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      Nikki Haley Memo Ahead of New Hampshire: ‘We Aren’t Going Anywhere’

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      Nikki Haley’s campaign has a message for all those who are declaring her presidential candidacy all but over should she lose in New Hampshire to Donald J. Trump on Tuesday. “We aren’t going anywhere,” wrote Ms. Haley’s campaign manager, Betsy Ankney, in a memo about the path forward for Ms. Haley, which was provided first to The New York Times.In the memo, Ms. Ankney described how Ms. Haley, the former governor of South Carolina and former United Nations ambassador, outlasted all the other candidates for her one-on-one shot at Mr. Trump and would not be dissuaded from fighting on, even if “members of Congress, the press, and many of the weak-kneed fellas who ran for president are giving up and giving in.”Read the documentIn a memo, Nikki Haley’s campaign manager wrote that “We aren’t going anywhere.”Read DocumentThe memo reads as something of a direct response to the Trump campaign’s ongoing efforts to make her departure from the race feel inevitable, if not immediate.Ms. Haley herself, in an appearance on Tuesday on Fox News, said she was staying in regardless of the outcome.“No, I don’t get out if I lose today,” Ms. Haley said. “Again, I’m going to say this, we’ve had 56,000 people vote for Donald Trump, and you’re going to say that’s what the country wants? That’s not what the country wants.”In the memo, Ms. Ankney attempted to push back on the argument, as she put it, that “New Hampshire is ‘the best it’s going to get’ for Nikki due to independents and unaffiliated voters being able to vote in the Republican primary.”After New Hampshire, where voting is underway, the next major collision for the two candidates would be in South Carolina in a month, on Feb. 24, after a tiny battle for delegates in the U.S. Virgin Islands on Feb. 8.Ms. Ankney noted that in South Carolina there is no party registration, meaning anyone who does not vote in the Democratic primary on Feb. 3 could vote in the Republican one later in the month. More significantly, she pointed out that 11 of the 16 states that vote on Super Tuesday have “open or semi-open primaries” that can include independent voters and are “fertile ground for Nikki.”“Until then, everyone should take a deep breath,” Ms. Ankney wrote. “The campaign has not even begun in any of these states yet. No ads have been aired and candidates aren’t hustling on the ground. A month in politics is a lifetime. We’re watching democracy in action. We’re letting the people have a voice. That’s how this is supposed to work.”Ms Ankney cited Virginia, Texas, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, North Carolina and Vermont as Super Tuesday states with “favorable demographics,” and noted that Michigan, which votes after South Carolina, is also an open-primary state.“After Super Tuesday, we will have a very good picture of where this race stands,” she wrote.Of course, all campaigns say they are pushing on — until they aren’t. Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida had scheduled an event in New Hampshire on Sunday that he only canceled after withdrawing from the race in a video recorded in Florida.Ms. Haley has scheduled a number of fund-raisers in the coming weeks in California, Florida, New York and Texas, and has already booked a $4 million television buy in South Carolina.Mr. Trump’s campaign has been ratcheting up the pressure on Ms. Haley to exit the race if she has a poor showing.The Trump campaign’s top two advisers, Chris LaCivita and Susie Wiles, put out a memo on Sunday, after Mr. DeSantis ended his campaign, arguing that Ms. Haley “must win New Hampshire” in order to remain viable.If she remains in the race through her home state of South Carolina, they warned, she would be “absolutely DEMOLISHED and EMBARRASSED,” using capital letters for emphasis.Ms. Ankney appeared to respond in her missive, using her own capitals to make one final point about the choice for the G.O.P.: “DO REPUBLICANS WANT TO WIN?”“See y’all in South Carolina,” the memo ends. More

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      What’s a Never-Trump Conservative to Do?

