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      Disturbios y violencia en el Capitolio: el fin de la era Trump

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      #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionliveWatch With AnalysisCertification UpdatesFact Check: Congressional DebateUpdates on UnrestAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyWashingtonDisturbios y violencia en el Capitolio: el fin de la era TrumpLuego de que el presidente Donald Trump hizo un llamado a sus seguidores para que no aceptaran su derrota electoral, los partidarios enojados irrumpieron en el Capitolio, suspendiendo la validación de las elecciones por parte del Congreso y protagonizando el violento final de su presidencia. Simpatizantes del presidente Trump frente al Monumento a Washington.Credit…Jason Andrew para The New York Times6 de enero de 2021Actualizado 20:36 ETRead in EnglishWASHINGTON — Durante años, los críticos del presidente Donald Trump que hicieron advertencias sobre los peores escenarios fueron tachados de alarmistas. Pero parece que la peor situación se materializó el miércoles cuando los partidarios del mandatario irrumpieron en el Capitolio de Estados Unidos, suspendiendo el proceso de validación de su derrota electoral y obligando a la evacuación del vicepresidente Mike Pence y los miembros del Congreso.En medio de una escena inolvidable, que evocó a los golpes de Estado y levantamientos en países autoritarios de todo el mundo, una turba atravesó las barricadas de seguridad, rompió las ventanas y entró en tropel al Capitolio. Mientras los legisladores huían, los agentes de la policía lanzaron gases lacrimógenos dentro de la ciudadela de la democracia estadounidense y sacaron armas para proteger la Cámara de Representantes en un enfrentamiento violento. Los alborotadores llegaron al estrado del Senado, donde poco antes estuvo el vicepresidente, y a la oficina de la presidenta Nancy Pelosi, donde uno se sentó en su escritorio.La inusitada invasión del Capitolio se produjo poco después de que Trump incitó a sus admiradores, en un mitin, a marchar a la sede del Congreso para protestar por la validación de los resultados de las elecciones que perdió, sugiriendo incluso que se uniría a ellos, aunque no lo hizo. Aunque no los instó de manera explícita a entrar por la fuerza en el edificio, les dijo que le estaban robando la presidencia y que nadie debería tolerar eso, lo que enardeció a la concurrencia provocando el estallido de violencia que poco después sucedería en el otro extremo de la avenida Pensilvania.Solo después de que la situación empeoró, Trump finalmente hizo un llamado a la calma. “Pido a todas las personas que están en el Capitolio de Estados Unidos que sean pacíficas”, escribió en Twitter. “¡Sin violencia! Recuerden, NOSOTROS somos el Partido de la Ley y el Orden: respeten la Ley y a nuestros grandes hombres y mujeres de azul. ¡Gracias!”.Pero, inicialmente, no les dijo que abandonaran el Capitolio o que permitieran que se reanudaran los procedimientos, al punto que incluso los propios asesores de Trump le imploraron que se pronunciara. “Condene esto ahora, @realDonaldTrump”, escribió en Twitter Alyssa Farah, quien acaba de renunciar como su directora de comunicaciones. “Eres el único al que escucharán. ¡Por nuestro país!”.Mick Mulvaney, quien se desempeñó como jefe de gabinete de Trump en la Casa Blanca, y luego se convirtió en un enviado especial, hizo un llamado similar. “El tuit del presidente no es suficiente”, escribió. “Él puede detener esto ahora y debe hacer exactamente eso. Dígale a esta gente que se vaya a casa”.Momentos después de que el presidente electo Joseph Biden apareció en televisión en vivo para deplorar la “sedición” en el Capitolio y pedirle a Trump que se presentara ante las cámaras, el presidente lanzó un video grabado en línea que ofrecía mensajes contradictorios. Reiteró sus quejas contra las personas que eran “tan malas y tan malvadas”, incluso cuando les dijo a sus seguidores que era hora de retirarse, sin condenar sus acciones.“Sé que están heridos”, les dijo. “Nos robaron una elección. Fue una elección arrolladora y todos lo saben, especialmente los del otro lado. Pero hay que irse a casa ahora”. Y añadió: “Los amamos. Son muy especiales”.Los críticos del mandatario lo responsabilizaron por alentar la respuesta violenta, al decirles repetidamente a los estadounidenses que le habían robado las elecciones cuando no fue así. “Esto es lo que el presidente ha causado hoy, esta insurrección”, dijo Mitt Romney, senador republicano por Utah, a un periodista cuando lo trasladaban junto con otros legisladores a un lugar seguro que las autoridades pidieron que no se revelara.Los partidarios de Trump irrumpieron por un extremo del Capitolio, luego de un mitin donde habló el presidente.Credit…Jason Andrew para The New York TimesAdam Kinzinger, representante republicano por Illinois y otro gran crítico del presidente, fue aún más lejos, y acusó a los simpatizantes de Trump de buscar el derrocamiento violento del gobierno. “Esto es un intento de golpe”, escribió en Twitter.The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated 6 de enero de 2021 a las 22:17 ETHe looted Speaker Pelosi’s office, but says he paid for his trophy.Video: Protesters linger as law enforcement surrounds the Capitol building.Congress resumes vote-counting as leaders on both sides repudiate siege.Los aliados republicanos del presidente, que tratan de obstaculizar el conteo de los electores de Biden con la esperanza de ayudar a Trump en su intento por aferrarse al poder, denunciaron la violencia sin flaquear en sus esfuerzos.