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    Ron DeSantis suspende su campaña presidencial: lo que hay que saber

    El gobernador de Florida, Ron DeSantis, suspendió su campaña presidencial el domingo y respaldó al expresidente Donald Trump, lo que marcó una espectacular implosión para un candidato que alguna vez fue visto como el que tenía la mayor probabilidad de destronar a Trump como el nominado del Partido Republicano en 2024.Su salida de la contienda tan solo dos días antes de las elecciones primarias de Nuevo Hampshire deja a Nikki Haley, la exgobernadora de Carolina del Sur, como la última rival de Trump que queda.La derrota devastadora de DeSantis por 30 puntos porcentuales frente a Trump en el caucus de Iowa del lunes pasado lo dejó ante una pregunta desalentadora: ¿por qué seguir adelante? El domingo, dio su respuesta y reconoció que no había sentido en continuar sin un “camino claro a la victoria”.“Hoy suspendo mi campaña”, dijo DeSantis en un video publicado después de que The New York Times informara que se esperaba que abandonara la contienda, y añadió: “Trump es superior al actual presidente, Joe Biden. Eso es claro. Firmé un compromiso de apoyar al nominado republicano y cumpliré ese compromiso. Tiene mi respaldo porque no podemos volver a la vieja guardia republicana de antaño”.DeSantis había volado de vuelta a Tallahassee el sábado por la noche después de hacer campaña en Carolina del Sur. Se esperaba que apareciera en un evento de campaña en Nuevo Hampshire el domingo por la tarde, pero fue cancelado.Incluso antes de que DeSantis hiciera su anuncio, Trump ya había comenzado a hablar de su candidatura en tiempo pasado. “Que descanse en paz”, dijo Trump sobre DeSantis en un mitin el sábado por la noche en Manchester.La semana pasada, DeSantis había comenzado a insinuar que podría estar buscando salir de la contienda, poniendo sus ojos en la elección de 2028 y admitiendo que Trump había logrado una victoria abrumadora en Iowa.El caos marcó los últimos días de su campaña, justo como había ocurrido al principio, cuando inició su campaña con un evento de transmisión en vivo ampliamente ridiculizado y con fallas técnicas en Twitter. Durante el fin de semana, el itinerario de DeSantis estuvo en constante cambio, ya que volaba entre Nuevo Hampshire y Carolina del Sur con poco aviso, posponiendo eventos y finalmente cancelando sus apariciones en los programas políticos matutinos del domingo.El respaldo de DeSantis a Trump fue rápido y somero. El gobernador de Florida no ofreció ninguna justificación para apoyar a Trump más allá de que el expresidente contaba con el respaldo de la mayoría de los republicanos en las encuestas, y que no era Haley. DeSantis tampoco pudo resistirse a dar un último golpe al candidato líder de su partido y volvió a plantear críticas sobre el manejo de la pandemia de Trump.Al darle su respaldo a Trump, DeSantis parecía estar tratando de unir al ala conservadora del partido detrás del expresidente mientras dejaba pasar el hecho de que estaba cediendo ante un hombre que lo había ridiculizado como si fuera un deporte sangriento.Después de anunciar su candidatura para la presidencia, con grandes expectativas, en mayo, DeSantis y su campaña resultaron ser un fracaso costoso: en conjunto con grupos externos bien financiados, gastaron decenas de millones de dólares con poco efecto evidente.La constante ridiculización de Trump —sobre cualquier cosa, desde las expresiones faciales de DeSantis hasta su elección de calzado— degradó su imagen como un guerrero conservador confiable. A lo largo de su campaña, los números de DeSantis cayeron aproximadamente a la mitad en las encuestas nacionales, lo que parece ser una sentencia tanto de sus habilidades como candidato como de su estrategia de intentar posicionarse a la derecha de Trump. Un apoyo cacareado y un sistema de sondeo pagado por su súper PAC (sigla en inglés que designa al comité de acción política), Never Back Down, apenas parecieron hacer una diferencia en la contienda.Por momentos, parecía como si DeSantis estuviera yendo de un episodio embarazoso a otro, mientras su campaña lidiaba con contratiempos como despidos masivos y las consecuencias de producir un video en redes sociales que presentaba un símbolo nazi.En Iowa, su osada promesa de ganar resultó ser vacía. En cambio, apenas venció a Haley, cuya imagen más moderada parecía ser inadecuada para los republicanos socialmente conservadores del estado. Invertir recursos en Iowa dejó sin fondos los esfuerzos de DeSantis en Nuevo Hampshire y Carolina del Sur, dos de los otros estados de nominación temprana, donde sus números en las encuestas se desplomaron. La pérdida de apoyo tanto de votantes como de donantes significó que no había mucho sentido en continuar hacia más derrotas inevitables.Aunque había comenzado su contienda en una posición relativamente fuerte, las encuestas ahora mostraban a DeSantis en un lejano tercer lugar en Nuevo Hampshire, con alrededor del 6 por ciento de los votos.Tanto DeSantis como sus aliados parecían estar quedándose peligrosamente con pocos fondos. Ningún anuncio a favor de DeSantis se había transmitido en la televisión de Nuevo Hampshire desde antes del Día de Acción de Gracias.En la noche de su derrota en Iowa, DeSantis había intentado convertir su resultado en algo positivo, diciendo que como el finalista del segundo lugar había “impulsado su candidatura” fuera del estado.Resultó que ese impulso fue válido por menos de una semana.El autobús perteneciente a Never Back Down, el comité de acción política de DeSantis, transitando por Hampton, Nuevo Hampshire. DeSantis