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    The Observer view on Donald Trump's coronavirus infection | Observer editorial

    Donald Trump’s infection has given another dramatic twist to an already tumultuous and perilous US election year. The president’s illness is a significant personal blow. Hopefully, both he and the first lady will recover quickly. The fact Trump has succumbed to a disease he spent many months downplaying and dismissing is also a serious political setback. It raises basic questions about his judgment as well as his health with less than a month remaining before the 3 November poll.Impartial observers may say that Trump’s very human misfortune in catching a virus that has killed more than a million people worldwide, including 208,000 Americans, should not adversely affect his political prospects. But such generosity of spirit ignores the harshly subjective realities of the Trump era. Ever since he emerged as a candidate for national office, it has been all but impossible to separate the personal from the political. That’s primarily because Trump invariably makes everything about him.Trump has used the multimillion-dollar personal fortune he inherited from his father to relentlessly boost his political profile. His business ventures are routinely branded with his name. He demands personal credit for almost anything positive that happens in Washington. And when his political actions as president are criticised, Trump, his ego affronted, invariably takes it personally. A recurring theme in his speeches and tweets is a self-centred grievance over perceived unfair treatment.His persistently reckless conduct over Covid-19 will incur an unavoidably high political priceTo ask that Trump’s outspoken, damaging and dangerous denialism about the threat the virus poses should not now colour the way voters regard him, or affect the way opponents react, is to ask too much. Sympathy for his personal plight will certainly grow, the more so if his condition deteriorates. But his persistently reckless conduct over Covid-19 will incur an unavoidably high political price. Trump must now face the consequences of his actions in a way that, during the course of a highly privileged life, he rarely has.Thanks to his illness, the pandemic he sought to wish away now heads the election agenda. His record, stretching back to the arrival of the disease in the US last winter, is being endlessly re-examined and replayed. It was Trump, not his more cautiously responsible Democrat rival, Joe Biden, who declared in January that “we have it totally under control”. It was Trump who likened it to ordinary flu and predicted that “one day, it’s like a miracle, it will disappear”.Trump has since claimed he played down the pandemic to avoid panic. But what seemed to panic him most was the thought it might harm his re-election chances. He failed to develop a national testing strategy, passed the buck to underfunded and unprotected states and cities, undermined scientific advice and public messaging, promoted quack cures, such as injecting bleach, and mocked crucial social distancing and mask-wearing measures. However ill he is, this saga of lethal incompetence cannot be glossed over.As late as last Tuesday evening, while debating with Biden face to face when he himself may have been infectious, Trump continued to mock the Democrat for taking sensible precautions, as if mask wearing somehow compromised his manhood. “Trump is now in the position of becoming Exhibit No1 for the failure of his leadership on coronavirus,” said Democratic pollster Geoff Garin. “It’s hard to imagine this doesn’t end his hopes of re-election,” said Rob Stutzman, a Republican consultant.For all that his opponents may wish it, that latter verdict sounds premature. Other major issues – the economy, racial justice, a Supreme Court replacement for Ruth Bader Ginsburg – will continue to influence voter choices. And while Trump has been a prime source of misinformation about Covid-19, a new Axios/Ipsos survey found that, on this subject, more than two-thirds of Americans do not trust anyone in the federal government.Trump may portray a reprieve as proof of his contention that the Covid-19 threat is overratedIf Trump can ride out the infection in hospital, overcome potentially negative factors such as his age (74) and his obesity, and emerge from quarantine within 10 days or so, it’s conceivable he could again turn the personal to political advantage. Boris Johnson briefly managed this trick in Britain after he left intensive care in April. In such a case, Trump may portray a reprieve as proof of his contention that the Covid-19 threat is overrated.If, on the other hand, Trump’s illness gets worse or is prolonged, the United States, and the world, will enter uncharted waters. His campaign plans are already on hold. It is probable the next debate with Biden, due on 15 October, will be postponed. In theory at least, Trump could be unable to continue as the Republican candidate. In extremis, the vice-president, Mike Pence, might take his place in the Oval Office.It’s important that Trump recovers, not least for the much-challenged integrity of the electoral process. It’s important that he be called to account at the ballot box and, it’s hoped, be defeated by an indisputably large margin. For it is America’s recovery, not his, that is ultimately most important of all. The American people must, and surely will, find a peaceful, healthy, and constitutional way through this dark crisis year for US democracy. This can only be achieved if all work together. E pluribus unum – out of the many, one. More

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    Boris Johnson sends best wishes to Donald and Melania Trump after Covid-19 diagnosis – video

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    Boris Johnson has wished Donald and Melania Trump a ‘strong recovery’, hours after the US president revealed he and his wife had tested positive for coronavirus
    Trump and first lady Melania test positive for coronavirus
    Prayers and criticism as public figures react to Trump Covid news

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    Inside Politics: SNP MP infected with coronavirus faces calls to quit after ‘reckless’ behaviour

    Americans await an “October surprise” at every presidential election. Well, they certainly have one this time – Donald Trump has coronavirus. Although it shouldn’t actually be a surprise at all, given the president’s irresponsible refusal to wear a mask. We have our own irresponsible politicians to worry about. One SNP MP has Westminster in a tizzy after she admitted travelling 400 miles on a train with coronavirus symptoms – and 400 miles back again after testing positive. Meanwhile, 220 miles away in Brussels, the UK and EU chief negotiators are all set to reveal whether they’ve done the responsible thing and forged a Brexit breakthrough.
    Inside the bubbleOur deputy political editor Rob Merrick on what to look out for today: More

