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      Impeach and Convict. Right Now.

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyImpeach and Convict. Right Now.Trump is too dangerous to leave in office for even another minute.Opinion ColumnistJan. 6, 2021Credit…Tom Brenner for The New York TimesIt wasn’t hard to see, when it began, that it would end exactly the way it has. Donald Trump is America’s willful arsonist, the man who lit the match under the fabric of our constitutional republic.The duty of the House of Representatives and the Senate, once they certify Joe Biden’s election, is to reconvene, Wednesday night if possible, to impeach the president and then remove him from office and bar him from ever holding office again.To allow Trump to serve out his term, however brief it may be, puts the nation’s safety at risk, leaves our reputation as a democracy in tatters and evades the inescapable truth that the assault on Congress was an act of violent sedition aided and abetted by a lawless, immoral and terrifying president.From the moment Trump became the G.O.P. front-runner in 2015, it was obvious who he was and where, if given the chance, he would take America. He was a malignant narcissist in his person. A fraudster in his businesses. A bully in his relationships. And a demagogue in his politics.He did not have ideas. He had bigotries. He did not have a coalition. He had crowds. He did not have character. He had a quality of confident shamelessness, the kind that offered his followers permission to be shameless, too.All this was obvious — but was not enough to stop him. America in 2015 had many problems, many of which had gone too long ignored and were ripe for populist exploitation. But by far the biggest problem of that year was that a major political party capitulated to a thug. And the biggest problem of every subsequent year has been that more and more of that party has excused, ignored, forgiven, colluded in and celebrated his thuggery.Think of Mike Pompeo, our sycophantic secretary of state, who in March 2016 warned that Trump would be “an authoritarian president who ignored our Constitution,” and who, after the election had been called for Biden in November, promised “a smooth transition to a second Trump administration.”The Republican Party is now walking to the edge of moral irredeemability. I say this as someone who, until 2016, had always voted the straight Republican ticket and who, until this week, had hoped that Republicans would hold the Senate as a way of tilting the Biden administration to the center. I say this also of the party generally, and not of the courageous individual Republicans — Brad Raffensperger, Mitt Romney, Denver Riggleman, Larry Hogan, Ben Sasse (the list is depressingly short) — who have preserved their principles, maintained their honor and kept their heads these past five years.But there is no getting away from the extent to which leading party members and their cheerleaders in the right-wing media are complicit in creating the political atmosphere in which this Visigothic sacking of the Capitol took place.The legal hucksters, from Rudy Giuliani to Mark Levin, who promoted demonstrably debunkable claims about electoral fraud, are complicit. All of those supposedly sober-minded conservatives who encouraged the president to “pursue his legal options” (knowing full well they were bunk, but with the assurance that they would settle doubts about the validity of the vote) are complicit. The 126 House Republicans who signed on to the preposterous brief supporting the Texas lawsuit to overturn the election — flicked away in a single paragraph by the Supreme Court — are complicit. Ted Cruz, whom I once described as a “serpent covered in Vaseline” but who turns out to be considerably worse, is complicit. Josh Hawley and the rest of the Senate cynics, who tried to obstruct Biden’s election certification in a transparent bid to corner the market on Trumpian craziness, are complicit. Mike Pence, who cravenly humored Trump’s fantasies right till the moment of constitutional truth, is complicit. (If there’s an argument against Trump’s removal from office, he alone is it.)Some of these charlatans are now trying to disavow Wednesday’s violence in carefully phrased tweets. But Cruz, Hawley, Pence and the other Bitter-Enders have done far more lasting damage to Congress than the mob that — merely by following their lead — physically trashed it. Broken doors can be fixed. Broken parties cannot.Above all there is the president, not complicit but wholly, undeniably and unforgivably responsible.For five years, Republicans let him degrade political culture by normalizing his behavior. For five years, they let him wage war on democratic norms and institutions. For five years, they treated his nonstop mendacity as a quirk of character, not a disqualification for office. For five years, they treated his rallies as carnivals of democracy, not as training grounds for mob rule.For five years, they thought this was costless. On Wednesday — forgive the cliché, but it’s apt here — their chickens came home to roost.Every decent society depends for its survival on its ability to be shocked — and stay shocked — by genuinely shocking behavior. Donald Trump’s entire presidency has been an assault on that idea.There is only one prescription for it now. Impeach the president and remove him from office now. Ban him forever from office now. Let every American know that, in the age of Trump, there are some things that can never be allowed to stand, most of all Trump himself.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Biden Denounces Storming of Capitol as a ‘Dark Moment’ in Nation’s History