tercerizó muchas de las operaciones de su campaña al PAC, un movimiento inusual. John Tully para The New York TimesEl planAl retirarse antes de Nuevo Hampshire, DeSantis se salvó de una derrota catastrófica el martes, deteniendo una larga y lenta hemorragia política.No había forma de evitar cuán malo resultaría. DeSantis había hecho un poco de campaña aquí, y en los días posteriores a Iowa sugirió que se concentraría, más bien, en Carolina del Sur, que no celebraría sus primarias hasta un mes después. Never Back Down comenzó a despedir a miembros del personal.Pero la caída de DeSantis había comenzado en Iowa, donde había apostado toda su campaña.Aunque los resultados no lo reflejaban, DeSantis siguió la misma estrategia allí que los candidatos republicanos usaron para ganar los últimos tres caucus disputados.DeSantis visitó todos los 99 condados de Iowa, respondió un sinfín de preguntas de los votantes y obtuvo el respaldo de dos figuras clave, la gobernadora Kim Reynolds y el líder evangélico Bob Vander Plaats.“Nadie trabajó más duro, y lo dimos todo en el campo”, dijo DeSantis el domingo en su video de salida de su candidatura.Su estrategia se basaba en la suposición de que los votantes republicanos podrían dividirse en tres grupos, basados en sus sentimientos hacia el expresidente: aquellos que siempre apoyarían a Trump, quienes nunca apoyarían a Trump y los electores a los que les gustaba Trump y sus políticas pero estaban listos para un nuevo portador de estandarte para el partido, quizás alguien más joven y con menos equipaje. Era ese tercer grupo de votantes el que DeSantis se propuso ganar. Una vez que lo hiciera, según la teoría, los que nunca apoyarían a Trump le seguirían.Pero a DeSantis le costó explicar por qué esos votantes de Trump poco comprometidos deberían elegirlo a él en lugar de al expresidente. Durante gran parte de la campaña apenas intentó crear un contraste y, en cambio, se centró en su historial en Florida. Los votantes lo cuestionaron repetidamente sobre cuándo desafiaría con firmeza al candidato favorito, incluso hasta los últimos días de la campaña.Con el tiempo, DeSantis se conformó con un argumento de que Trump había fallado en implementar gran parte de su agenda conservadora, y que solo DeSantis podría dar a los republicanos las victorias que anhelaban. Pero eso sonó hueco para muchos votantes del Partido Republicano, quienes creían que Trump había sido un presidente eficaz injustamente obstaculizado por los liberales y “el Estado profundo”.“Trump defendió a la gente”, dijo Brett Potthoff, de 30 años, un ingeniero de Sac City, Iowa, quien consideró apoyar a DeSantis en los caucus pero que al final afirmó que respaldaría a Trump. “Todo el mundo estaba tratando de hundirlo por cosas falsas”.Al principio de su candidatura, DeSantis evitó a los medios de comunicación. También tuvo dificultades para conectar con los votantes en los recorridos de campaña. Jordan Gale para The New York TimesEl fracaso de DeSantis con los votantes evangélicos blancos fue especialmente notable, dado lo mucho que se esforzó por ganárselos. El año pasado firmó una prohibición de aborto de seis semanas en Florida que ilegalizaba el procedimiento en un momento en el que muchas mujeres no saben que están embarazadas. Trump criticó la ley por ser demasiado dura, y DeSantis intentó usar el aborto como un tema divisivo para persuadir a los cristianos conservadores de apartarse del expresidente.No funcionó. Muchos líderes y votantes antiaborto adoraban a Trump por nombrar a los jueces de la Corte Suprema que ayudaron a anular Roe contra Wade, un objetivo de su movimiento durante décadas. No podían ser apartados de su lado.Mientras que DeSantis ganó poco con los evangélicos, perdió mucho entre los votantes del centro político, así como entre los donantes republicanos ricos con puntos de vista sociales más moderados. Su decisión de ceder el centro ayudó a crear un camino en la contienda para Haley, quien usó un tono más mesurado sobre el aborto. También le dificultó recrear la amplia coalición que le dio una reelección de 19 puntos de ventaja en Florida, que había creado con apoyo de mujeres e independientes, así como de votantes hispanos.Aun así, algunas cosas parecían estar fuera del control de DeSantis. Enfrentarse a Trump, quien en buena medida tiene los beneficios de alguien que estuvo en la presidencia, no era tarea fácil. Y en otra época, las imputaciones de Trump en cuatro casos criminales habrían parecido beneficiar a DeSantis. Pero lejos de disminuir la posición del expresidente entre los republicanos, los cargos en realidad unieron al partido en torno a él.Trump no fue el único candidato en atacar a DeSantis con mensajes negativos. Haley, quien había estado muy por detrás de DeSantis durante la mayor parte de la contienda, también lo criticó sin cesar.Al final, ningún candidato enfrentó más gastos negativos que DeSantis.Eso no impidió que, hasta la noche del caucus, DeSantis y su equipo prometieran un rendimiento dominante en Iowa. Sus asistentes señalaron que aproximadamente 40.000 habitantes de Iowa habían firmado cartas de compromiso para apoyarlo.Pero en una noche extremadamente fría, solo poco más de la mitad de esa cantidad de personas se presentaron para respaldarlo.DeSantis apenas superó a la exgobernadora de Carolina del Sur Nikki Haley en la contienda por el segundo lugar en Iowa, a pesar de haber hecho campaña más intensamente en el estado. Maansi Srivastava/The New York TimesTropezar en la línea de salidaDeSantis y su equipo cometieron una serie de errores propios, incluso antes de que entrara en la contienda.Tras