More stories

  • in

    A Blind Spot and a Lost Trail: How the Gunman Got So Close to Trump

    About an hour before a gunman let loose a volley of bullets that nearly assassinated a former president, the law enforcement contingent in Butler, Pa., was on the verge of a great policing success.Among the thousands of people streaming in to cheer former President Donald J. Trump at a campaign rally on Saturday, local officers spotted one skinny young man acting oddly and notified other law enforcement. The Secret Service, too, was informed, through radio communication. The suspicious man did not appear to have a weapon.Remarkably, law enforcement had found the right man — Thomas Matthew Crooks, a would-be assassin, though officers did not know that at the time. Then they lost track of him.Twenty minutes before violence erupted, a sniper, from a distance, spotted Mr. Crooks again and took his picture.As time slipped away, at least two local officers were pulled from traffic detail to help search for the man. But the Secret Service, the agency charged with protecting Mr. Trump, did not stop him from taking the stage. Eight minutes after Mr. Trump started to speak, Mr. Crooks fired off bullets that left the Republican presidential nominee bloodied and a rally visitor dead.Secret Service snipers surveilling the surrounding area before Mr. Trump began to speak.Eric Lee/The New York TimesWe are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

  • in

    Lee Greenwood’s ‘God Bless the U.S.A.’ Has Become a Trump Rally Anthem

    Lee Greenwood’s song “God Bless the U.S.A.” has been former President Donald J. Trump’s fanfare since he became the leader of the Republican Party, embracing its status as an anthem in Grand Old Party politics dating back 40 years.To Mr. Greenwood, a Grammy Award-winning country music star, it is a match made in heaven. He sold the rights to the song for $1 in 1984, thrilled that Sig Rogich, responsible for creating ads for former President Ronald Reagan, had said that the campaign wanted to use it. More recently, it has been played to commence scores of Mr. Trump’s rallies, often to cheers and singalongs from the thousands in attendance.But as Mr. Greenwood took the stage at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee on Monday night, minutes before Mr. Trump’s first public appearance since surviving an assassination attempt, the singer-songwriter, like the millions of Americans glued to their TVs, had no idea what to expect.“All I could do was guess what his emotions could be, what his physical condition would be,” Mr. Greenwood said in an interview. “I was like everybody else in the arena looking at the jumbotron, showing him walking down the hallway.”Mr. Greenwood, a self-identified conservative, is both Mr. Trump’s personal friend and business partner. He spent time late Wednesday afternoon taking pictures with adoring fans and signing wide-eyed supporters’ “God Bless the USA Bibles,” Trump-promoted bundles that come with lyrics from Mr. Greenwood’s song and foundational American documents. Mr. Greenwood said that he was “naturally emotional” and shocked when he learned that the former president would not be delaying his arrival to the convention after a bullet pierced his upper right ear on Saturday at a rally in Butler, Pa.That information came in a phone call the day after the shooting. Mr. Greenwood was told to make sure that he was in Milwaukee by Monday morning — enough time to prepare for the live performance accompanying Mr. Trump’s entrance into the convention venue, Fiserv Forum, that evening. When Mr. Greenwood started singing, his voice competing with the cheers of attendees elated to see the former president — his right ear wrapped in a white bandage as he walked to his V.I.P. box, pumping his fist and mouthing “thank you” to his supporters — the two friends made eye contact for just a brief moment.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

  • in

    For Sidelined Giuliani, a Tumble Is an Unsubtle Metaphor

    The third night of the Republican National Convention was kicking off in Fiserv Forum on Wednesday and Rudolph W. Giuliani sat by himself across the street, poring over blown-up printouts of New York Post articles he had highlighted with a red marker as if they were pages of a scholarly text.A cast of rising Trump loyalists in the House was taking turns in the spotlight giving three-minute speeches in the main auditorium, while Mr. Giuliani, who over the years has served a keynote speaker on that main stage, was getting ready to host the 453rd episode of “America’s Mayor Live,” his livestream program, across the street in an overflow media center.This year, Mr. Giuliani — indicted, disbarred and bankrupt — has no speaking slot. He has been roaming around the arena for days nonetheless, recording his show and giving hours and hours of interviews to virtually anyone who could grab him.His viral spill on the convention’s floor on Tuesday, in which he crashed into two folding chairs near where the Ohio delegation congregates and had to be helped back to his feet, felt like an unsubtle metaphor for his fall through the Trump era.Mr. Giuliani, 80, faces indictments in Arizona and Georgia in election cases and owes $148 million to two Georgia election workers stemming from a judgment in a defamation lawsuit. At the Republican National Convention, which helped resuscitate his flagging career eight years ago, he has been relegated to a fringe character in the G.O.P., roaming the halls with people like Mike Lindell and Roger Stone, all of them still playing up their undying loyalty to Mr. Trump and the MAGA movement they helped launch, despite what they’ve lost in the service of defending the former president.Mr. Giuliani’s high-profile fall immediately raised questions on social media about whether he was drunk. We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

