Democrats and we’re tired of the two-party system.”Some of Mr. Holt’s congregants, at a socially distant gathering in the sanctuary they hadn’t visited in months, echoed their pastor’s urgency. Though they expressed confidence in Mr. Biden and said they all voted for him in the primary and general elections, they framed their choice as a call for action rather than a blank check of trust.“He can’t get stuck on healing hearts,” said Shakeima Chatman, 46, a real estate agent. “But he can institute policies and regulation.”What gave them hope: that Mr. Biden was comfortable among Black voters on the campaign trail and the loyalty he showed to Mr. Obama as his vice president.What worried them: that he favorably invoked segregationists in the name of bipartisanship, that he said Black people who did not support him “ain’t Black,” and that he told wealthy donors at a fund-raiser that “nothing would fundamentally change” if he was elected.For Black communities, it must.“Policies created these disparities,” said Cleo Scott Brown, who is 66. “Policy has to fix it.”AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Biden Assails Trump Over Handling of Russia Hack

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionliveLatest UpdatesElectoral College ResultsBiden’s CabinetInaugural DonationsAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyBiden Assails Trump Over Handling of Russia Hack“This assault happened on Donald Trump’s watch when he wasn’t watching,’’ President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. said.“The attacker succeeded in catching the federal government off guard and unprepared,” President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. said on Tuesday at a news conference in Wilmington, Del.Credit…Amr Alfiky/The New York TimesDec. 22, 2020Updated 9:54 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. accused President Trump on Tuesday of “irrational downplaying” of the widespread hack of the federal government and American industry, saying that the current administration was denying him needed intelligence and warning Russia that he would not allow the intrusion into American systems to “go unanswered” after he takes office.“This assault happened on Donald Trump’s watch when he wasn’t watching,’’ Mr. Biden said at a news conference in Delaware. “It is still his responsibility as president to defend American interests for the next four weeks, but rest assured that even if he does not take it seriously, I will.”The direct critique was a remarkable departure from the usual one-president-at-a-time tradition, in which incoming presidents are careful about not second-guessing the actions of the incumbent. But Mr. Trump’s refusal to recognize Mr. Biden’s Electoral College victory, and his effort to subvert the results, has clearly poisoned elements of the transition process.In recent days Mr. Biden’s aides have come to realize that the scope of the intrusion — which landed the Russians inside the email system used by top Treasury officials, and won them access to the networks of the Energy, Commerce and Homeland Security Departments and dozens of American companies — could pose a threat in the opening days of the new administration.Mr. Biden acknowledged as much, indirectly, when asked about his statement that he could not ensure government systems could be trusted when he take office.“Of course I can’t,’’ he said. “I don’t know what the state of them is. They’re clearly not safe right now.”Privately, members of his staff have said that while they have received briefings on the subject, they have been bare-bones. And the shutdown of recent cooperation between the transition team and the Defense Department has encompassed the National Security Agency and United States Cyber Command — the quasi-civilian and military sides of the nation’s foreign offensive and defensive operations.“There’s still so much we don’t know including the full scale of the breach or the extent of the damage it has caused,’’ Mr. Biden said. He was alluding to the quiet internal warnings that Russia may have been able to place “back doors” in government systems and, in the worst case, manipulate data or sabotage systems.“It was carried out by using sophisticated cybertools, and the attacker succeeded in catching the federal government off guard and unprepared,” Mr. Biden said.Unlike Mr. Trump, he left no doubt he believed that Russia was responsible, noting that both Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Attorney General William P. Barr have said as much publicly, even if Mr. Trump would not. And he said once there was a formal determination of responsibility, a task that could take intelligence agencies weeks, “we will respond and probably respond in kind.”The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated Dec. 22, 2020, 9:33 p.m. ETTrump demands changes to coronavirus relief bill, calling it a ‘disgrace.’Birx says she will retire after Biden transition.In a shift, Twitter won’t transfer followers of official White House accounts when Biden takes office.That vow is likely to prove easier to issue from the Wilmington stage than it will be to execute from the Situation Room. Mr. Biden’s first encounter with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia will be on another topic: The two men will have 16 days to negotiate an extension of up to five years of New Start, the nuclear arms control treaty that expires in early February.That will force Mr. Biden to be striking a deal to prevent one threat — a nuclear arms race — while simultaneously threatening retaliation on a newer type of threat.Moreover, while the United States is awash in digital targets, Russia is a far less connected society, making an “in kind” response more difficult. And it is hardly a state secret that the United States already spies on Russian systems, and has turned off computers at the Internet Research Agency, the Kremlin-backed disinformation group that was involved in the 2016 election interference. Last year, The New York Times reported that the U.S. had also implanted malware into Russia’s electric power grid — as a warning to Moscow after the discovery that Russia had put malware in the U.S. grid.