una reelección dominante en 2022, con unos números de encuestas no muy lejos de los de Trump, DeSantis se quedó al margen. En lugar de comenzar de inmediato su candidatura para la presidencia, decidió esperar hasta después de la sesión legislativa de Florida, donde los legisladores aprobaron una serie de leyes conservadoras pensadas para darle más crédito con la derecha. Ese retraso permitió que Trump estableciera la narrativa de que DeSantis era débil y un traidor al movimiento MAGA.Luego, en lugar de anunciar que se postularía en un mitin tradicional, rodeado de su familia y seguidores animados, DeSantis eligió declarar el inicio de su candidatura durante una conversación transmitida en vivo con el empresario tecnológico Elon Musk en X, que se interrumpía con tanta frecuencia que fue un objeto de burlas. Ese inicio del 31 de mayo fue visto de manera generalizada como un desastre que marcó el tono para las siguientes semanas.Pronto comenzó a escasear el dinero. Los grandes donantes habían sido desanimados por los errores de DeSantis, su conservadurismo social estridente y una serie de videos extraños en las redes sociales, uno de los cuales incluía el símbolo nazi. Su campaña, construida para dar una batalla a nivel nacional, fue rápidamente considerada inflada e insostenible. A finales de julio, DeSantis despidió a más de un tercio de su personal de campaña. Iowa se convirtió en el único objetivo. A muchos de los miembros del personal que quedaban se les ordenó trasladarse a Des Moines.Al mismo tiempo, Never Back Down, que había sido promocionado como su arma secreta, cayó en la confusión. Los funcionarios de la campaña y del súper PAC debatieron la estrategia en una serie de memorandos conflictivos que se hicieron públicos porque la ley de financiamiento de campañas prohibía a las dos organizaciones coordinar la estrategia a puerta cerrada. Casi estalla una pelea a golpes entre el presidente de la junta del grupo, un amigo de la universidad de DeSantis llamado Scott Wagner, y su estratega principal, Jeff Roe. Poco después, cinco altos funcionarios de Never Back Down renunciaron o fueron despedidos, seguidos por Roe. Wagner, un abogado con poca experiencia política, asumió el control.El caos en la campaña y en el súper PAC socavó el mensaje de DeSantis de que era un líder competente y sin dramas. Y expuso lo poco que confiaba en alguien fuera de un pequeño círculo de asesores y amigos, y cuán limitada era la experiencia que muchos de esos ayudantes tenían a nivel presidencial.Seguidores esperando que DeSantis hable en su fiesta en la noche de los caucus de Iowa. Trump ganó por 30 puntos porcentuales. Jordan Gale para The New York TimesDeSantis también tuvo dificultades en la campaña. A pesar de tener una historia personal convincente, apenas habló de su biografía. Evitó a los medios de comunicación. Le resultó difícil conectar con los votantes y sus momentos incómodos se volvieron virales. Su respuesta más común al aprender el nombre de un votante era un entusiasta “¡OK!”. Tendía a hablar en acrónimos difíciles de seguir, refiriéndose a temas desconocidos que eran principalmente de interés para los ideólogos republicanos, como “ESG” (siglas en inglés de gobernanza ambiental, social y corporativa) y “DEI” (las siglas de diversidad, equidad e inclusión). Las encuestas mostraron que la mayoría de los votantes se preocupaban más por la economía y la inmigración.En su primer gran evento en Iowa después del Año Nuevo, un momento en el que por lo general los votantes comienzan a prestar más atención a la contienda, DeSantis abrió su discurso con una larga crítica del proceso de acreditación para las universidades.La conferencia no pareció tener impacto. En una sesión de preguntas y respuestas posteriormente, una votante confundida preguntó de qué estaba hablando el gobernador.“Creo que estaba diciendo la palabra ‘depredadores’”, le dijo a De Santis Patrica Janes, de 64 años, de Johnston, Iowa.“Acreditación”, explicó DeSantis. “Acreditador”.Un reajusteDeSantis sí hizo ajustes durante el transcurso de la campaña.Después de los despidos del personal, comenzó a hacer una contienda al estilo de quien va en desventaja, viajando de arriba abajo por Iowa para hacer paradas en pequeños pueblos y escuchar preguntas de los votantes. Habló con reporteros todos los días y dio entrevistas a las principales cadenas de televisión.“Parecía como que se estaba censurando durante mucho tiempo”, dijo Cody Ritner, de 26 años, un partidario de DeSantis de Decorah, Iowa, después de escuchar a DeSantis al final de la campaña. “Mejoró mucho cuando comenzó a soltarse”.La atmósfera en sus eventos también mejoró.Sin embargo, algunas de las tendencias obstinadas de DeSantis permanecieron. Continuó utilizando el dinero de sus donantes para pagar aviones privados en lugar de usar vuelos comerciales. Su campaña prohibió a los reporteros de The New York Times asistir a eventos durante más de un día en respuesta a un artículo crítico. Su oficina no invitó a legisladores estatales de Florida que habían respaldado a Trump a una fiesta de Navidad anual en la mansión del gobernador, aunque todos habían recibido invitaciones el año anterior.Casi nunca, como candidato, DeSantis parecía poder conducir la agenda del día. Algo que había hecho de manera tan efectiva como gobernador, por ejemplo, cuando cautivó a los medios nacionales e indignó a la izquierda al hacer que su gobierno trasladara migrantes a Martha’s Vineyard.Pero en la contienda presidencial, la fuerza de la personalidad de Trump borró todo lo demás.Como candidato, DeSantis raramente parecía capaz de dirigir la