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      David French and Jillian Weinberger and Donald Trump is expected to win decisively in New Hampshire’s primary on Tuesday. For Republican voters who don’t want Trump as their nominee, what alternatives exist?In this audio interview, the deputy Opinion editor, Patrick Healy, talks with Opinion columnist David French about how a probable Trump nomination will “cement a significant change in two directions with the G.O.P.”(A full transcript of this audio essay will be available midday on the Times website.)Illustration by Akshita Chandra/The New York TimesThe Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, X (@NYTOpinion) and Instagram.This episode of “The Opinions” was produced by Jillian Weinberger with help from Vishakha Darbha. It was edited by Alison Bruzek and Annie-Rose Strasser. Mixing by Carole Sabouraud with engineering support from Isaac Jones. Original music by Sonia Herrero. Fact-checking by Kate Sinclair. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski. Source photograph by juliaf/Getty Images. More

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      What You Need to Know About the 2024 New Hampshire Primary: The Run Up

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      Listen to and follow ‘The Run-Up’Apple Podcasts | Spotify | AmazonSupporters of former President Donald Trump cheer during a campaign rally on January 19 in Concord, N.H.Chip Somodevilla/Getty ImagesWarning: this episode contains strong language.On Sunday, after a disappointing finish in the Iowa caucuses and with just two days to go before the New Hampshire primary, Ron DeSantis ended his campaign for president.His decision made it official: The race for the Republican nomination is now a head-to-head contest between two wildly different candidates, Nikki Haley and Donald Trump.And now, the famously independent New Hampshire voters are going to determine how serious a contest it is.We’re looking for three big things.First, how Haley’s recent change in tone and sharpening attacks on Trump will play with independents. Second, whether Trump is as dominant here as he was in Iowa. And third, what the Democrats are up to — since there’s a contest here on that side too.About ‘The Run-Up’“The Run-Up” is your guide to understanding the 2024 election. Through on-the-ground reporting and conversations with colleagues from The New York Times, newsmakers and voters across the country, our host, Astead W. Herndon, takes us beyond the horse race to explore how we came to this unprecedented moment in American politics. New episodes on Thursdays.Credits“The Run-Up” is hosted by More

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      Swatting Is a Political Problem

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      In a year with so much political and legal tension, law enforcement is seeing a disturbing trend: targeting public officials with swatting, or false emergency calls intended to draw a heavily armed police response. This conduct isn’t a harmless prank; it’s a symptom of a deeper disorder in American politics. Recent incidents involving officials who have taken stands seen as hostile to Donald Trump and bomb threats in multiple state capitols are signs of a troubling escalation in political violence.These hoaxes pose real dangers. Sending armed police officers to someone’s home on the ruse that violence is occurring there risks tragic outcomes, including fatalities, as we saw in Kansas in 2017, when swatting led to a police officer shooting an unarmed man. In addition, swatting diverts law enforcement resources from real emergencies. But more insidiously, these tactics are tools of intimidation, designed to silence voices in the political process.The frequency and visibility of these incidents suggest that swatting and political violence require prosecutors to prioritize their efforts to stop it. Recent targets of swatting include Judge Tanya S. Chutkan, who is presiding over the federal election interference case and whom Mr. Trump has accused of election interference; the special counsel Jack Smith, whom Mr. Trump has called “deranged” and a “thug”; and Gabriel Sterling, a Republican election official in Georgia who rejected Mr. Trump’s claims of fraud in the 2020 election. Justice Arthur Engoron, who is presiding over Mr. Trump’s New York civil fraud trial, received a bomb threat at his home on the day of closing arguments. Maine’s secretary of state, Shenna Bellows, became a victim of swatting shortly after she removed Mr. Trump from the presidential ballot in her state under the insurrection clause of the 14th Amendment. She rightly sees these acts as attempts to chill efforts to enforce the law, calling the incident at her home “designed to scare not only me but also others into silence, to send a message.”Public officials are human. Threats and the specter of violence can get into their heads. The possibility that a loved one might be unnerved, injured or worse as a result of one’s official duties isn’t easily shrugged off for most of us. The husband of Michigan’s governor, Gretchen Whitmer, retired from his dental practice about eight years earlier than planned because of threats he received at his office. The risks can go beyond words. A federal judge in New Jersey suffered the loss of her 20-year-old son in 2020 when a gunman, apparently dressed as a delivery driver, came to her home looking for her and killed her son instead. We cannot forget that threats can escalate into violence. Fear of placing family members in harm’s way can make public officials shrink from making unpopular decisions and can even cause some good people to avoid serving altogether.Of course, this phenomenon isn’t entirely new. At the dawn of the American Revolution, some colonists harassed tax collectors and published the names of those who refused to boycott British goods. And we have experienced bomb threats for decades, learning to live with the disruptions caused by evacuations that result when a threat is phoned in or posted online.But the recent uptick in swatting can be attributed, at least in part, to the dangerous drumbeat of disinformation and dehumanization, a tactic long employed by authoritarians. Political extremists engage in what is known as the either-or fallacy. By framing issues as binary conflicts and demonizing opponents, they create a climate in which violence becomes normalized. Recent statements by Mr. Trump exemplify this strategy. He uses Truth Social posts to make unfounded accusations and express disdain for rivals. These posts do more than spread disinformation. They foster an environment in which violence against perceived enemies becomes not just conceivable but justified.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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      Trump Rakes In Endorsements Before New Hampshire Primary Vote