“La violencia debe terminar, los que atacaron a la policía y violaron la ley deben ser procesados, y el Congreso debe volver al trabajo y terminar su tarea”, dijo Josh Hawley, senador republicano por Misuri y líder del esfuerzo de bloqueo de las elecciones, en una declaración.Aunque Washington ha sido el escenario de muchas protestas a lo largo de los años, incluidas algunas que se volvieron violentas, la convulsión del miércoles no se parecía a nada que haya visto la capital durante una transición de poder en los tiempos modernos, llegando a interrumpir literalmente la aceptación constitucional de la victoria electoral de Biden. Una presidencia que ha provocado hostilidad y divisiones durante cuatro años parece que termina con una explosión de ira, desorden y violencia.“Nunca nos rendiremos”, declaró Trump en su “Marcha para salvar América”, en el parque Elipse, poco antes del levantamiento, durante su último esfuerzo para justificar su intento fallido de revertir las elecciones democráticas con falsas afirmaciones de fraude que han sido desacreditadas por las votaciones, los jueces e incluso su propio fiscal general. “Nunca cederemos. Eso no pasará. No se concede cuando se trata de un robo. Nuestro país ya ha tenido suficiente. No lo soportaremos más, y de eso se trata todo esto”.Mientras la multitud en el Elipse coreaba: “¡Lucha por Trump! ¡Lucha por Trump!”, el presidente arremetió contra los miembros de su propio partido por no hacer más para ayudarlo a aferrarse al poder por encima de la voluntad del pueblo. “Hay tantos republicanos débiles”, se quejó, y luego juró vengarse de quienes considera que no han sido suficientemente leales. “Serán los primeros”, dijo.Se refirió a Brian Kemp, gobernador republicano de Georgia, que lo enfureció al no intervenir en las elecciones, llamándolo “uno de los gobernadores más tontos de Estados Unidos”. Y también atacó a William Barr, el fiscal general que no quiso validar sus quejas electorales. “De repente, Bill Barr cambió”, se quejó.Otros oradores, incluidos sus hijos Donald Trump Jr. y Eric Trump, criticaron a los legisladores republicanos por no defender al mandatario. “Esta reunión debería enviarles un mensaje a las personas que no hicieron nada para detener el robo”, dijo Donald Trump Jr. “Este ya no es su Partido Republicano. Este es el Partido Republicano de Donald Trump”.“Nunca nos rendiremos”, dijo Trump en el mitin del 6 de enero de 2021.Credit…Pete Marovich para The New York TimesPara muchos republicanos, ese es el problema. Incluso cuando la presidencia de Trump se estaba perdiendo, los republicanos se tornaron cada vez más en su contra, enfurecidos por las elecciones de segunda vuelta del martes en Georgia que parecían favorecer a los demócratas y los votos que obligaban a los legisladores a declararse a favor o en contra de los resultados de una elección democrática.Incluso Pence y Mitch McConnell, senador republicano por Kentucky y actual líder de la mayoría del Senado, quienes han sido algunos de los partidarios más leales de Trump durante los últimos cuatro años, finalmente rompieron con él de manera decisiva. Pence rechazó la petición del mandatario de que use su papel como director del recuento del Colegio Electoral para rechazar a los electores de Biden. Y McConnell pronunció un enérgico discurso en el que repudió el esfuerzo de Trump por revertir las elecciones.“Si estas elecciones fueran anuladas simplemente por las acusaciones del bando perdedor, nuestra democracia entraría en una espiral de muerte”, dijo McConnell en un discurso antes de que los alborotadores invadieran el Capitolio.Pence rechazó al presidente, minutos después de que lo presionara públicamente para que hiciera lo que incluso Jay Sekulow, abogado del mandatario, dijo que el vicepresidente no podía hacer: rechazar a los electores de los estados indecisos que perdieron los republicanos.“Espero que Mike haga lo correcto”, dijo Trump en el mitin del Elipse. “Yo espero que sí. Eso espero porque si Mike Pence hace lo correcto, ganaremos las elecciones”.Minutos después, Pence divulgó una carta en la que decía que no tenía el poder para hacer lo que el presidente quería. “Conferir al vicepresidente una autoridad unilateral para decidir las contiendas presidenciales sería completamente antitético” al diseño constitucional, escribió.Y agregó: “Creo que mi juramento de apoyar y defender la Constitución me limita al momento de reclamar una autoridad unilateral para determinar qué votos electorales deben contarse y cuáles no”.Como Pence no quería ni podía detener el conteo, los partidarios del presidente decidieron hacerlo ellos mismos. Y, durante varias horas, lo lograron.Peter Baker es el corresponsal principal de la Casa Blanca y ha cubierto las gestiones de los últimos cuatro presidentes para el Times y The Washington Post. También es autor de seis libros, el más reciente de ellos se titula The Man Who Ran Washington: The Life and Times of James A. Baker III. @peterbakernyt • FacebookAdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Trump’s Real Claim to Fame