narrativa diaria, como lo había hecho como gobernador de Florida. John Tully para The New York TimesVida después de la derrotaDeSantis, quien había sido visto como una figura todopoderosa en el Capitolio del Estado, ahora enfrenta un regreso a Florida con su estatura reducida.Aún así, le quedan casi tres años como gobernador del tercer estado más grande del país, así como un historial comprobado de asegurar la aprobación de su agenda legislativa. Y sus calificaciones de preferencia generalmente siguen siendo altos entre los republicanos a nivel nacional.Mientras asimilaba su pérdida en Iowa, DeSantis argumentó que había dejado una “impresión” contundente. Dijo que había escuchado a varios votantes que habían declarado su lealtad a Trump esta vez, pero dijeron que lo apoyarían en 2028.Había algunas evidencias que respaldaban eso. A pesar de la dura contienda, muchos partidarios de Trump tenían cosas buenas que decir sobre DeSantis.Karen Kontos, de 65 años, salió el mes pasado de un evento de DeSantis en Ames, Iowa, impresionada por el candidato y sosteniendo una pancarta con su nombre. Sin embargo, no tenía intención votar por DeSantis, a quien comparó con una versión más joven de Trump.“Piensan igual”, dijo. “Me gusta DeSantis. Tiene buenas ideas”.Pero, agregó Kontos, “no es Trump”.El domingo, incluso Trump le tendió una rama de olivo a su rival derrotado.Hablando con los partidarios en su sede de campaña de Nuevo Hampshire, Trump dijo que ya no se referiría DeSantis como “DeSanctimonious”, un apodo despectivo que había usado durante meses.“Ese nombre está oficialmente retirado”, dijo Trump.Catie Edmondson More

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    DeSantis Drops Out, While Haley Is Still In

    More from our inbox:Diverse Life ExperiencesSaving Landmarked Places of WorshipBooks as DecorationRon DeSantisNicole Craine for The New York TimesNikki Haley is the last woman standing in the Republicans’ presidential race, but she faces a tough challenge in toppling Donald J. Trump.Ruth Fremson/The New York TimesTo the Editor:Re “DeSantis Decides to End Campaign for White House” (front page, Jan. 22):When I saw the news that Ron DeSantis was dropping out of the 2024 presidential race and endorsing Donald Trump, I felt a sinking feeling in the pit of my stomach. Not that I’m a fan of Mr. DeSantis; hardly, I’m not even a Republican. But, for the sake of our democracy, a part of me had hoped that Mr. DeSantis or Nikki Haley, or the two of them together, might have waged a distinct and spirited enough campaign to overcome the angry, populist, cultlike sway that Mr. Trump holds over G.O.P. voters.It’s becoming increasingly clear that both campaigns have fallen short. Meanwhile, a slew of Republican political leaders will continue to stick their heads in the sand about the dangers that Mr. Trump poses to the nation and instead endorse and proudly campaign for a man they know is not fit to be the leader of the free world.Watching all of this unfold is proving to be a grotesque and terrifying portrait of human behavior.Cody LyonBrooklynTo the Editor:As Ron DeSantis fades from the national scene after running one of the most incompetent presidential campaigns in memory, we should remember some of the damage he inflicted on his home state, Florida, to gain national attention.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    Brainard Pitches Biden’s Economic Efforts In Hard-Hit Regions

    Lael Brainard, the National Economic Council director, contends the administration deserves credit for recent gains in areas battered by past job losses.President Biden’s top economic adviser will argue on Monday that the administration is engineering a revival of economically disadvantaged communities across the nation, largely relying on anecdotal evidence and patterns of new federal spending in places like Eastern Pennsylvania and Milwaukee, Wis.Lael Brainard, who heads Mr. Biden’s National Economic Council, will use a speech to the Brookings Institution in Washington to lay out a detailed blueprint of the administration’s efforts to bring jobs, investment and innovation to areas hobbled by the loss of jobs and industries.Those “place-based” policies are often directed at former industrial strongholds that were battered by automation and foreign competition. They are a cornerstone of Mr. Biden’s economic agenda across several major pieces of legislation he has signed and a big part of his re-election pitch. Whether voters perceive them as successful could affect Mr. Biden’s chances in November, particularly in industrial swing states like Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.Mr. Biden “came to office determined to invest in all of America, to leave no community behind. It is working,” Ms. Brainard plans to say, according to a copy of her prepared remarks. “Communities that had been left behind are making a comeback.”Place-based efforts were included in several laws that Mr. Biden signed, including those aimed at infrastructure, climate change and clean-energy production and semiconductors and other advanced manufacturing, all of which Ms. Brainard plans to spotlight on Monday afternoon. The Commerce and Transportation Departments have launched pilot programs to support neighborhoods that have historically been cut off from opportunity.Ms. Brainard will make case studies of two areas in particular: Allentown, Pa., and Milwaukee, both of which Mr. Biden visited recently.After his Allentown visit, Mr. Biden told reporters that he was “really reassured that what we’ve done has had an impact not just here in Eastern Pennsylvania