“Of course the U.S. intelligence community does these every day and twice on Sundays,’’ Dmitri Alperovitch, the chairman of Silverado Policy Accelerator, a think tank, and the former chief technology officer of the cybersecurity firm CrowdStrike, where he specialized in Russian cyberoperations.Speaking on Deep State Radio, a podcast, he said, “we have all used supply chain attacks, and we can’t say it’s OK for us and not for others.”In fact, the Russians often cite such U.S. operations to argue that American outrage over espionage and even more extensive cyberattacks is manufactured.Mr. Biden said that the United States should be “getting together with our allies to try to set up an international system that will constitute appropriate behavior in cyberspace” and “hold any other country liable for breaking out of those basic rules.”Such efforts are hardly new. Mr. Obama tried a basic agreement with President Xi Jinping of China late in his term, after the Chinese were caught removing 22.5 million security clearance files from the Office of Personnel Management, another hack that went largely undetected for a year. The accord quickly fell apart after Mr. Obama left office.A parallel effort inside the United Nations also quickly frayed. While another one is expected to issue a report in 2021, much of the debate has been hijacked by Russia and China to focus on limiting dissent on the internet and pressing for the “true identity” of everyone online — which would make it easier for them to sniff out dissidents.But the more immediate problem for Mr. Biden may be finding, and securing, vulnerable elements of the software supply chain that Russia exploited when it bored into network management software made by SolarWinds, an Austin, Texas firm, and corrupted its updates with malware. That is one of several ways Russia is believed to have entered such an array of agencies and corporations.Amid the investigation into the Russian hack, the Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency released a report based on a two-year, still unfinished review of the risks to the United States of a supply chain attack.The report concluded that supply chain risks “could have far-reaching and potentially devastating impacts,” a bit of an understatement as the government feverishly digs through its systems for evidence of Russian compromise.Nicole Perlroth contributed reporting.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Trump’s Team Eyes the Exits

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyTrump’s Team Eyes the ExitsFarewell, henchmen.Ms. Cottle is a member of the editorial board.Dec. 22, 2020, 7:52 p.m. ETCredit…Doug Mills/The New York TimesOh, how the mighty have fallen.In February 2019, William Barr strode into the Department of Justice as the 85th attorney general. He was on his second tour of duty, having first held the post under President George H.W. Bush. Despite some observers’ concerns about his criticism of the Russia investigation and, more generally, his expansive view of presidential authority, Mr. Barr assumed office with the reputation of a seasoned, wise man, a grown-up in an administration teeming with unruly brats. At the very least, he was an upgrade over then Acting Attorney General Matthew Whitaker, the Trump toady installed as an emergency seat warmer when Jeff Sessions was ousted.On Wednesday, Mr. Barr will slouch out of the cabinet with his ethical compass shattered, his reputation soiled and his dignity in flames. For fans of democracy, his departure should be met with rejoicing.Back in the Bush days, Mr. Barr held that the attorney general’s “ultimate allegiance must be to the rule of law” rather than to “the president who appointed him,” as he said in a 1992 speech. This time around, his tenure seemed aimed at assuring Mr. Trump that he’d been kidding about all that. Whether misrepresenting the Mueller report to cover the president’s backside, ordering federal law enforcement to remove peaceful demonstrators from in front of the White House or eroding public confidence in the electoral process, Mr. Barr has repeatedly made clear where his true loyalties lie. Hint: not with the American people.Unlike many Trump lackeys, the secretary wasn’t merely sucking up to the president — though there was plenty of that. He also used Mr. Trump’s autocratic proclivities to advance his own long-held vision of executive power. He was seen by many as the administration’s most dangerous henchman.Despite all he did for the president, Mr. Barr still wound up on the naughty list after refusing to advance Mr. Trump’s baseless claims of widespread voter fraud and for not working hard enough to smear Joe Biden’s son Hunter. On Dec. 