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyTrump’s Real Claim to FameWhen it comes to the president, there can never be enough losing.Opinion ColumnistJan. 6, 2021, 8:32 p.m. ETCredit…Brendan Smialowski/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesDonald Trump’s worst nightmare has come true: He’s going to be remembered by history as the Biggest Loser.Think about it. He lost the election. Then he threw his energy into the campaigns of two Senate candidates in Georgia, both of whom lost. Then he returned to Washington, where his supporters delayed the certification of the election with a thug-like assault on the nation’s capitol.When the first horrific videos showed Trump throngs storming the suddenly evacuated Senate, the president of the United States responded with “stay peaceful.” Which is certainly good advice, but hardly of the emotional intensity he uses when howling about himself.Trump followed up with a video to his supporters. “I know your pain, I know your hurt,” he said while urging them to go home in peace. Great start! Which he instantly followed up with LoserSpeak.“We had an election that was stolen from us,” he added. “It was a landslide election and everyone knows it. Especially the other side.”You see now that within a couple of sentences, Trump has managed to turn his call for calm with a couple of jabs that would tend to convince some people that breaking through the windows and doors of the nation’s capitol was an excellent and righteous plan.All this happened while Congress was attempting to certify the election of Joe Biden, a normally feel-good ritual that, as Chuck Schumer noted, was turned into “an act of political courage.”While we never thought of Trump as a guy who’d bring us together, his post-election behavior has been so appalling that most of the Senate found itself in a kind of bipartisan revulsion.“I’ve served 36 years in the Senate. This will be the most important vote I’ve ever cast,” said Mitch McConnell as he prepared to support the certification of Biden’s victory.Even Mike Pence refused to do his bidding. Trump, listening to the advice of allies like Rudy Giuliani, was convinced that the vice president had “the absolute right” to throw out the election results. (“If Mike Pence does the right thing, we win the election.”) Pence thought otherwise. Not totally clear whether his opinion was really based on constitutional law or a vision of four years more of White House meetings with his current boss.Some of the Republicans, of course, were raring to get on the Trump bandwagon. We have to take a moment here to mention Senator Ted Cruz’s contribution in demanding an official audit of the election before anything else could happen.Cruz reminded his colleagues that was exactly what happened after the controversial election of 1876, adding that recent polling shows that 39 percent of Americans believe the election “was rigged.” This is a reasonable rationale if you want to base major decisions about a presidential election on “recent polling” and the fate of Rutherford B. Hayes.Trump is apparently incapable of doing anything but claiming he won. Over and over again. “Big difference between losing and … having it stolen,” he told a crowd in Georgia this week. “We win every state, and they’re gonna have this guy be president?”The Georgia elections were a kind of prelude to Wednesday’s disaster. Trump was in theory there to help two Republican candidates in their big Senate campaigns. But he was absolutely useless except when it came to tooting his own horn.“I’ve had two elections. I won both of them. It’s amazing,” he told one crowd, before launching into an attack on Georgia’s “incompetent governor” and “crazy secretary of state,” both of whom happen to be Republicans.And the Republicans lost in Georgia, making Democrats the Senate majority. It’s not clear that Trump could have helped the cause if he’d been a slightly more selfless campaigner. But his I-was-robbed message was certainly not the one you’d send to encourage voters to go to the polls.“I mean I could go on and on. … I could just go on forever,” Trump said in another I-won speech in front of the White House. Damned straight. It’s becoming increasingly clear that he is probably going to spend the rest of his life explaining how he actually won re-election “in a landslide.”Be thankful you’re not one of the family or Mar-a-Lago regulars. Thanksgiving dinners will probably feature a half-hour disquisition on the Arizona vote, and the distribution of gifts at Christmas will be a reminder that some people don’t get the rewards they really deserve.Things are tough in America right now, but in a couple of weeks he’ll be out of the White House. At least we have something Trump-related to look forward to.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Trump Is to Blame for Capitol Attack