and — but — in the Northeast, but throughout the country. And we’re going to do more.”Ms. Brainard does not plan to offer comprehensive national statistics to support the administration’s revival claims, other than a Treasury Department analysis that finds low-emission energy investments spurred by Mr. Biden’s climate law have disproportionately boosted lower-income areas and communities that have been historically reliant on fossil fuels. Ms. Brainard will say that the Allentown area, for example, has experienced a “boom” in job creation and small business formation under Mr. Biden, after listing investments the administration has steered to the region’s roads, airports and more. But she does not explicitly link that spending and those trends.Administration officials acknowledge that many of Mr. Biden’s programs to help hard-hit communities are still in their infancy, and that it may be difficult to assess their effects yet. But Ms. Brainard, in an interview ahead of the speech, said it was fair for Mr. Biden to claim credit for gains in areas like Allentown and Milwaukee.“In many left-behind communities, unemployment rates have been well above the national average for years,” she said. “And what you’re seeing in those communities now is that unemployment rates have actually moved down below 4 percent, which are, in some cases, a level they haven’t seen in a very long time.”The unemployment rate in the Allentown area was 3.9 percent in November, according to the Labor Department. That’s down from nearly 9.5 percent after the 2008 financial crisis and 4.2 percent on the eve of the pandemic in February 2020, when Donald J. Trump was president. In November, unemployment was 3.1 percent in the Milwaukee area, the same rate as it was in February 2020, and down from 10 percent after the 2008 recession.Mr. Trump has long promised on the campaign trail and in the White House to revitalize hard-hit American communities. He is making similar promises as he attempts to defeat Mr. Biden this fall, a counterpoint that looms over the president’s place-based effort.While Ms. Brainard will not mention Mr. Trump by name, she plans to cast Mr. Biden’s place-based policies as the antidote to what the administration calls the failed promises of “trickle-down economics,” including those practiced by the previous administration. That term has long been associated with Republican tax policies. By cutting rates on high earners and corporations, conservative economists have long contended, policymakers would stoke fast economic growth that would lift incomes for all workers.The Biden administration has attempted to broaden that trickle-down phrase to include the outsourcing of jobs and factories to foreign shores.Mr. Trump’s signature 2017 tax-cut law included deep cuts to corporate and individual tax rates, but it also featured a place-based program: a tax-based incentive called Opportunity Zones that sought to entice investors to put money into designated lower-income areas. The program has continued under Mr. Biden, even as his aides have debated whether to attempt to change it. Asked whether the administration judged that program to be succeeding, Ms. Brainard did not answer directly.“I’ve been very focused on making sure the president’s policies are implemented and are having the effect of lifting up these communities,” Ms. Brainard said. “That’s been my focus.” More

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    Americans’ Economic Confidence Is Returning. Will Biden Benefit?

    The White House is embracing a nascent uptick in economic sentiment. It is likely good news — but how it will map to votes is complicated.Low approval ratings and rock-bottom consumer confidence figures have dogged President Biden for months now, a worrying sign for the White House as the country enters a presidential election year. But recent data suggests the tide is beginning to turn.Americans are feeling more confident about the economy than they have in years, by some measures. They increasingly expect inflation to continue its descent, preliminary data indicates, and they think interest rates will soon moderate.Returning optimism, if it persists, could bolster Mr. Biden’s chances as he pushes for re-election — and spell trouble for former President Donald J. Trump, who is the front-runner for the Republican nomination and has been blasting the Democratic incumbent’s economic record.But political scientists, consumer sentiment experts and economists alike said it was too early for Democrats to take a victory lap around the latest economic data and confidence figures. Plenty of economic risks remain that could derail the apparent progress. In fact, models that try to predict election outcomes based on economic data currently point to a tossup come November.“We’re still very early in the election cycle, from the perspective of economic factors,” said Joanne Hsu, who heads one of the most frequently cited sentiment indexes as director of consumer surveys at the University of Michigan. “A lot can happen.”The University of Michigan’s preliminary survey for January showed an unexpected surge in consumer sentiment: The index climbed to its highest level since July 2021, before inflation surged. While the confidence measure could be revised — and is still slightly below its long-run trend — it has been recovering quickly across age, income, education and geographic groups over the past two months.Confidence Is Still Down, but It’s ImprovingPreliminary January data from the University of Michigan survey suggested that consumer confidence is back at summer 2021 levels.