14, the president tweeted that Mr. Barr would be stepping down “just before Christmas to spend the holidays with his family.”Perhaps dissatisfied with the violence already done to his legacy, the secretary submitted a resignation letter that should be required reading for aspiring sycophants. He gushed about how “honored” and “proud” he was to have played his part in Mr. Trump’s “unprecedented achievements” — achievements “all the more historic” for occurring “in the face of relentless, implacable resistance” and a vicious “partisan onslaught,” the “nadir” of which were the “baseless accusations of collusion with Russia. Few could have weathered these attacks, much less forge ahead with a positive program.” On and on he fawned, cementing his place in the bootlickers hall of fame.With the cord cut, Mr. Barr has been inching away from the president the past couple of days. On Monday, he said he saw no need to appoint special counsels either to oversee the D.O.J.’s inquiry into Hunter Biden’s taxes or to investigate Mr. Trump’s election-fraud fantasies. Sorry. This is where too little meets too late.The attorney general will not be the only Trumpie to retreat amid a gag-inducing swirl of fawning, preening, base stoking and earth salting. Also last week, in discussing the transition with career officials in the education department, Secretary Betsy Devos called on them to “resist.” Declaring that her goal had always been “to do what’s right for students,” she pleaded with the troops to follow her noble example even after she is gone.This is pretty rich coming from an education chief most likely to be remembered for championing the interests of for-profit colleges above those of students. It also seems doubtful that officials will embrace Ms. Devos’s self-congratulatory lecture after she spent the past four years clashing with them and blaming them for making it hard to get things done.Over at the Pentagon, Trump appointees are reportedly being less than helpful in getting the incoming Biden administration up to speed. Meetings have been postponed, and the friction has broken into public view. Last week, acting Defense Secretary Chris Miller disputed a report by Axios that he had ordered a departmentwide halt to transition cooperation. He insisted the camps had mutually agreed to take a break until after the new year. The Biden team called this balderdash, and the transition’s executive director slammed the Pentagon for “recalcitrance.” This is hardly the kind of seamless handoff of power that inspires confidence in America’s national security.Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is having a bumpy final stretch of a different sort. In a Friday radio interview, he noted that “we can say pretty clearly that it was the Russians” behind the recently exposed mass hack of U.S. government agencies and businesses. On Saturday, the president undercut him with a tweet, based on nothing, suggesting that China may have been the culprit. Mr. Pompeo has yet to comment on his boss’s alternative theory.Credit…Pool photo by Nicholas KammCredit…Oliver Contreras for The New York TimesThis humiliation came just a few days after Mr. Pompeo’s holiday-party debacle. Dismissing Covid-19 safety recommendations — including those issued by his own department — the secretary invited hundreds of guests to an indoor bash at the State Department last Tuesday. Only a few dozen people showed up. Mr. Pompeo canceled his scheduled speech, which raised some eyebrows until it was announced Wednesday that he was in quarantine after being exposed to the coronavirus.Way to own the libs, Mr. Secretary.Kayleigh McEnany, the White House press secretary, seems set on departing in a blaze of disinformation and belligerence. Since the election, she has been working overtime, including frequent appearances on Fox News, to promote the president’s risible tale of voting fraud. At a news conference last month, Ms. McEnany — who has been pulling double duty as a top Trump campaign surrogate — went so far over the line with her fraud fiction that Fox News’s Neil Cavuto felt compelled to cut away from her remarks. Give the gal points for shamelessness.Of course, none of these underlings are likely to come close to the boss in executing a graceless, puerile, destructive exit. As the clock ticks down, the president is furiously casting about for a way to cling to power — Anyone up for a Christmas coup? — even as he works to divide and weaken the nation that has fired him. If he can’t have his way, he’s up for smashing as many toys as possible on his way out.So much for Mr. Trump — or his people — ever growing into the job.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Barr Sees ‘No Reason’ for Special Counsels for Hunter Biden, Election