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyTrump Is to Blame for Capitol AttackThe president incited his followers to violence. There must be consequences.The editorial board is a group of opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstanding values. It is separate from the newsroom.Jan. 6, 2021, 8:01 p.m. ETCredit…Samuel Corum/Getty ImagesPresident Trump and his Republican enablers in Congress incited a violent attack Wednesday against the government they lead and the nation they profess to love. This cannot be allowed to stand.Mr. Trump’s seditious rhetoric prompted a mob of thousands of people to storm the U.S. Capitol building, some breaking onto the House and Senate floors, where the nation’s elected representatives had gathered to perform their constitutional duty of counting electoral votes and confirming the election of Joe Biden as president.It is fitting that some carried the Confederate flag as they attacked the seat of American government and forced the suspension of congressional debate. They shattered windows and broke doors, clashing with overwhelmed security forces as they shouted their support for Mr. Trump and their defiance of the lawful results of the 2020 election. One woman was killed. The nation’s leaders were sent scurrying for shelter.Explosives were found in the Capitol and multiple locations around Washington. Pro-Trump protests also shut down statehouses around the country.Mr. Trump sparked these assaults. He has railed for months against the verdict rendered by voters in November. He summoned his supporters to gather in Washington on this day, and encouraged them to march on the Capitol. He told them that the election was being stolen. He told them to fight. He told them he might join them and, even as they stormed the building, he declined for long hours to tell them to stop, to condemn their actions, to raise a finger in defense of the Constitution that he swore to preserve and protect. When he finally spoke, late in the day, he affirmed the protesters’ anger, telling them again that the election was stolen, but asking them to go home anyway. It was the performance of a man unwilling to fulfill his duties as president or to confront the consequences of his own behavior.The president needs to be held accountable — through impeachment proceedings or criminal prosecution — and the same goes for his supporters who carried out the violence. In time, there should be an investigation of the failure of the Capitol Police to prepare for an attack that was announced and planned in public.This is not just an attack on the results of the 2020 election. It is a precedent — a permission slip for similar opposition to the outcomes of future elections. It must be clearly rejected, and placed beyond the pale of permissible conduct.The leaders of the Republican Party also bear a measure of responsibility for the attack on the Capitol.Many in the G.O.P. have participated in the vigorous retailing of lies about the election. They have sought to undermine public confidence in democracy, questioning the legitimacy of Mr. Biden’s victory without providing any evidence for their claims. Their statements led some of those who trust them to conclude violence was necessary.Few have been as explicit as Rudy Giuliani, the president’s personal lawyer, who earlier Wednesday suggested, “Let’s have trial by combat!” But even as extremists boiled up around the Capitol, lapping against the security barriers, Republicans in the House and the Senate were chipping away at democracy from the inside.Senator Ted Cruz, Republican of Texas, invoked the 1877 commission that resolved the disputed presidential election of 1876 as a model for what he described as addressing reasonable doubts about the 2020 election. There is no factual basis for such doubts about the 2020 vote, but Mr. Cruz’s choice of analogy is historically resonant. In the 1876 election, white Democrats used widespread political violence to prevent Black people from voting and then demanded the end of Reconstruction as the price of the survival of a compromised Republic — ushering in an era of racial terror and cementing the exclusion of Southern Blacks from participatory democracy.The modern Republican Party, in its systematic efforts to suppress voting, and its refusal to acknowledge the legitimacy of elections that it loses, is similarly seeking to maintain its political power on the basis of disenfranchisement. Wednesday’s insurrection is evidence of an alarming willingness to pursue that goal with violence.It is clear that some Republican leaders are starting to fear the consequences of enabling Mr. Trump. Before the attack started, Senator Mitch McConnell, the majority leader, decried efforts by his fellow Republicans to overturn the results of the election. But his eloquence was the very definition of a gesture both too little and too late. They who sow the wind, reap the whirlwind.Other politicians have had firmer convictions. Former presidential candidate Mitt Romney tweeted, “What happened at the U.S. Capitol today was an insurrection, incited by the President of the United States.”The Constitution requires Congress to count and announce the results of a presidential election on Jan. 6 of the following year. While the mob was able to put that process on hold, it will not be able to prevent it, or Mr. Biden’s inauguration in two weeks.But the attack is a reminder of the fragility of self-government.Jan. 6, 2021, will go down as a dark day. The question is whether, even as Mr. Trump’s time in office ends, America is at the beginning of a descent into an even darker and more divided epoch or the end of one. The danger is real, but the answer is not foreordained. Republican politicians have the power, and the responsibility, to chart a different course by ending their rhetorical assaults on American democracy and rising in defense of the nation they swore oaths to serve.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      You Think This Is Chaos? The Election of 1876 Was Worse.