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      Former President Donald J. Trump has received a flood of endorsements in the final countdown to New Hampshire’s primary, as his allies argue that the 2024 Republican nominating contest is all but over.After Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida backed Mr. Trump in his announcement Sunday that he was quitting the race, a number of his former supporters, including Representative Bob Good of Virginia and Ashley Moody, the Florida attorney general, followed suit.Representative Jeff Duncan of South Carolina, the only member of its congressional delegation who had not yet endorsed, also backed Mr. Trump — making him the seventh of the state’s eight Republican members of Congress to do so. Only one, Representative Ralph Norman, has backed Nikki Haley, the state’s former governor and Mr. Trump’s last remaining rival.Additional endorsements for Mr. Trump poured in on Monday from Republicans from statehouses to Congress. In Georgia, the agriculture commissioner and almost half of its Republican State Senate delegation announced their endorsements of Mr. Trump on Monday, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported.Mr. Trump’s earlier supporters have seized on Mr. DeSantis’s departure from the race to declare Mr. Trump the “presumptive nominee,” though only Iowa has voted so far. Mr. Trump already has the support of Speaker Mike Johnson and the majority of congressional Republicans. After Mr. Trump’s 30-point win in Iowa, Senator Ted Cruz of Texas joined the list of backers.Three of Mr. Trump’s former 2024 rivals for president — Senator Tim Scott of South Carolina; Gov. Doug Burgum of North Dakota; and Vivek Ramaswamy, the biotech entrepreneur — have also lined up behind him. In a closing show of unity among the rest of the G.O.P. field, all three of those men will appear alongside Mr. Trump on Monday night at a rally in Laconia, N.H., according to officials with the Trump campaign.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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      Trump’s Campaign of Humiliation Against Ron DeSantis