  • in

    Thomas Crooks, Donald Trump, and the Banality of Gun Violence

    Eleven of the last 12 American presidents have endured an assassination attempt or a plot against their lives. The same is true for 20 of the country’s 45.Most of the recent plots have been foiled early, making the indelible image of Donald Trump fist-pumping in Pennsylvania seem like an atavistic monument or an ominous portent, or perhaps both. In the bedtime-story version of our national mythology, the country left behind the violence and disorder of the 1960s decades ago, for what turned out to be a wobbly but enduring peaceful equilibrium, one whose veneer began to crack only recently, with violent rhetoric rekindling over the last decade especially prominently on the right. But as David Dayen noted in The American Prospect the day after the shooting, in the 1970s Gerald Ford was shot at, and in the 1980s Ronald Reagan was actually shot; in both Bill Clinton and Barack Obama’s presidencies, shots were fired at the White House.Not all of these attempts were serious, but if amateur marksmanship and a chance gust of wind are what spared Donald Trump’s life last Saturday, similar vicissitudes might have ended Ford’s or Reagan’s, as well, in which case we would all be telling very different stories about the last 50 years of American history. And though we may describe the stochastic terror of the last decade in terms of ugly bumper stickers and reckless speeches, there has been real violence, not just incitement. Gabrielle Giffords was in fact shot, and almost killed; Steve Scalise, too.“America is staring into the abyss,” The Financial Times declared in the aftermath of Saturday’s shooting, but often we see chaos around the corner as a way of telling ourselves it hasn’t already arrived. “No political party, movement, ideology or manner of thinking has had an absolute monopoly on this violence, and it really hasn’t mattered whether the surrounding political atmosphere was aggressive or docile,” Dayen wrote. “In our messy reality, political violence exists as a background hum.” Already, it seems, the assassination attempt has faded from the news, having hardly made a mark on the shape of the presidential race or, beyond a few ear bandages worn in showy solidarity, on the Republican National Convention which almost immediately followed.It’s not even clear whether it is right to call last weekend’s shooting an act of political violence. The attempted assassination produced only a brief flare of partisan meaning, though the motive was never clear. The gunman was a registered Republican and recognizably a conservative to classmates but not, it seems, an especially active or outraged political actor, and had not left much of a memorable ideological impression on those who knew him. He apparently donated $15 to a progressive organization in 2021, and as OSINT sleuths and self-deputized detectives argued about it over the weekend, it was striking to think how much meaning seemed to hang on a donation the size of a trip to Starbucks. When no obvious partisan explanation was immediately found, we simply moved on.Perhaps a motive will become clearer in the days ahead. But for now, there is not much more to go on, and it seems likeliest that the would-be assassin remains a kind of cipher. Like the Las Vegas shooter Stephen Paddock before him, Thomas Crooks briefly tore a rupture in the fabric of American reality only to fill the space with a kind of silence, a mute biography and an unstated philosophy — a peculiarly American kind of terrorism in which the act of violence does not call attention to a cause greater than the shooter or generate a politically strategic backlash. Instead, it briefly elevates the profile of the man with the gun.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

  • in

    Why MAGA Nation Embraces Donald Trump

    More from our inbox:Exit Menendez?Joe, Keep Your DignitySpirituality in America Scott McIntyre for The New York TimesTo the Editor:Re “The Deep Source of Trump’s Appeal,” by David Brooks (column, July 12):I’ve always believed that the mass of Donald Trump supporters were fundamentally just working-class Americans who, as the country’s wealth increasingly skewed to the 1 percent ever since President Ronald Reagan, found themselves running faster and faster to stay in the same place, and finally (and justifiably) started to fume about it.While Mr. Brooks doesn’t flat out say it, I take away from his article that, rather than viewing their plight as old-fashioned liberals used to — as plain and simple economic class exploitation — the white working class has been conned by demagogues like Mr. Trump into seeing it as existential, zero-sum identity politics.If Mr. Brooks’s suggestion is that religious leaders guide Americans back to some form of enlightened democratic civility, they’re going to have to drop a bit more wealth redistribution into their message to the congregation.Steven DoloffNew YorkTo the Editor:Having been dismissed as “deplorables,” sniffed at as people who “cling to guns or religion,” and generally considered less worthy, it was only a matter of time before the voters who have become MAGA nation would decide to stand up for themselves and say, We matter, too, and as much as you do.For all his many shortcomings, Donald Trump does have a keen eye for a marketing opportunity, and he was happy to swoop in and exploit the concerns of this group.Democrats may prefer to fault President Biden’s frailty, but they have no one but themselves to blame or the burgeoning strength of the adversary they face.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