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      What Republicans Might Gain if They Lose Georgia

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyWhat Republicans Might Gain if They Lose GeorgiaThey have survived Trump for the last four years. But disentangling from him might get easier if his latest sabotage succeeds.Opinion ColumnistJan. 5, 2021Defeats for Senators Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue would show there is a real political cost to endorsing not just President Trump but also his fantasy politics.Credit…Damon Winter/The New York TimesAt this time of year, normally a sleepy, unremarkable period, I often write a column summing up the things that I got wrong in the previous year’s worth of punditry. Given that everything is rather more harrowing than usual this year, the habit feels a little self-indulgent — except that one important and mostly falsified hypothesis that I once held, not just for 2020 but across the entire Trump era, is about to be put to one last test.The hypothesis was that by nominating Donald Trump for the presidency and lashing itself so closely to his unique mixture of corruption, incompetence and malice, the Republican Party set itself up for a sweeping political repudiation — on the order of what it faced in 1964, after Watergate and in the last two elections of the George W. Bush era.I was wrong about this in 2016, but after the pandemic arrived in 2020 and Trump responded so Trumpishly, I suspected that the reckoning had finally arrived — that the president was sinking himself and that his party would likely go down with him.Trump did sink, but not as deeply as I anticipated — and meanwhile, the G.O.P. kept bobbing, its House caucus actually increasing, its hold on a few crucial Senate seats surprisingly maintained.Where did I go wrong? Despite making it a frequent theme, I probably underestimated the public’s reluctance to hand a self-radicalizing liberalism full control of government, given its matchless power in other institutions. I also probably underestimated the stabilizing effect of the economic relief efforts on people’s finances, which made the pandemic year less devastating and the anti-incumbent mood less intense. And I suspect there was more lockdown fatigue, more wariness of the Democratic Party’s preferred public-health regime, than the coronavirus polling captured.Add up all those factors, and you have a decent explanation for both the slightly higher-than-expected Trump vote and the voters who wanted to be rid of him but preferred divided government, in numbers that helped keep the Republican Party afloat.Pundits are supposed to learn from the past, and learning from the Republican overperformance in November 2020 would lead one to expect that the G.O.P. will keep its two Georgia Senate seats in today’s runoffs. After all, Trump himself has been defeated (his unwillingness to admit as much notwithstanding), the Georgia suburbs boast plenty of the kind of mildly conservative voters who voted for Joe Biden but also might like to see his presidency held in check, and David Perdue, one of the two Republican senators on the ballot, ran ahead of the president nine weeks ago. A Republican Party that survived the Trump era without the kind of shellacking I kept expecting should surely be able to win the first Senate races of the Biden era.Except that this isn’t the Biden era, is it? Not for two more weeks; for now, it’s still the Trump era, the Trump show, the last crazy act (until he runs in 2024, that is), with everything dialed up as far as he can take it: the wildest conspiracy theories, the most perfect phone calls to beleaguered state officials and the most depressing sort of voter-fraud pandering from the irresponsibility caucus among congressional Republicans. And all of it happening while the Covid curve bends upward, a new strain spreads and the vaccine rollout falls well short of Trump administration predictions — not that the president shows any evidence of caring.This context makes prediction a fool’s errand. You can’t use historical case studies to model pandemic-era runoff elections in which the president is making war on the officials of his own party and some of his fiercest online supporters are urging a boycott of the vote.But since prediction is often just an expression of desire, I’ll tell you what I want to happen. Even though the party richly deserved some sort of punishment, I didn’t want the G.O.P. to be destroyed by its affiliation with Trump, because I’m one of those Americans who don’t want to be ruled by liberalism in its current incarnation, let alone whatever form is slowly being born. But now that the party has survived four years of Trumpism without handing the Democrats a congressional supermajority, and now that Amy Coney Barrett is on the Supreme Court and Joe Manchin, Susan Collins and Mitt Romney will hold real power in the Senate, whatever happens in Georgia — well, now I do want Perdue and Kelly Loeffler to lose these races, mostly because I don’t want the Republican Party to be permanently ruled by Donald J. Trump.Obviously, a runoff-day defeat won’t by itself prevent Trump from winning the party’s nomination four years hence or bestriding its internal culture in the meantime. (Indeed, for some of his supporters it would probably confirm their belief that the presidential election was stolen — because look, the Democrats did it twice!) But the sense that there is a real political cost to slavishly endorsing not just Trump but also his fantasy politics, his narrative of stolen victory, seems a necessary precondition for the separation that elected Republicans need to seek — working carefully, like a bomb-dismantling team — between their position and the soon-to-be-former president’s, if they don’t want him to just claim the leadership of their party by default.That kind of Trump-forever future is what Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz and others are making possible, with their ambitious pandering. Hawley and Cruz both want to be Trump’s heir apparent (as though he doesn’t already have several in his family), but the deeper they go into the Trumpian dreampolitik, the more they build up the voter-fraud mythos, the more likely it becomes that they’ll just be stuck serving him for four more years — or longer.So there needs to be some counterpressure, some sense that dreampolitik has costs. And defeat for two Republicans who have cynically gone along with the president’s stolen-election narrative, to the point of attacking their own state’s Republican-run electoral system, feels like a plausible place for the diminishment of Trump to start.I don’t think that diminishment is necessary to save the American republic from dictatorship, as many of Trump’s critics have long