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesElectoral College ResultsBiden’s CabinetInaugural DonationsAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyBarr Sees ‘No Reason’ for Special Counsels for Hunter Biden or the ElectionThe departing attorney general, William P. Barr, again broke with President Trump on his unsupported claims of widespread election fraud and the need to appoint a special counsel to investigate the president-elect’s son.Credit…Pool photo by Michael ReynoldsDec. 21, 2020Updated 9:12 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — Attorney General William P. Barr distanced himself again from President Trump on Monday, saying he saw no reason to appoint special counsels to oversee the Justice Department’s criminal investigation into Hunter Biden, son of President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr., or to investigate Mr. Trump’s baseless claims of widespread voter fraud.At a news conference to announce charges in an unrelated terrorism case, Mr. Barr, who is stepping down in two days, said that he did not “see any reason to appoint a special counsel” to oversee the tax investigation into the younger Mr. Biden.“I have no plan to do so before I leave,” Mr. Barr said. “To the extent that there is an investigation, I think that it’s being handled responsibly and professionally.”He also said that he would name a special counsel to oversee an inquiry into election fraud if he felt one were warranted. “But I haven’t, and I’m not going to,” Mr. Barr said.After Mr. Trump’s loss to Mr. Biden, the president and his allies have seized on conspiracy theories about election fraud and considered legally questionable actions to cast doubt on the validity of the outcome or even seek to overturn it. Mr. Barr’s statements, in his final days on the job, seemed to signal that there was no appetite at the Justice Department to be drawn into any such efforts.But it is unclear how much pressure Mr. Trump might put on Mr. Barr’s replacement, Jeffrey A. Rosen, the current deputy attorney general, who will lead the department on an acting basis for the remaining weeks of the president’s term and whose approach to dealing with Mr. Trump is unknown.At a minimum, Mr. Barr’s statements on Monday give Mr. Rosen cover not to appoint special counsels to look into voter fraud or Hunter Biden, and would make the optics of any decision to go ahead with such appointments more difficult for both Mr. Rosen and Mr. Trump.Mr. Rosen has not signaled his specific intentions. But he has held discussions about the ramifications of appointing a special counsel to oversee the investigation into Hunter Biden, according to a person familiar with those conversations who is not authorized to publicly discuss them.He said in an interview with Reuters last week that he would make decisions on all issues, including the potential appointment of a special counsel, “on the basis of the law and the facts.”Mr. Barr’s comments are certain to further poison his relationship with Mr. Trump, who believes that the attorney general should have more forcefully used the Justice Department to attack Mr. Biden and his family in the weeks before the election and to cast doubt on the results after the votes were cast.Long been regarded as Mr. Trump’s most loyal and effective cabinet member, Mr. Barr, a believer in strong presidential power, brought the Justice Department closer to the White House than any attorney general since John Mitchell, who ran President Richard M. Nixon’s re-election campaign and was deeply involved in Watergate.Mr. Barr’s handling of the special counsel’s investigation into the intersection of Russia and Mr. Trump’s 2016 campaign amounted to a gift to the president. He presented it in the best possible light for Mr. Trump before its public release and ultimately concluded that the president had not obstructed justice, despite his efforts to shut down the inquiry.The Justice Department’s independent inspector general found that the senior officials at the bureau had sufficient reason to open the investigation. A judge later called Mr. Barr’s summary of the report by the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, misleading.Convinced that the F.B.I. had overstepped its authority in investigating the Trump campaign, Mr. Barr asked a federal prosecutor, John H. Durham, to look into the origins of the Russia investigation. In October, the attorney general appointed him to be a special counsel with a mandate to continue exploring whether the inquiry was wrongfully opened.Mr. Barr broke with longstanding norms when he spent the months leading up to the election echoing Mr. Trump’s unsubstantiated claims that mail-in ballots would result in widespread voter fraud. In strikingly political remarks for an attorney general, he later said the country would be “irrevocably committed to the socialist path” if the president were not re-elected.He also approved the withdrawal of criminal charges against Michael T. Flynn, the president’s first national security adviser, and overruled prosecutors who requested a long sentencing recommendation for Roger J. Stone Jr., one of Mr. Trump’s longtime advisers.But his relationship with the president fractured after the election after he said in an interview this month that he had not seen voter fraud “on a scale that could have effected a different outcome in the election.”Tensions between them escalated after it became clear that Mr. Barr had kept the investigation in Mr. Biden’s son under wraps during the presidential race. While it is department policy not to discuss investigations that could affect the outcome of an election, Mr. Trump accused his attorney general of disloyalty for not publicly disclosing the matter during the campaign.With the president growing more furious and his allies constantly attacking Mr. Barr on social media and cable news for his perceived disloyalty, the president said last week that Mr. Barr would depart on Wednesday.Mr. Trump’s efforts to overturn the election have grown more frantic since he announced that Mr. Barr would step down. On Friday, he discussed with aides