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      Georgia Runoff Updates

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      Disturbios y violencia en el Capitolio: el fin de la era Trump

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      #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionliveWatch With AnalysisCertification UpdatesFact Check: Congressional DebateUpdates on UnrestAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyWashingtonDisturbios y violencia en el Capitolio: el fin de la era TrumpLuego de que el presidente Donald Trump hizo un llamado a sus seguidores para que no aceptaran su derrota electoral, los partidarios enojados irrumpieron en el Capitolio, suspendiendo la validación de las elecciones por parte del Congreso y protagonizando el violento final de su presidencia. Simpatizantes del presidente Trump frente al Monumento a Washington.Credit…Jason Andrew para The New York Times6 de enero de 2021Actualizado 20:36 ETRead in EnglishWASHINGTON — Durante años, los críticos del presidente Donald Trump que hicieron advertencias sobre los peores escenarios fueron tachados de alarmistas. Pero parece que la peor situación se materializó el miércoles cuando los partidarios del mandatario irrumpieron en el Capitolio de Estados Unidos, suspendiendo el proceso de validación de su derrota electoral y obligando a la evacuación del vicepresidente Mike Pence y los miembros del Congreso.En medio de una escena inolvidable, que evocó a los golpes de Estado y levantamientos en países autoritarios de todo el mundo, una turba atravesó las barricadas de seguridad, rompió las ventanas y entró en tropel al Capitolio. Mientras los legisladores huían, los agentes de la policía lanzaron gases lacrimógenos dentro de la ciudadela de la democracia estadounidense y sacaron armas para proteger la Cámara de Representantes en un enfrentamiento violento. Los alborotadores llegaron al estrado del Senado, donde poco antes estuvo el vicepresidente, y a la oficina de la presidenta Nancy Pelosi, donde uno se sentó en su escritorio.La inusitada invasión del Capitolio se produjo poco después de que Trump incitó a sus admiradores, en un mitin, a marchar a la sede del Congreso para protestar por la validación de los resultados de las elecciones que perdió, sugiriendo incluso que se uniría a ellos, aunque no lo hizo. Aunque no los instó de manera explícita a entrar por la fuerza en el edificio, les dijo que le estaban robando la presidencia y que nadie debería tolerar eso, lo que enardeció a la concurrencia provocando el estallido de violencia que poco después sucedería en el otro extremo de la avenida Pensilvania.Solo después de que la situación empeoró, Trump finalmente hizo un llamado a la calma. “Pido a todas las personas que están en el Capitolio de Estados Unidos que sean pacíficas”, escribió en Twitter. “¡Sin violencia! Recuerden, NOSOTROS somos el Partido de la Ley y el Orden: respeten la Ley y a nuestros grandes hombres y mujeres de azul. ¡Gracias!”.Pero, inicialmente, no les dijo que abandonaran el Capitolio o que permitieran que se reanudaran los procedimientos, al punto que incluso los propios asesores de Trump le imploraron que se pronunciara. “Condene esto ahora, @realDonaldTrump”, escribió en Twitter Alyssa Farah, quien acaba de renunciar como su directora de comunicaciones. “Eres el único al que escucharán. ¡Por nuestro país!”.Mick Mulvaney, quien se desempeñó como jefe de gabinete de Trump en la Casa Blanca, y luego se convirtió en un enviado especial, hizo un llamado similar. “El tuit del presidente no es suficiente”, escribió. “Él puede detener esto ahora y debe hacer exactamente eso. Dígale a esta gente que se vaya a casa”.Momentos después de que el presidente electo Joseph Biden apareció en televisión en vivo para deplorar la “sedición” en el Capitolio y pedirle a Trump que se presentara ante las cámaras, el presidente lanzó un video grabado en línea que ofrecía mensajes contradictorios. Reiteró sus quejas contra las personas que eran “tan malas y tan malvadas”, incluso cuando les dijo a sus seguidores que era hora de retirarse, sin condenar sus acciones.“Sé que están heridos”, les dijo. “Nos robaron una elección. Fue una elección arrolladora y todos lo saben, especialmente los del otro lado. Pero hay que irse a casa ahora”. Y añadió: “Los amamos. Son muy especiales”.Los críticos del mandatario lo responsabilizaron por alentar la respuesta violenta, al decirles repetidamente a los estadounidenses que le habían robado las elecciones cuando no fue así. “Esto es lo que el presidente ha causado hoy, esta insurrección”, dijo Mitt Romney, senador republicano por Utah, a un periodista cuando lo trasladaban junto con otros legisladores a un lugar seguro que las autoridades pidieron que no se revelara.Los partidarios de Trump irrumpieron por un extremo del Capitolio, luego de un mitin donde habló el presidente.Credit…Jason Andrew para The New York TimesAdam Kinzinger, representante republicano por Illinois y otro gran crítico del presidente, fue aún más lejos, y acusó a los simpatizantes de Trump de buscar el derrocamiento violento del gobierno. “Esto es un intento de golpe”, escribió en Twitter.The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesUpdated 6 de enero de 2021 a las 22:17 ETHe looted Speaker Pelosi’s office, but says he paid for his trophy.Video: Protesters linger as law enforcement surrounds the Capitol building.Congress resumes vote-counting as leaders on both sides repudiate siege.Los aliados republicanos del presidente, que tratan de obstaculizar el conteo de los electores de Biden con la esperanza de ayudar a Trump en su intento por aferrarse al poder, denunciaron la violencia sin flaquear en sus esfuerzos.