    Note: Final datapoint, for January, is preliminary.Source: University of Michigan Consumer Sentiment SurveyBy The New York TimesWe are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    The Lost DeSantis Moment

    For months, he routinely led Donald Trump in head-to-head polls and gave a possible glimpse at a post-Trump Republican future.Ron DeSantis after winning re-election as Florida governor in 2022. Scott McIntyre for The New York TimesRon DeSantis began the 2024 campaign as a formidable candidate, with early poll numbers that rivaled or even exceeded the likes of Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama.In the end, that early strength meant only that he had more room to fall.There are countless reasons Mr. DeSantis fell apart and ultimately ended his campaign Sunday — including that his opponent proved once again to be a juggernaut. Perhaps Mr. DeSantis might have won the nomination in most other years, if he hadn’t been going against a former president.But rather than dwell on his losing campaign, it’s worth returning to his apparent strength at the outset — that brief moment when Mr. DeSantis, or at least the idea of Mr. DeSantis, routinely led Mr. Trump in high-quality head-to-head polls.In the eight years since Donald J. Trump won the Republican nomination, this was the only moment when Republican voters appeared willing to go a different direction. Mr. DeSantis didn’t capitalize on the moment, but nonetheless it’s the only glimpse we’ve had into the post-Trump Republican Party. We saw something that might bring it about, and we saw what it might look like.What brought it about: the midtermsOver the last eight years, Mr. Trump has said and done countless things that might have doomed any other politician. He’s been impeached twice. He encouraged what turned into the Jan. 6 riot. He’s been charged with multiple federal crimes. None of it really made any difference in his support.That is, until November 2022. The disappointing Republican showing in the midterms damaged Mr. Trump in the polls, and Mr. DeSantis surged to take a clear lead in head-to-head polls that lasted for months.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    Ron DeSantis Made Smiling Look Hard

    And just like that, Ron DeSantis’s quest for the presidency is kaput. In a short video on Sunday, the Florida governor looked natty in a blue suit and red tie, every hair perfectly in place as he papered over his deeply imperfect campaign. He touted his own leadership and, perhaps with an eye toward running again in 2028, endorsed the Republican kingmaker, Donald Trump. It wasn’t a terrible performance, especially under the circumstances. But watching DeSantis’s now-famous awkward smile and listening to his unnatural cadence, it was hard not to think: Yeah. I can see why this guy’s candidacy is deader than disco.I am not being mean here. OK, I am being a little bit mean, but in the service of a serious point. Mr. DeSantis is a successful governor of a major state and a smart guy with a picture-perfect family. But he is also one of those unfortunate political creatures who do not wear well, whose early promise and poll numbers fade over time: The more people saw him, the less they seemed to like him. On the presidential campaign trail, he was robotic and awkward, rude and arrogant, with the interpersonal skills of poorly designed A.I. He struck people as an all-around odd duck, and not in a good way.For a modern presidential contender, this is the kiss of death. Popular policies, a savvy campaign strategy, a message that speaks to the moment — these things matter. And DeSantis had much to offer a conservative Republican base: his angry populism, his vilification of all the right people (Dr. Anthony Fauci, George Soros, migrants, teachers’ unions), his record of achievement in Florida. Let us grant him all that, and more. But if the messenger has a likability problem, the rest tends to get overshadowed.For all of DeSantis’s apparent G.O.P. pluses, he was constantly tripping over his personal minuses. His tone-deaf remarks, like when he told a kid in Iowa that his Icee probably had a lot of sugar in it. His inability to hide his discomfort when interacting with regular Americans. The creepy smile that popped up in pretty much every debate. That quickie lip lick, where the tip of his tongue would suddenly burst into view. His visible impatience. His trouble making eye contact. His fidgeting. His explosive, gaping laugh. The peculiar rhythm of his speech — sometimes too fast, sometimes stilted, and never quite right. It was … a lot. But also not enough, lacking a certain quality that says, “I am human.”A big part of the presidency involves convincing people to believe in you, rallying support for your priorities, conveying competence, caring, strength, hope, determination, courage. You are, chiefly, a leader — not a manager, a policy wonk or a political strategist. And getting people to follow you is much harder if they find you personally off-putting.This wasn’t Team DeSantis’s only problem, of course. His campaign’s failures, of strategy and of luck, were rich and multifaceted. But underneath them all ran this foundational flaw. To quote Mr. Trump, a viciously shrewd observer of human nature, “The problem with Ron DeSanctimonious is that he needs a personality transplant, and those are not yet available.”We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber?  More

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    GOP Donors Face Dilemma as DeSantis Drops Out