imagined, and with increasing intensity the longer his election challenge has gone on. Whatever potentially crisis-inducing precedents Republican senators are establishing this month, the forces and institutions — technological, judicial, military — that could actually make America into some kind of autocracy are not aligned with right-wing populism, and less so with every passing day.But Trump’s diminishment is definitely necessary if the American right is ever going to be a force for something other than deeper decadence, deeper gridlock, fantasy politics and partisan battles that have nothing to do with the challenges the country really faces.Or to distill the point: You don’t have to see Trump as a Caesar to recognize his behavior this month as Nero-esque, playing a QAnon-grade fiddle while the pandemic burns. We imported at least one of the new variants of the coronavirus from overseas in the past few weeks — like the pandemic itself, the kind of thing a populist-nationalist president is supposed to try to slam the door against — but instead of shutting down flights from Britain or South Africa, he’s been too busy pushing the stupidest election challenge in recorded history, while slipping ever-closer to blaming the lizard people for his defeat.I don’t know how any of this ends. But somewhere between the wipeout of the Republican Party that I once expected and the 2024 Trump restoration that I fear, there’s a world where the party spends the next four years very gradually distancing and disentangling itself from its Mad Pretender and his claims.And since that scenario becomes a little more likely if Georgia goes for the Democrats, I think that not only liberals, but also those Republicans who want a conservatism after Trump, should welcome that result.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTOpinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Has Georgia Reached a Turning Point for Democrats? The Senate Is at Stake

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyHas Georgia Reached a Turning Point for Democrats? The Senate Is at StakeThe growth of the Atlanta area and the efforts to protect African-Americans’ voting rights have transformed the state’s political landscape.Mr. Sokol, a professor of history at the University of New Hampshire, is the author of three books on the civil rights movement, most recently “The Heavens Might Crack: The Death and Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.”Jan. 5, 2021, 5:00 a.m. ETCredit…Jim Watson/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesIn Georgia’s Senate runoff elections, Republicans are banking on a strategy that generations of segregationist politicians perfected: Array the voters in rural counties, overwhelmingly white and conservative, against those in the Atlanta area. From the Jim Crow era to our day, the antagonism between rural enclaves and greater Atlanta has shaped Georgia’s politics.The Republican senators, David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler, have decided that the key is turning out their rural base. Yet the rapid growth of metropolitan Atlanta, combined with tireless efforts to protect African-Americans’ voting rights, has transformed the state’s political landscape.Joe Biden’s victory in Georgia was especially meaningful not only because it upended decades-long trends in party politics but also because it represented a possible turning point in a much longer racial history. Mr. Biden is the first Democrat to carry Georgia since Bill Clinton in 1992. Mr. Clinton, though, won the state with only 43.5 percent of the vote, and he performed well among white voters in rural areas. Mr. Biden put together a very different political coalition — more urban and suburban, more multiracial and more progressive. It is this coalition that the Democratic Senate candidates, Jon Ossoff and the Rev. Raphael Warnock, are counting on.Politicians in Jim Crow Georgia possessed a tool that Mr. Perdue and Ms. Loeffler would have envied: the county-unit system. The winner of each county received all of its unit votes. The eight largest counties had six unit votes apiece, 30 counties possessed four unit votes each, and the smallest 121 counties held two unit votes apiece. In 1950, Georgia’s three least-populous counties — with 9,267 total residents — combined for six unit votes, the same as Fulton County, with 473,572 residents. This system of malapportionment empowered demagogues, none more successful than Eugene Talmadge.Wealthy executives bankrolled Talmadge’s numerous political campaigns, while many white farmers supplied the votes. (He served three terms as the state’s governor — two from 1933 to 1937 and one from 1941 to 1943.) Talmadge was a vocal opponent of the New Deal, yet he depended on the support of those impoverished Georgians who stood to benefit from many federal programs. The journalist Robert Sherrill, in his book “Gothic Politics in the Deep South,” explained why “the people” still stood by Talmadge: “Old Gene had never done anything for them, but he made them feel like people, fit for laughter, supreme over the black man at least, and sharing with him the sly knowledge that since only the rich could profit from government, the poor man was foolish to take government seriously.”In many ways, Talmadge — though he was a Democrat and his party backed the social programs of the early New Deal — created a blueprint for today’s Republican Party. He combined racial animus with anti-government rhetoric, piled up votes among rural whites and exploited a system that gave those voters disproportionate power.In the Georgia Senate races, the Republicans’ most insistent line of attack is that a Democratic-controlled Senate will lead America to socialism. Ms. Loeffler’s opponent, Mr. Warnock, would become Georgia’s first African-American senator. In one debate, Ms. Loeffler referred to “radical liberal Raphael Warnock” no fewer than 13 times. (Mr. Warnock responded that his economic philosophy derived from Matthew 25.) This is not so different from the way Talmadge raged against the New Deal as a socialist-inspired plot that would bring racial equality to Georgia.Talmadge defended white supremacy and encouraged his supporters to use intimidation and violence to keep Black voters away from the polls. After losing a bid for re-election in 1942, he ran again for governor in 1946. He whipped white Georgians into a frenzy. Just before a Democratic primary in July, Talmadge told a crowd, “If I’m your governor, they won’t vote in our white primary.” In Butler, a veteran named Maceo Snipes cast his ballot in that primary election, becoming the first African-American to vote in Taylor County. The next day, four white men went to Snipes’s home and shot him. Snipes died days later.Roughly 85,000 Black Georgians