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    Inside Politics: Boris Johnson pleads with public to help avoid second lockdown

    Cheer up everyone! The Bank of England’s chief economist has told us the sky is not falling down – railing against “Chicken Licken” pessimists and predicting a spectacular bounce-back. Boris Johnson, who has been fond of attacking the “doomsters and gloomsters”, has promised it’s still possible to avoid a second lockdown if we all do the right thing. Over in the US, Donald Trump has told everyone to lighten up about the dire TV debate. Far from fear and loathing, the president said it was “fun”.
    Inside the bubbleOur political commentator Andrew Grice on what to look out for today: More

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    The Trump-Biden debate revealed the dangers of Britain's 'special relationship' | Martin Kettle

    Ever since the pioneering Kennedy-Nixon encounter in 1960, the questions that political journalists pose after US presidential debates have been the same. Who performed best? Who had the better of this or that part of the argument? Who exceeded expectations or fell short? Who had the best lines and delivered the best zinger? And has any of it changed the election odds?They are still being asked after the first televised match-up between Donald Trump and Joe Biden. With five weeks to go before the US votes, the questions still matter. But after Tuesday’s verbal roughhouse they also feel crowded out by other uncertainties that seem more epochal, more dystopian and more pressing, not least when seen from this side of the Atlantic.It can seem overblown, but it now makes sense to ask if America is on the edge of becoming ungovernable, or if the rule of impartial law enforcement still commands respect. It is also possible, in ways that were not true in the past, to consider whether the US can be relied on internationally, and whether it is realistic to continue to regard it as an ally. But if it is not an ally, what follows from that? The answers are increasingly uncomfortable.Perhaps most potently, it has to be asked whether America, with all its fabulous energy, wealth, liberty and ambition, still offers the inspirational model to the world that it did to so many, for so long. Or instead is today’s America, defined increasingly by its inequalities, violence, fundamentalism and racism, becoming a model to be rejected, to be guarded against and even, in some cases, to be resisted?Sober answers to these questions matter to the whole planet, above all because of climate change and amid the coronavirus pandemic. But they matter to Britain in very particular ways too. The UK’s claim to a special relationship with the United States has been the cornerstone of its view of itself in the world ever since 1945. A deference to, and infatuation with, America also runs deep in our culture. But if the US is changing in an increasingly dangerous fashion, where does that leave that foreign policy or that infatuation?Britain has a lot riding on getting the answer right. Coming at precisely the time when the UK is casting off its alliance with its own continent, the issue has special urgency. Back in 2016, when Britain voted to leave the European Union, the allure of the exit for many leavers rested partly on the apparent dependability of the transatlantic alliance. But that was pre-Trump. America is a different place and becoming more so. Even leavers should sometimes ask what exactly this wheel of fire is on to which they are binding themselves.Fundamentally, the credibility of any alliance, whether with Europe, the US or anyone else, rests on material self-interest over things such as trade and security. But these material issues are also oiled by common values and trust, without which the relationship remains brittle and pragmatic. The bigger ally will always call the shots. And Britain is not the bigger ally.Few of these values matter as much as respect for the rule of law. It is not difficult to list ways in which this has been undermined by Trump’s America. The list would include everything from the president’s tax returns to breaches of international treaties. The danger for Britain is that, in defence of its unequal alliance, it is beginning to follow the US down the same route of playing fast and loose with the law for political reasons.Take one hugely significant example. Trump and the Republican senate leadership are trying to install the conservative judge Amy Coney Barrett in place of the liberal Ruth Bader Ginsburg in the US supreme court before the presidential election on 3 November. This is a wholly political act. But it is not new. It is merely a particularly shameless step in a long history of politically shaped justice in the US.In the long term, the Barrett nomination is aimed at creating a conservative 6-3 majority in the court, which may then start to undo abortion and other civil rights. But the overriding and immediate purpose is to construct a court that may rule on the result of the November election itself. If that were to happen, and if the court awarded the disputed election to Trump, the politicisation of American justice would be complete.In Britain, judges are still selected on the basis of their legal qualifications, not their politics. Even if you know the identity of the current UK supreme court president, which most people will not, it is a fair bet that you don’t know whether Lord Reed can be classified as a liberal jurist or a conservative one. We are better off as a country for that. Judges should neither be cult figures, as Ginsburg became for some American liberals; or hate figures, as she was for conservatives.Seen against the backdrop of a divided America facing the Barrett nomination, Britain’s institutions may still seem gratifyingly independent and resilient. But for how long? The Johnson government’s purge of senior civil servants, and its plan to install conservative ideologues to govern the BBC and the independent regulators, are a declaration of war on pluralism and independence. If the United States continues its slide into culture wars and worse, the task of stopping this from dragging Britain down too will become increasingly urgent.•Martin Kettle is a Guardian columnist More

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    Inside Politics: No 10 wants ‘compromise’ with Tory MPs on Covid rules

    Who says there are no good right-wing comedians? Boris Johnson made sure there was little difference between the real prime minister and the parody version Matt Lucas does so well when he blundered his way through another press conference and forgot his own coronavirus rules. Is Johnson’s bumbling, stumbling act wearing thin for Tory MPs? Backbenchers are hoping they can strip some power from No 10 and shape the Covid restrictions themselves. Maybe MPs will at least remember the latest rules and regulations.
    Inside the bubbleOur political commentator Andrew Grice on what to look out for today: More