in the Oval Office about naming Sidney Powell to be a special counsel overseeing a voter fraud inquiry. Ms. Powell, who worked as a lawyer for his campaign, has promoted unfounded conspiracy theories that Venezuela rigged the presidential election using doctored voting machines.Ms. Powell met briefly with Mr. Trump on Monday, a person briefed on their discussion said. Separately, the president met with a group of House Republicans, including Representative Mo Brooks of Alabama, who is pushing a congressional challenge of electoral votes from a half-dozen battleground states that were won by President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.Mr. Brooks said that he and “people with firsthand knowledge of voter fraud” met over the course of several hours with Mr. Trump and others. “All in all, our effort to object to states that have such flawed election systems as to render them untrustworthy is full speed ahead,” Mr. Brooks said.The president has raised the possibility of an executive order to have the Department of Homeland Security seize and examine voting machines for evidence of tampering. His personal lawyer, Rudolph W. Giuliani, has also sought to have the department seize the machines, an idea rejected by homeland security officials.On Monday, Mr. Barr said he saw “no basis now for seizing machines by the federal government.”White House lawyers have told Mr. Trump that he does not have the authority to take these actions, but his allies have pushed the president not to heed their advice.Now Mr. Rosen will have to contend with the possibility that Mr. Trump will run a parallel pressure campaign on the Justice Department.Mr. Rosen, a longtime corporate lawyer with no experience as a prosecutor, had never worked at the Justice Department before he became Mr. Barr’s top deputy in May 2019. His previous government service includes a stint as general counsel of the Transportation Department and of the White House’s Office of Management and Budget under George W. Bush, as well as as the No. 2 official of the Transportation Department under Mr. Trump.The question of how far an attorney general can and should go to further Mr. Trump’s political agenda has defined the tenures of both Mr. Barr and his most recent predecessor, Jeff Sessions. But Mr. Rosen will be stepping into the role at a time when the question is as intense as it has ever been.Unlike Mr. Barr and Mr. Sessions, Mr. Rosen does not have a long relationship with the department and no one is sure how much he is inclined to be a check on the president and protect the long-term interests of the department.Mr. Rosen worked largely in Mr. Barr’s shadow at the department. After Mr. Barr announced that he would leave, Mr. Rosen said that he was “honored at the trust and confidence” that Mr. Trump had placed in him to lead the department and that he would “continue to focus the implementation of the department’s key priorities” and maintain “the rule of law.”Maggie Haberman contributed reporting from New York.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Biden Cabinet Leans Centrist, Leaving Some Liberals Frustrated

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionFriday’s UpdatesElectoral College ResultsBiden’s CabinetInaugural DonationsAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyBiden Cabinet Leans Centrist, Leaving Some Liberals FrustratedStill a work in progress, the president-elect’s personnel choices are more pragmatic and familiar than ideological. It’s what he campaigned on, but the left had hoped for more.President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s initial personnel choices suggest a pragmatic approach to governing and a reliance on familiar faces.Credit…Hilary Swift for The New York TimesMichael D. Shear and Dec. 19, 2020Updated 7:46 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — His economic and environment teams are a little left of center. His foreign policy picks fall squarely in the Democratic Party’s mainstream. His top White House aides are Washington veterans.Taken together, the picture that emerges from President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s initial wave of personnel choices is a familiar, pragmatic and largely centrist one.That fits with the implicit deal that the former vice president and longtime senator offered Democrats during the 2020 primaries — that he was neither as progressive as Senators Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, nor a product of Wall Street like Michael Bloomberg, the Republican-turned-Democrat who failed in his last-minute attempt to offer a moderate alternative to Mr. Biden.Still a work in progress, Mr. Biden’s cabinet is designed to be an extension of his own ideology, rooted in long-held Democratic Party principles but with a greater focus on the plight of working-class Americans, a new sense of urgency about climate change and a deeper empathy about the issues of racial justice that he has said persuaded him to run for the presidency a third time.His nominees are a reflection of the image that his campaign conveyed and that powered his defeat of President Trump. They are diverse in ways that appeal to liberals, young voters and people of color. And they are moderate like the swing voters who helped him win in states like Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan.“That’s him,” said Bill Daley, who served as White House chief of staff for President Barack Obama. “That’s his whole campaign.”For his cabinet, Mr. Obama assembled outsize personalities like Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Robert M. Gates, the defense secretary who was a holdover from the George W. Bush administration.Mr. Biden’s cabinet so far has no one likely to draw the same kind of high-octane attention. His choices have decades of quiet, behind-the-scenes policymaking experience, matching Mr. Biden’s pledge to return basic competence to the government after four years of Mr. Trump’s chaotic administration.His nominees and choice of top White House aides make only a nod to the progressive movement in the Democratic Party that helped Mr. Biden win the election. That has left some of the party’s liberals frustrated by what they say is the creation of a new administration dominated by old thinking, unprepared to confront the post-Trumpian world of deeper racial and economic inequities and more entrenched Republican resistance.There is no one yet in Mr. Biden’s cabinet carrying the torch for the policies that he campaigned against during the primaries: free college for everyone, a costly Green New Deal, an anti-Wall Street agenda, universal health care and steep increases in the minimum wage.The danger, said Faiz Shakir, who managed Mr. Sanders’s 2020 presidential campaign, is that Mr. Biden does not pay sufficient attention to the struggle of working-class people, whose fortunes have declined under the economic policies of presidents from both parties. He said a return to the Democratic status quo, before Mr. Trump’s presidency, was not enough.“One of the concerns is that you want to pierce the bubble of how our Democratic elites have thought about politics and policymaking and urge them to go bolder,” Mr. Shakir said. “And now we’re relying on a lot of people’s instincts who’ve been honed, quite frankly, during a different era of politics.”Varshini Prakash, the executive director and a founder of the Sunrise Movement, a liberal group focused on climate change, praised Mr. Biden’s environmental picks as a welcome “departure from the leave-it-to-the-markets way of thinking that defined the early 2000s.”But she said she hoped Mr. Biden would do more to promote younger people whose experience is not defined by previous generations.“It is still an older, whiter, male-er group in general,” she said. “We are never going to develop the leadership we need for decades to come if we keep appointing people who are in their 60s and 70s who have served in multiple administrations already.”It can be difficult to divine the precise policy direction of an administration from the selection of a dozen cabinet members. Whatever the views of the individual secretaries, their mandates once in office will now be defined by the new president’s promises and policies.Xavier Becerra, Mr. Biden’s pick to lead the Department of Health and Human Services, for example, has previously embraced “Medicare for All” proposals. Now he will be called on to support the president-elect’s plan for improving Obamacare.But Mr. Biden has already signaled a more populist bent than Mr. Obama did. He talks about strengthening unions and creating working-class jobs with significant spending increases to build new roads, bridges and highways and repair the old ones. On Saturday, he said he would make climate change a focus of the economic recovery from the coronavirus, calling for the construction of 1.5 million energy-efficient homes and 500,000 new electric-vehicle charging stations, and for the creation of a “civilian climate corps” to carry out projects. The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated Dec. 18, 2020, 2:59 p.m. ETBiden officials say they didn’t agree to a ‘holiday pause’ in Defense meetings, pushing back against Pentagon officials.Pence, Pelosi and McConnell receive a coronavirus vaccine. Biden is set to get an injection on Monday.Lara Trump served on the board of a company through which the Trump political operation spent more than $700 million.His economic advisers believe in helping marginalized workers, expanding labor rights, addressing income inequality and bringing an end to gender and racial discrimination in the workplace.And like previous presidents, Mr. Biden has already signaled that he wants to firmly control policymaking from inside the White House, installing close confidants and people with years of experience who will work down the hall from the Oval Office.Ron Klain, a veteran Democratic operative, will be Mr. Biden’s chief of staff.Credit…Nicholas Kamm/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesThe fingerprints of Ron Klain, the incoming White House chief of staff and a longtime aide to Mr. Biden, are already evident in the selection of White House advisers with the kind of stature and experience to face off with the cabinet secretaries during debates over complex and difficult issues.Susan Rice, who was Mr. Obama’s national security adviser, will oversee domestic policy for Mr. Biden, who chose her not for her substantive expertise, but because of her ability to wrangle competing interests in a sprawling and often unruly government bureaucracy.Ray LaHood, a Republican who served as transportation secretary for Mr. Obama, said that dynamic was also evident in Mr. Biden’s decision to put John Kerry, the former secretary of state, and Gina McCarthy, who ran the Environmental Protection Agency, in charge of climate policy in the White House.