“La violencia debe terminar, los que atacaron a la policía y violaron la ley deben ser procesados, y el Congreso debe volver al trabajo y terminar su tarea”, dijo Josh Hawley, senador republicano por Misuri y líder del esfuerzo de bloqueo de las elecciones, en una declaración.Aunque Washington ha sido el escenario de muchas protestas a lo largo de los años, incluidas algunas que se volvieron violentas, la convulsión del miércoles no se parecía a nada que haya visto la capital durante una transición de poder en los tiempos modernos, llegando a interrumpir literalmente la aceptación constitucional de la victoria electoral de Biden. Una presidencia que ha provocado hostilidad y divisiones durante cuatro años parece que termina con una explosión de ira, desorden y violencia.“Nunca nos rendiremos”, declaró Trump en su “Marcha para salvar América”, en el parque Elipse, poco antes del levantamiento, durante su último esfuerzo para justificar su intento fallido de revertir las elecciones democráticas con falsas afirmaciones de fraude que han sido desacreditadas por las votaciones, los jueces e incluso su propio fiscal general. “Nunca cederemos. Eso no pasará. No se concede cuando se trata de un robo. Nuestro país ya ha tenido suficiente. No lo soportaremos más, y de eso se trata todo esto”.Mientras la multitud en el Elipse coreaba: “¡Lucha por Trump! ¡Lucha por Trump!”, el presidente arremetió contra los miembros de su propio partido por no hacer más para ayudarlo a aferrarse al poder por encima de la voluntad del pueblo. “Hay tantos republicanos débiles”, se quejó, y luego juró vengarse de quienes considera que no han sido suficientemente leales. “Serán los primeros”, dijo.Se refirió a Brian Kemp, gobernador republicano de Georgia, que lo enfureció al no intervenir en las elecciones, llamándolo “uno de los gobernadores más tontos de Estados Unidos”. Y también atacó a William Barr, el fiscal general que no quiso validar sus quejas electorales. “De repente, Bill Barr cambió”, se quejó.Otros oradores, incluidos sus hijos Donald Trump Jr. y Eric Trump, criticaron a los legisladores republicanos por no defender al mandatario. “Esta reunión debería enviarles un mensaje a las personas que no hicieron nada para detener el robo”, dijo Donald Trump Jr. “Este ya no es su Partido Republicano. Este es el Partido Republicano de Donald Trump”.“Nunca nos rendiremos”, dijo Trump en el mitin del 6 de enero de 2021.Credit…Pete Marovich para The New York TimesPara muchos republicanos, ese es el problema. Incluso cuando la presidencia de Trump se estaba perdiendo, los republicanos se tornaron cada vez más en su contra, enfurecidos por las elecciones de segunda vuelta del martes en Georgia que parecían favorecer a los demócratas y los votos que obligaban a los legisladores a declararse a favor o en contra de los resultados de una elección democrática.Incluso Pence y Mitch McConnell, senador republicano por Kentucky y actual líder de la mayoría del Senado, quienes han sido algunos de los partidarios más leales de Trump durante los últimos cuatro años, finalmente rompieron con él de manera decisiva. Pence rechazó la petición del mandatario de que use su papel como director del recuento del Colegio Electoral para rechazar a los electores de Biden. Y McConnell pronunció un enérgico discurso en el que repudió el esfuerzo de Trump por revertir las elecciones.“Si estas elecciones fueran anuladas simplemente por las acusaciones del bando perdedor, nuestra democracia entraría en una espiral de muerte”, dijo McConnell en un discurso antes de que los alborotadores invadieran el Capitolio.Pence rechazó al presidente, minutos después de que lo presionara públicamente para que hiciera lo que incluso Jay Sekulow, abogado del mandatario, dijo que el vicepresidente no podía hacer: rechazar a los electores de los estados indecisos que perdieron los republicanos.“Espero que Mike haga lo correcto”, dijo Trump en el mitin del Elipse. “Yo espero que sí. Eso espero porque si Mike Pence hace lo correcto, ganaremos las elecciones”.Minutos después, Pence divulgó una carta en la que decía que no tenía el poder para hacer lo que el presidente quería. “Conferir al vicepresidente una autoridad unilateral para decidir las contiendas presidenciales sería completamente antitético” al diseño constitucional, escribió.Y agregó: “Creo que mi juramento de apoyar y defender la Constitución me limita al momento de reclamar una autoridad unilateral para determinar qué votos electorales deben contarse y cuáles no”.Como Pence no quería ni podía detener el conteo, los partidarios del presidente decidieron hacerlo ellos mismos. Y, durante varias horas, lo lograron.Peter Baker es el corresponsal principal de la Casa Blanca y ha cubierto las gestiones de los últimos cuatro presidentes para el Times y The Washington Post. También es autor de seis libros, el más reciente de ellos se titula The Man Who Ran Washington: The Life and Times of James A. Baker III. @peterbakernyt • FacebookAdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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      Trump’s Real Claim to Fame