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      The former president’s brutal, yearlong campaign of humiliation helped torpedo the Florida governor’s White House hopes and left his next moves in politics uncertain.Donald J. Trump plumbed new depths of degradation in his savage takedown of Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, a yearlong campaign of emasculation and humiliation that helped force one of the party’s rising stars out of the presidential race after just one contest and left him to pick up the pieces of his political future.In front of enormous rally audiences, Mr. Trump painted Mr. DeSantis as a submissive sniveler, insisting that he had cried and begged “on his knees” for an endorsement in the 2018 Florida governor’s race.In a series of sexually charged attacks, Mr. Trump suggested — without a shred of proof — that Mr. DeSantis wore high heels, that he might be gay and that perhaps he was a pedophile.He promised that intense national scrutiny would leave Mr. DeSantis whining for “mommy.”Mr. DeSantis shied from fighting back, which only inflicted more pain on his campaign. The governor had portrayed himself as one of the Republican Party’s fiercest political brawlers, but he pulled his punches in the most important race of his life.Now he is both defeated and debased. His departure from the race on Sunday was a far fall from grace after opening his campaign as the heir apparent in a Trumpified Republican Party. Rehabilitating that reputation as he considers his next political move will require plenty of repair work with donors and Republican voters, thanks to Mr. Trump’s ruthless parade of insults over 242 days on the campaign trail.“I don’t care if he’s a Republican,” Mr. Trump said of his belittlement of Mr. DeSantis at a November gathering of the Republican Party of Florida — the governor’s home turf. “We hit him hard, and now he’s like a wounded falling bird from the skies.”But even more crushing was Mr. DeSantis’s response, or lack thereof.After releasing a campaign video in 2022 that made him out to be a political fighter sent from the heavens, he appeared either unwilling or unable to swing back at Mr. Trump or go on the attack. Even Mr. Trump’s aides were surprised that the DeSantis campaign did not go harder at the former president on issues where he might be vulnerable with conservatives, like abortion.And the prickly nature of Mr. DeSantis’s personality, which could manifest itself in an awkward mix of detachment, moodiness and facial tics, amounted to an irresistible target for Mr. Trump, who seemed to relish bullying Mr. DeSantis as if he were stuffing a freshman in a high school locker.Still, Mr. DeSantis remains popular in his home state, and beyond Florida he’s viewed relatively favorably. As a presidential candidate, he needed to succeed where every Republican before him had failed: prying loyal Trump supporters away from the former president without alienating them.Staff members from Mr. DeSantis’s campaign gathered on Sunday at a restaurant in Manchester, N.H., hours after he suspended his bid for president.Sophie Park for The New York TimesMr. Trump has long trampled over the boundaries of generally accepted political behavior, relentlessly pushing the racist “birther” lie about President Barack Obama and urging supporters to lock up Hillary Clinton. But his campaign hit new levels of cruelty against a fellow Republican.The missives were often led by Mr. Trump’s chief spokesman, Steven Cheung, who leaned into his background as a public relations operative for the Ultimate Fighting Championship to deliver brutal slams with the force of the sport’s suffocating guillotine chokehold.In November, Mr. Cheung told The Wall Street Journal that in Iowa, Mr. DeSantis would face “unimaginable pain that he’s never felt before in his life.”In a news release, he cast doubt on Mr. DeSantis’s masculinity, saying that he walked like “a 10-year-old girl who had just raided her mom’s closet and discovered heels for the first time.”Mr. Cheung also referred to the Florida governor as a “desperate eunuch,” questioned why Mr. DeSantis would “cuck himself” in front of the entire country — sexual slang that implies weakness in a man — and accused him of searching for “new sugar daddies” to fund his campaign. He called Mr. DeSantis a “disloyal dog.”Mr. DeSantis fought back with a more traditional approach.His campaign rolled out a “Trump Accident Tracker” in a daily email to the news media that highlighted Mr. Trump’s missteps on the trail. He criticized Mr. Trump’s “juvenile insults,” saying voters did not like them. (The eruption of laughter inside Trump rallies suggested otherwise.)Mr. DeSantis eventually tried to up his game.Responding to accusations that he wore lifts in his cowboy boots to appear taller, Mr. DeSantis questioned Mr. Trump’s manhood.“If Donald Trump can summon the balls to show up to the debate, I’ll wear a boot on my head,” Mr. DeSantis said.The line did not seem to land. Mr. DeSantis himself has admitted that, unlike Mr. Trump, he is “not an entertainer.”At the same time, pro-Trump online influencers formed a troll army pumping out content like videos showing a man with Mr. DeSantis’s face being kicked in the groin. In comparison, Mr. DeSantis’s online operation proved haplessly inept.The differing approaches stemmed, in part, from a fixation on Mr. DeSantis inside Trump headquarters, where animosity for the governor ran high.Not only was Mr. Trump incensed by what he viewed as a striking lack of loyalty from Mr. DeSantis, but the Trump campaign also includes former DeSantis campaign aides who had been fired or felt otherwise mistreated by the Florida governor, including Susie Wiles, one of the former president’s closest confidantes. Many still had axes to grind.“Bye, bye,” Ms. Wiles posted on Sunday on social media about her erstwhile boss, who had tried to blackball her from Republican politics.The quick endorsement from Mr. DeSantis on Sunday may help salve some of those wounds. Hours later, Mr. Trump vowed that he would retire the “DeSanctimonious” nickname, and his allies began posting messages welcoming Mr. DeSantis back into the Trump fold.But aides said that Mr. Trump and Mr. DeSantis had still not talked.Asked about whether the two men could repair their relationship, Mr. Cheung held his fire.“We’re focused on New Hampshire,” he said.Ken Bensinger More

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      New Hampshire Street Signs Tell the Story of the Republican Primary

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      This street corner tells the tale of the Republican primary.If you want to understand the New Hampshire primary, stand at the corner of West Broadway and Valley Street in Derry, N.H.There are two huge yard signs — one for Nikki Haley and one for Donald Trump — on adjacent houses. Perhaps a neighbor-on-neighbor feud?Not exactly: When my colleague Michael Bender headed there recently, neighbors told him that the pro-Haley house had been vacant for years, and that political campaigns often planted their signs there. And the pro-Trump house was actually owned by an absentee landlord who lives in Florida.It felt like one big metaphor for this campaign. The race looks like a real contest, with yard signs and all the usual campaign events. Yet when you dig a little deeper, there’s far less going on than it may seem.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More