  • in

    El cambio climático no es prioritario en la Convención Nacional Republicana

    La plataforma del partido no hace ninguna mención del cambio climático, en cambio, fomenta una mayor producción de petróleo, gas y carbón, que aumentan las temperaturas globales.[Estamos en WhatsApp. Empieza a seguirnos ahora]Este verano, Estados Unidos está experimentando niveles históricos de un calor intenso a causa del cambio climático. Las altas temperaturas han provocado decenas de muertes en el oeste del país, mientras millones de personas sudan debido a los avisos de calor extremo y casi tres cuartas partes de los estadounidenses dicen que el gobierno debe priorizar el calentamiento global.Sin embargo, aunque en el horario estelar del lunes por la noche la energía fue el tema con el que el Partido Republicano inauguró su convención nacional en Milwaukee, el partido no tiene ningún plan para abordar el cambio climático.A pesar de que algunos republicanos ya no niegan el abrumador consenso científico según el cual el planeta se está calentando a causa de la actividad humana, los líderes del partido no lo consideran como un problema que se deba enfrentar.“No sé si hay una estrategia republicana para enfrentar el cambio climático a nivel de organización”, comentó Thomas J. Pyle, presidente de la American Energy Alliance, un grupo de investigación conservador enfocado en la energía. “No creo que el presidente Trump considere imperativo reducir los gases de efecto invernadero por medio del gobierno”.Cuando el expresidente Donald Trump menciona el cambio climático, lo hace en tono de burla.“¿Se imaginan? Este tipo dice que el calentamiento global es la mayor amenaza para nuestro país”, dijo Trump, para referirse al presidente Joe Biden en un mitin en Chesapeake, Virginia, el mes pasado que fue el junio más caluroso que se haya registrado en todo el mundo. “El calentamiento global está bien. De hecho, he oído que hoy va a hacer mucho calor. Está bien”.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More

  • in

    ¿Quién es J. D. Vance, el candidato republicano a la vicepresidencia?

    En los últimos ocho años, Vance pasó de ser un autor exitoso y un crítico declarado de Trump a convertirse en uno de los defensores más fervientes del exmandatario.[Estamos en WhatsApp. Empieza a seguirnos ahora]J. D. Vance, el senador republicano por Ohio que recientemente fue escogido como el compañero de fórmula del expresidente Donald Trump, ha tenido una trayectoria rápida en los últimos ocho años pasando de ser un autor exitoso y un crítico declarado de Trump a convertirse en uno de los defensores más fervientes del exmandatario y, ahora, su segundo al mando.Antes de dedicarse a la política, Vance, de 39 años, era conocido como el autor del libro Hillbilly Elegy (Hillbilly, una elegía rural: Memorias de una familia y una cultura en crisis), un éxito de ventas que relataba su crianza en el seno de una familia pobre y que, a su vez, servía como una especie de análisis sociológico de la clase trabajadora blanca en Estados Unidos. Publicado en el verano previo a la elección de Trump en 2016, y tras su victoria, muchos lectores vieron el libro como un tipo de guía para comprender el apoyo que las comunidades blancas de clase trabajadora le dieron al expresidente.Vance denunció al exmandatario sin piedad durante su campaña de 2016. Pero, para 2022, ya lo había aceptado y gracias a su apoyo ganó unas elecciones primarias republicanas muy concurridas y se convirtió en una voz a favor de Trump en el Congreso.A continuación, presentamos más detalles sobre los antecedentes y las posturas de Vance.Antecedentes personales: Nació en Middletown, Ohio, y pasó parte de su infancia en Jackson, Kentucky, donde fue criado por sus abuelos maternos porque su madre luchaba contra la drogadicción. Luego regresó a Middletown y, cuando terminó el bachillerato, se unió a la infantería de marina. Fue destinado a Irak, donde se dedicó a labores de asuntos públicos. Más tarde, estudió en la Universidad Estatal de Ohio y en la Escuela de Derecho de la Universidad de Yale.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.Thank you for your patience while we verify access.Already a subscriber? Log in.Want all of The Times? Subscribe. More