“Every big major legislative or other issue was run out of the White House,” Mr. LaHood said, recalling the Obama White House. And, he predicted, it will be the same in the Biden administration. Some important pieces of the cabinet puzzle have yet to fall into place.Mr. Biden has not chosen an attorney general to oversee the Justice Department, which will be at the center of the president-elect’s promise to expand voting rights, overhaul law enforcement and enforce racial justice in the nation’s court system.Nominees for the Labor, Education and Commerce Departments also have yet to be announced, leaving it unclear exactly how Mr. Biden intends to carry out his vision for more investment in schools, safer and more prosperous jobs, and an improved economic environment for business.But some themes are emerging.One of Mr. Biden’s most urgent challenges as president will be to quickly turn around an economy wracked by the coronavirus pandemic, with millions of people out of work and businesses struggling to survive.To do that, the president-elect will lean on an economic team that tilts to the left of their predecessors in the Obama administration.Cecilia Rouse, his pick to lead the Council of Economic Advisers, is expected to focus on the forces that hold people back in the economy and the challenges that workers face, especially in the so-called gig economy.Janet Yellen, his choice to be Treasury secretary, is a labor economist who has long championed efforts to raise wages. Heather Boushey, named to be a member of the Council of Economic Advisers, is a proponent of a higher minimum wage and has fought for providing up to 12 weeks of paid family and medical leave to workers.There is not a deficit hawk among Mr. Biden’s nominees, but neither are there members of the progressive left championed by Mr. Sanders or Ms. Warren. Any member of Mr. Biden’s team might have worked for Hillary Clinton, had she won the presidency four years ago.On foreign policy, Mr. Biden has turned to a group of people with whom he has worked closely, a largely nonideological group who appear willing to execute his vision rather than pursue agendas of their own.“It’s like his Senate staff,” said Leon E. Panetta, a former Clinton White House chief of staff and C.I.A. director and defense secretary in the Obama administration. “I don’t think you can say that they come with a set of ideological ideals. They come ready to serve the president, and people need to understand that Joe Biden to a large extent is going to call the shots here.”Mr. Biden’s nominee for secretary of state, Antony J. Blinken, first worked for Mr. Biden as a Senate committee staff member in the 1990s and more than anyone else is an extension of his brain on foreign policy. In public remarks of his own, Mr. Blinken has generally reflected Mr. Biden’s views, including a belief in the value of American global leadership, alliances and military strength.Mr. Biden’s choices for director of national intelligence, national security adviser and defense secretary are all seen as skillful managers and bureaucratic operators; none are associated with strong political views or distinct policy agendas. “It’s a solid, sensible, centrist foreign policy team that’s likely to work well together and be well aligned to the president’s priorities,” said Kori Schake, the director of foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute.Troops in Fort Drum, N.Y., this month after returning from Afghanistan.Credit…John Moore/Getty ImagesEarly in his presidency, as he weighed his Afghanistan strategy, Mr. Obama felt pressure for a substantial troop increase from Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Gates. Mr. Biden is unlikely to face such tensions within his own team.Volunteers at the Centre Street Food Pantry in Newton Center, Mass., near Boston, prepared bags of groceries for families in need. The food bank has fed people at twice its usual volume because of the pandemic.Credit…Cody O’Loughlin for The New York TimesMr. Biden has said that addressing the threat from climate change is one of his top four priorities, along with confronting the Covid-19 pandemic, helping the economy to recover and moving toward racial justice in the United States. He is likely to provide another broad overview of his goals in his Inaugural Address and offer more detail in his first address to Congress shortly after taking office.But achieving the kind of sweeping change he has promised will be more difficult if Democrats fail to win two Senate runoffs in Georgia early next month. Republicans only have to win one of the two races to maintain control of the Senate and the power to block much of Mr. Biden’s agenda.And even if Democrats win, the party’s margins in both the Senate and the House will be razor thin, making it far less likely that Congress will embrace bold and costly policy proposals. Tom Ridge, a former Republican governor in Pennsylvania who served as secretary of Homeland Security for President George W. Bush, said many of the solutions will come from the departments led by Mr. Biden’s cabinet.“I don’t know of a modern president who, on the date of being sworn in, was confronted with the range of challenges that he and this administration confront the moment he takes office,” Mr. Ridge said. “These are tough, challenging problems. At this point in time, it’s good to have experienced hands.”AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More