    Ron DeSantis’s exit, and Nikki Haley’s struggle to make headway against Donald Trump, are forcing Republicans to make a tough choice.The narrowing race for the Republican presidential nomination is creating tough choices for anti-Trump donors.Sophie Park for The New York TimesIt’s down to Trump and Haley now The effort to pick anyone but Donald Trump as the Republican presidential nominee took another big, if expected, blow on Sunday when Ron DeSantis dropped out of the race and endorsed the former president. (Other former hopefuls, including Vivek Ramaswamy and Tim Scott, have also endorsed Trump.)The Republican faithful are coalescing around Trump in a way that raises questions about the next move by the wealthy donors who have sought to stop him.Nikki Haley is now the only potential roadblock to a Trump nomination. DeSantis came into the race as the most daunting opponent to the former president, but his misstep-laden campaign never turned into a serious threat. Among his strategic errors was betting that “anti-woke” fights, including his battle against Disney, would resonate with voters. (Politico reports that a top DeSantis fund-raiser had proposed a legally untested way for the campaign to remain afloat, but the Florida governor eventually yielded to electoral reality.)Haley has embraced her status as the last anti-Trump candidate standing: “May the best woman win,” she said on Sunday. But polls put her some 15 percentage points behind Trump in New Hampshire, as voters head to the polls tomorrow.It’s a sign that the influence of big-money donors is limited. DeSantis’s war chest was financed largely by deep-pocketed benefactors. And in recent months, Haley has drawn support from a bipartisan group of anti-Trump moguls, including the hedge fund billionaire Stanley Druckenmiller and the Democratic investor and LinkedIn founder Reid Hoffman. (JPMorgan Chase’s Jamie Dimon has publicly exhorted people of all political stripes to back Haley.)But as The Times’s Ken Vogel notes, winning over the moneyed class hasn’t guaranteed electoral success for years. Just ask Jeb Bush.What will those anti-Trump donors do? Some are continuing to back Haley: Several Wall Street titans, including Druckenmiller and Henry Kravis, will host a fund-raiser for her on Jan. 30, a week after the Republican and Democratic New Hampshire primaries. And Americans for Prosperity, a super PAC backed by the Koch business empire, said it would continue to back Haley through at least Super Tuesday in early March.But if Haley loses badly in New Hampshire, how long will business leaders accustomed to success stick with a failing bet? Ken Langone, a co-founder of Home Depot and one of her backers, said recently that he wants to see how she does tomorrow before giving more money.In other election news: The top outside political group backing President Biden raised $208 million last year. And Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen is heading to the Midwest this week to tout Biden’s economic record as data points increasingly turn positive.HERE’S WHAT’S HAPPENING The war in Gaza hits the Middle East’s economy. Three months in, the conflict has cost Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan more than $10 billion in economic losses, and risks pushing 230,000 into poverty. Meanwhile, international support for Israel is fraying as casualties in Gaza mount and as attacks by Houthi rebels on commercial vessels in the Red Sea are driving up shipping costs.Exxon Mobil sues climate investors to stop a proxy fight. The fossil-fuel giant asked a federal court in Texas to throw out a proposal from Follow This and Arjuna Capital that calls for speeding up the company’s efforts to cut greenhouse gases. A decision could clarify S.E.C. guidance on which shareholder proposals can be put up for a vote by company shareholders.Another Boeing model comes under regulatory scrutiny. The F.A.A. said on Sunday that airlines should inspect the door plugs on Boeing 737-900ER planes “as an added layer of safety.” Confidence in Boeing’s engineering and quality control has fallen after hundreds of Boeing 737 Max 9s were grounded in the wake of a door panel tearing off an Alaska Airlines jet in flight.S&P 500 futures are up again on Monday. After hitting a record on Friday, the benchmark index looks set to extend those gains. Last week’s rally was driven by investor bets on interest rates cuts and the artificial intelligence boom buoying tech stocks.Could Macy’s get hostile? Macy’s has rejected a $5.8 billion takeover bid from the investment firms Arkhouse Management and Brigade Capital that valued the struggling department store chain at roughly 20 percent above its closing share price on Friday.The investor group is now threatening to take the offer to shareholders. With a potential hostile bid looming, here are DealBook’s questions about what may come next.How would Arkhouse and Brigade pull off a deal? Macy’s board cited doubts about the investment firms’ financing when it rejected the proposal on Sunday. The company said the firms had proposed to pay 25 percent of the offer in equity. The rest would most likely be from debt such as leveraged loans, the market for which has been tight thanks in part to high interest rates.Could the rejection open the door to other bids? Arkhouse’s 2021 offer for Columbia Property Trust led to another buyer entering the picture. Macy’s has not reached out to prospective buyers, people familiar with the matter tell DealBook. But the retailer indicated in a statement that it would “be open to opportunities that are in the best interests of the company and all of our shareholders.”The list of prospective suitors is short, given the challenges facing the retail sector and the scarring memories of buyouts-gone-bad like with Sears.What is Macy’s turnaround plan? The retailer’s shares have fallen about 30 percent over the past five years, as the company lost significant market share, forcing it to close stores and lay off staff — including an announcement last week that it would cut 2,350 jobs.All eyes are on Tony Spring, who takes over as C.E.O. next month after having led Bloomingdale’s, Macy’s much-healthier higher-end brand. But duplicating that kind of success could be challenging, given