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      AdvertisementContinue reading the main storyOpinionSupported byContinue reading the main storyTrump’s Real Claim to FameWhen it comes to the president, there can never be enough losing.Opinion ColumnistJan. 6, 2021, 8:32 p.m. ETCredit…Brendan Smialowski/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesDonald Trump’s worst nightmare has come true: He’s going to be remembered by history as the Biggest Loser.Think about it. He lost the election. Then he threw his energy into the campaigns of two Senate candidates in Georgia, both of whom lost. Then he returned to Washington, where his supporters delayed the certification of the election with a thug-like assault on the nation’s capitol.When the first horrific videos showed Trump throngs storming the suddenly evacuated Senate, the president of the United States responded with “stay peaceful.” Which is certainly good advice, but hardly of the emotional intensity he uses when howling about himself.Trump followed up with a video to his supporters. “I know your pain, I know your hurt,” he said while urging them to go home in peace. Great start! Which he instantly followed up with LoserSpeak.“We had an election that was stolen from us,” he added. “It was a landslide election and everyone knows it. Especially the other side.”You see now that within a couple of sentences, Trump has managed to turn his call for calm with a couple of jabs that would tend to convince some people that breaking through the windows and doors of the nation’s capitol was an excellent and righteous plan.All this happened while Congress was attempting to certify the election of Joe Biden, a normally feel-good ritual that, as Chuck Schumer noted, was turned into “an act of political courage.”While we never thought of Trump as a guy who’d bring us together, his post-election behavior has been so appalling that most of the Senate found itself in a kind of bipartisan revulsion.“I’ve served 36 years in the Senate. This will be the most important vote I’ve ever cast,” said Mitch McConnell as he prepared to support the certification of Biden’s victory.Even Mike Pence refused to do his bidding. Trump, listening to the advice of allies like Rudy Giuliani, was convinced that the vice president had “the absolute right” to throw out the election results. (“If Mike Pence does the right thing, we win the election.”) Pence thought otherwise. Not totally clear whether his opinion was really based on constitutional law or a vision of four years more of White House meetings with his current boss.Some of the Republicans, of course, were raring to get on the Trump bandwagon. We have to take a moment here to mention Senator Ted Cruz’s contribution in demanding an official audit of the election before anything else could happen.Cruz reminded his colleagues that was exactly what happened after the controversial election of 1876, adding that recent polling shows that 39 percent of Americans believe the election “was rigged.” This is a reasonable rationale if you want to base major decisions about a presidential election on “recent polling” and the fate of Rutherford B. Hayes.Trump is apparently incapable of doing anything but claiming he won. Over and over again. “Big difference between losing and … having it stolen,” he told a crowd in Georgia this week. “We win every state, and they’re gonna have this guy be president?”The Georgia elections were a kind of prelude to Wednesday’s disaster. Trump was in theory there to help two Republican candidates in their big Senate campaigns. But he was absolutely useless except when it came to tooting his own horn.“I’ve had two elections. I won both of them. It’s amazing,” he told one crowd, before launching into an attack on Georgia’s “incompetent governor” and “crazy secretary of state,” both of whom happen to be Republicans.And the Republicans lost in Georgia, making Democrats the Senate majority. It’s not clear that Trump could have helped the cause if he’d been a slightly more selfless campaigner. But his I-was-robbed message was certainly not the one you’d send to encourage voters to go to the polls.“I mean I could go on and on. … I could just go on forever,” Trump said in another I-won speech in front of the White House. Damned straight. It’s becoming increasingly clear that he is probably going to spend the rest of his life explaining how he actually won re-election “in a landslide.”Be thankful you’re not one of the family or Mar-a-Lago regulars. Thanksgiving dinners will probably feature a half-hour disquisition on the Arizona vote, and the distribution of gifts at Christmas will be a reminder that some people don’t get the rewards they really deserve.Things are tough in America right now, but in a couple of weeks he’ll be out of the White House. At least we have something Trump-related to look forward to.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More