voted in that election, though tens of thousands were disenfranchised — by either voter purges or outright intimidation. An estimated 98 percent of African-Americans voted for Talmadge’s opponent James Carmichael, a businessman and more moderate Democrat. Carmichael won the popular vote by more than 16,000, but Talmadge won a solid majority of county-unit votes — and he thus won the primary election. (Talmadge also won the general election but died before his inauguration.)As Jim Crow began to crumble in the 1960s, so did the county-unit system. The Supreme Court’s 1962 decision in Baker v. Carr established the principle of one person, one vote, and its 1963 ruling in Gray v. Sanders outlawed Georgia’s system.The state’s politics have since been reshaped by demographic change. Democrats now perform poorly in white rural areas but rely on the expanding suburbs. Two counties tell this tale: Bacon County, in rural southeastern Georgia, and Cobb County, in suburban Atlanta. Bacon County was Talmadge country. In 1946, Talmadge defeated Carmichael by 1,317 votes to 277. Cobb County went strongly for Carmichael, and it formed part of the urban-suburban coalition that gave Carmichael a popular-vote victory.In 2020, the old Talmadge strongholds were President Trump’s territory. He won Bacon County by a margin of more than 70 percentage points, but suburban areas like Cobb County powered Mr. Biden’s victory. Cobb was a Republican bastion from the 1960s through 2012, but in the past decade, the county has grown even more racially diverse and decidedly Democratic, supporting Mr. Biden by a margin of more than 14 points.Mr. Biden won 30 counties in Georgia, and Trump won the other 129. Mr. Biden’s coalition encompassed the suburbs together with Atlanta, and Mr. Warnock and Mr. Ossoff are mobilizing voters in those places. Even if the architects of the county-unit system could not have fathomed the dramatic changes that have remade the Atlanta area, this was the kind of urban-suburban coalition that they feared. For those who believe the nation can achieve a multiracial democracy, the same coalition holds their most fervent hopes.Jason Sokol (@jasokol) is a professor of history at the University of New Hampshire and the author of three books on the civil rights movement, including “The Heavens Might Crack: The Death and Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.”The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Republicans, Fearing Trump’s Wrath, Splinter Over Bid to Overturn Election

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      #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesElectoral College ResultsBiden’s CabinetInaugural DonationsAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyRepublicans, Fearing Trump’s Wrath, Splinter Over Bid to Overturn ElectionFacing a consequential test, Republicans staked out dueling positions over whether to join an insurgency in their ranks pushing to invalidate President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victoryRepresentative Elise Stefanik of New York, a rising star in the Republican Party, announced that she would join the effort to object to the certification on Wednesday.Credit…Anna Moneymaker/The New York TimesCatie Edmondson and Jan. 4, 2021Updated 10:17 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — Republican divisions deepened on Monday over an effort to overturn President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory, as lawmakers weighed their fear of alienating President Trump and his supporters against the consequences of voting to reject a democratic election.With a Wednesday vote looming on whether to certify the election results, the last-ditch bid to deny Mr. Biden the presidency has unleashed open warfare among Republicans, leaving them scrambling to stake out a defensible stance on a test that carried heavy repercussions for their careers and their party. On Monday, as Mr. Trump ratcheted up his demands for Republicans to try to block Mr. Biden’s election, elder statesmen of the party and some rank-and-file lawmakers rushed to provide political cover for those disinclined to go along.In the House, seven Republicans, some of whom are part of the conservative Freedom Caucus that normally aligns with Mr. Trump, released a statement arguing at length against the effort.“The text of the Constitution is clear,” the lawmakers, led by Representative Chip Roy of Texas, wrote. “States select electors. Congress does not. Accordingly, our path forward is also clear. We must respect the states’ authority here.”Chief executives and other leaders from many of America’s largest businesses also weighed in, urging Congress to certify the electoral vote.“Attempts to thwart or delay this process run counter to the essential tenets of our democracy,” they said in a statement signed by 170 people, including Laurence D. Fink of BlackRock, Logan Green and John Zimmer of Lyft, Brad Smith of Microsoft, Albert Bourla of Pfizer and James Zelter of Apollo Global Management.And John C. Danforth, a former Republican senator and paragon of the party establishment, denounced the electoral challenge, calling it part of a “populist strategy to drive America even farther apart by promoting conspiracy theories and stoking grievances.”“Lending credence to Trump’s false claim that the election was stolen is a highly destructive attack on our constitutional government,” Mr. Danforth, a mentor to Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri, the instigator of the effort in the Senate, said in a statement. “It is the opposite of conservative; it is radical.”Yet the effort won a high-profile convert on Monday, when Senator Kelly Loeffler of Georgia announced just hours before Mr. Trump appeared at a rally on her behalf that she, too, would vote against certifying the election results.Complicating the calculation for fretful Republicans were fresh revelations about Mr. Trump’s own efforts to subvert the election results by pressuring Georgia’s Republican secretary of state to “find” him enough votes to overturn Mr. Biden’s win. Proponents of the electoral challenge, who have sought to portray their position as principled and apolitical, conceded on Monday that leaked audio of the call has made their task more difficult.Mr. Trump used his Twitter bully pulpit on Monday to hammer at Republicans who declined to back the doomed effort, labeling them the “Surrender Caucus” and singling out Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas.“How can you certify an election when the numbers being certified are verifiably WRONG,” Mr. Trump wrote, repeating a false claim. “Republicans have pluses & minuses, but one thing is sure, THEY NEVER FORGET!”The gambit is all but guaranteed to prolong what is typically a brief and routine recap of each state’s electoral votes, set to begin at 1 p.m. on Wednesday, prompting a bitter, hourslong debate that will culminate in a vote — or perhaps several — on whether to certify Mr. Biden’s election. Democratic leaders, on a private caucus call Monday, counseled lawmakers to avoid focusing on Mr. Trump during the discussion and instead highlight the lack of evidence of fraud.“I don’t think we need to go all night,” said Representative Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland, the majority leader. “We have members from each state who are ready to discuss, you know, the status of their state, what happened and what the courts said.”Still, more Republicans announced on Monday that they would back the objections to certifying the results. Representative Elise Stefanik of New York, a rising star in the party who led Republican efforts to recruit women to Congress over the past two years, said she owed it to voters who believe the election was rigged to support the challenge.“To the tens of thousands of constituents and patriots across the country who have reached out to me in the past few weeks — please know that I hear you,” Ms. Stefanik said in a statement.Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, and his deputies have made clear to colleagues that they strongly oppose the effort to reverse the election results, but Mr. Hawley has said he will force a vote and at least 12 other Republican senators plan to back him. The party fissures have extended to the House, where the top Republican, Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, has not revealed how he plans to vote on Jan. 6 but has said he is supportive of those who want to have a debate, while Representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming, the No. 3 Republican, has argued vociferously against the move.That has created something of a free-for-all in the House. Lawmakers have been left to weigh on their own whether to vote to protect the sanctity of the election and risk incurring the wrath of their constituents, or move to overturn the results in a doomed loyalty test that could badly damage their party.Representative Thomas Massie, Republican of Kentucky, said in an interview that he and the other conservatives who came out on Monday against the challenge were hoping to put forward a “constitutionally grounded” argument from a “pro-Trump perspective” that their colleagues could adopt.“I think there are a lot of people of the same mind as us, but they were looking for some kind of grounding or maybe some kind of cover,” Mr. Massie said. “I feel like there are people getting sucked into the other vortex as the hours go by.”Other Republicans, including some of the president’s most ardent defenders, were plainly uneasy about the coming vote, prompting a series of tortured statements seeking to justify the most basic of democratic positions: a vote to respect the outcome of an election.“The easiest vote for me politically would be to object to everything and vote for every objection,” Senator Kevin Cramer, Republican of North Dakota, said on Sunday. On Monday, Mr. Cramer issued a statement saying he would not object, adding “objecting to the Electoral College votes is not an appropriate or effective way to change the results.”Senator Rob Portman, an Ohio Republican who is up for re-election in 2022, said in a lengthy statement that he voted for Mr. Trump but could not object to certifying the election results, citing his opposition to a similar, Democratic-led effort in 2005.“I stood in opposition to Democrats then, saying Congress should not ‘obstruct the will of the American people,’” Mr. Portman said. “I was concerned then that Democrats were establishing a dangerous precedent where Congress would inappropriately assert itself to try to reverse the will of the voters. I cannot now support Republicans doing the same thing.”Senator Rob Portman, Republican of Ohio, said he could not object to certifying the election results.Credit…Anna Moneymaker for The New York TimesBy Monday afternoon, Mr. McConnell had dialed dozens of senators to try to map out the process on Wednesday, but remained in the dark about how many would lodge objections and to which states, according to people familiar with the discussions.Even the 11 senators who signed onto the effort, led by Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, were debating how far to push their objections, according to a person familiar with their discussions. Some of them were unsure of how to defend their position in interviews, the person said, and were looking to Mr. Cruz to serve as the spokesman for the group.“None of us want to vote against electors, but we all want to get the facts out there,” said Senator James Lankford of Oklahoma, one of the 11 who signed onto a statement over the weekend pledging to oppose certifying Mr. Biden’s win unless an independent commission was formed to audit the election results. “There are lots of folks in my state that still want those answers to come out, and so at least one of the electors I would vote against at that point, once we get to that moment. And it’s a statement to be able to say, ‘We got to get this done.’”He repeatedly declined to say which state’s electors he would object to on Wednesday, even as he conceded that the establishment of a commission was “highly unlikely.”As the vote approached, some Republicans said they were alarmed at a process that appeared to be spiraling out of control. Mr. Massie said he was frustrated with conservative groups that have promoted the effort to reject the election results — including exhorting followers to travel to Washington for a “Stop the Steal” rally near the Capitol on Wednesday — and called some of the messaging “disingenuous.”“They are not telling the base, some of whom are getting on buses and coming to D.C. right now, that it’s mathematically impossible to overturn the election,” he said. “I have great respect for my colleagues on the other side of this debate and I see where they’re coming from, but the people who are agitating for constituents to come here are also concealing from them that there is no way to win.”Opponents of the electoral challenge were hopeful that Mr. Trump’s call with Brad Raffensperger, Georgia’s secretary of state, would turn away lawmakers who had been mulling joining the bid.Even senators who supported it conceded that the recording had hurt their cause.“One of the things, I think, that everyone has said,” Senator Marsha Blackburn, Republican of Tennessee, said on “Fox & Friends,” “is that this call was not a helpful call.”Luke Broadwater More

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      Mike Pence's Choice: Side With the Constitution or Trump

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