Macy’s large and underperforming store base and its different shopper demographics.Taking the temperature of tech C.E.O.s Tech sector C.E.O.s are more optimistic about the economy this year, especially the potential for artificial intelligence and the I.P.O. market. But they also remain wary that geopolitical tensions could disrupt trade and increase headwinds in the capital markets, SoftBank’s latest annual survey of its portfolio companies shows.DealBook got an exclusive first look at the report, which includes start-ups backed bySoftBank’s two Vision Funds and its Latin America fund.Hope is returning after a dismal two years. Almost half of the C.E.O.s surveyed were more upbeat about the economy than they were a year ago and expected to raise capital this year.The improvement in sentiment is from a low base, cautioned Alex Clavel, co-C.E.O. of SoftBank Investment Advisers, which manages the funds. Last year was a hangover from 2022, when the fund-raising “faucets were turned off,” he said. Hopes didn’t pan out that I.P.O.s at the end of 2023 — including of the SoftBank-backed Arm — would lead to a flow of new listings, but 37 percent of C.E.O.s said public listings would pick up in the second half of 2024.A.I. excitement is high, even if it’s unclear how it will be deployed. “There is an increasing sense that 2024 is the year when we go from A.I. enthusiasm to A.I. impact,” Clavel said. A third of the C.E.O.s said they had increased A.I. investment by 50 percent last year and were using it to make products more cheaply or to improve efficiency.But some are proceeding cautiously. Clavel said one company has used A.I. to cut costs significantly but is holding off on more changes “because it’s going to be too unsettling” for the work force.The C.E.O.s said tensions with China were the top geopolitical risk. Still, that obstacle hasn’t significantly affected their businesses yet. The biggest concern for 2024: that wider instability, including war in the Middle East, could sap investor interest in I.P.O.s or raise energy costs in Europe.“I have lost confidence in the determination and ability of the Harvard Corporation and Harvard leadership to maintain Harvard as a place where Jews and Israelis can flourish.” — Larry Summers, the former Treasury secretary and ex-president of Harvard, after the university announced a new antisemitism task force on Friday. The committee is set to be co-chaired by Derek Penslar, a professor of Jewish history who Summers said was “unsuited” for the role in part because of his position on the extent of the school’s antisemitism problem.The week ahead On the agenda this week: earnings, inflation and central bank decisions.Tomorrow: Netflix, Procter & Gamble, Johnson & Johnson and Lockheed Martin release quarterly results. Also, the Bank of Japan is expected to maintain its ultra-loose monetary policy; the markets predict the country will exit its negative rates regime as soon as March.Elsewhere, the Academy Awards nominees are set to be announced.Wednesday: The Dutch chips-equipment manufacturer ASML, Tesla and AT&T report earnings.Thursday: It’s decision day for the European Central Bank, which is expected to hold steady on interest rates. On the other side of the Atlantic, U.S. fourth-quarter G.D.P. is set to be published.In earnings, LVMH, Intel, Visa and a slew of airlines including American, Southwest and Alaska Air Group are due to report.Friday: The Personal Consumption Expenditures report, the Fed’s preferred inflation gauge, will be released.THE SPEED READ DealsSony ended a $10 billion deal to combine its Indian assets with Zee Entertainment, a Mumbai-based media company. (Reuters)Macquarie, the big Australian investment firm, has raised 8 billion euros ($8.7 billion) for its latest European infrastructure fund. (FT)What Citigroup’s exit from the $4 trillion market for municipal bonds, a field it once dominated, means for the business of financing state and local governments. (WSJ)Artificial intelligenceEleven Labs, an A.I voice-cloning start-up, raised $80 million in new funds from investors led by Andreessen Horowitz at a valuation of more than $1 billion. (Bloomberg)How Japan is turning to avatars, robots and A.I. to tackle its labor crisis. (FT)Best of the rest“‘America is Under Attack’: Inside the Anti-D.E.I. Crusade” (NYT)American clothing makers are pushing to change a trade rule that effectively lets foreign manufacturers ship directly to U.S. consumers without paying tariffs. (NYT)The Chinese electric carmaker BYD is going upmarket with a Lamborghini-style E.V. to step up its fight with Tesla. (WSJ)We’d like your feedback! Please email thoughts and suggestions to dealbook@nytimes.com. More

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    DeSantis Bows Out, and So Does This Winter Freeze

    The New York Times Audio app is home to journalism and storytelling, and provides news, depth and serendipity. If you haven’t already, download it here — available to Times news subscribers on iOS — and sign up for our weekly newsletter.The Headlines brings you the biggest stories of the day from the Times journalists who are covering them, all in about five minutes.The Florida governor, who once appeared to be Donald Trump’s most daunting challenger, ran a costly and turbulent campaign that failed to catch on with Republican voters.Nicole Craine for The New York TimesOn Today’s Episode:Ron DeSantis Ends Campaign for President, by Nicholas Nehamas, Maggie Haberman, Jonathan Swan and Shane GoldmacherAs U.S. and Militias Engage, White House Worries About a Tipping Point, by Peter BakerAt Least 72 Deaths in U.S. Are Connected to Severe Winter Weather, by Jacey Fortin and Colbi EdmondsF.A.A. Tells Airlines to Check Panels on a Second Boeing Plane, by Mark WalkerDiabetes Is Fueling an Amputation Crisis for Men in San Antonio, by Edgar SandovalNicholas Nehamas and Jessica Metzger and More