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    'A bigger tent message': Larry Hogan on Trump and his own White House ambitions

    Whether or not Donald Trump wins re-election in November, Maryland’s governor, Larry Hogan, predicts the Republican party will finally do some soul searching.That’s the core of the thinking behind Hogan, a popular two-term Republican governor in a reliably Democratic state, strongly floating the idea of running for president himself.“A big part of what I’ve been focusing on for six years is a kind of a bigger tent message and avoiding the divisive rhetoric and avoiding the extremes of either party,” Hogan told the Guardian.“That’s why I’ve been so successful as a Republican in one of the bluest states in the country and have had the ability to reach a lot of swing voters and constituencies that Republicans have had a [hard] time reaching.”Hogan considered a White House run this year, but he would have had to beat a Republican president with an iron grip on the party. In 2024, however, Trump will not be a factor.I’ll be one and maybe I’ll be the only one that’ll be arguing for a Republican party that’s going to be more inclusiveHogan is not the only name being floated. The former ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley, the secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, Senators Ted Cruz, Josh Hawley and Tom Cotton, Governors Greg Abbott and Ron DeSantis and Vice-President Mike Pence are all in the mix too.But Hogan is the one most eager to highlight his disagreements with the president, openly admitting that Trump’s circle is “not very happy with me at the moment”.As chairman of the bipartisan National Governors Association (NGA), he has issued worried statements about Trump’s handling of coronavirus relief funds. In general, he has criticized Trump’s response to the pandemic.At the same time, he has checked the boxes any statewide politician does ahead of a White House run. He has visited early primary states. He has chaired the NGA. He has reached high approval levels in his state. And he has written a book, laying out his background and knocking the current president. Still Standing comes out on Tuesday. It details how Hogan thought about challenging Trump this year.He does not hesitate to admit that he is open to running in 2024, which is usually as far as any potential candidate goes this far out from an election. But he does keep some distance from other anti-Trump Republicans, such as the increasingly prominent Lincoln Project.Asked about the former Ohio governor John Kasich, a prominent member of the anti-Trump wing of the Republican party who is expected to participate in the Democratic national convention, Hogan demurred.“I’ve got to continue to govern my state in the middle of a pandemic in the middle of the worst economic collapse in our lifetime and I’ve got a job as governor of Maryland until January of 2023,” he said.“So I’m in a different place than John Kasich. I mean, I haven’t spoken to him about it so I don’t know what his position is. But he’s certainly a Republican who’s frustrated with the direction of the party.” More

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    Trump has helped the US to see its dark side. It will still be there when he goes | Nesrine Malik

    If Donald Trump loses in November – and it’s a very big if, of course – then under Joe Biden, it will be hard for the United States not to be seduced into collective amnesia. The Trump presidency has represented such a thorough subversion of political norms that, with a Biden victory, the temptation to move on from it as swiftly as possible will be strong.Already the signs are beginning to appear. The polls look encouraging for the Democrats, coronavirus is ravaging the country and Trump is unravelling a little more every day as he tries, and fails, to prove that he is “cognitively there” in TV interviews. The temptation is to indulge in a sort of fast-forwarding to the future, where Trump is a blip, the first and last of his kind. In a town hall meeting last week, Biden said: “We’ve had racists, and they’ve existed, they’ve tried to get elected president. He’s the first one that has.”But 12 presidents, among them George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and Andrew Jackson, owned slaves. Others presided over segregation. Biden’s disavowal of racism in the most powerful office of the land is a piece of ahistoricism brought on by the need to believe that Trump is a singular monstrosity. The idea is that his toxicity can be cleansed with his ejection from the White House.This reassurance is, after all, what Biden is there for. His weakness as a Democratic candidate has turned into a strength in a period of heightened uncertainty. Here is a pastoral, non-controversial figure, who will not subject a traumatised country to any more sudden shocks. The purpose of his presidency would be restorative, the idea to return the US back to “normal”. Trump was just a long, vivid nightmare. Chroniclers of the US’s journey are already preparing to write this account of a country that can be managed back to health. The Johns Hopkins University professor Yascha Mounk tweeted that if the current polls holds and “Biden crushes Trump”, then “a lot of people are gonna have to change their narrative about America quite a lot”. He concluded that they probably wouldn’t, all the same.Nor should they. The conditions that brought Trump to power and kept his poll ratings pretty much level throughout allegations of sexual assault, impeachment and indulgence of white supremacy will not have disappeared overnight. And even though Trump’s departure, whenever it happens, will be enormously welcome, he did at least force a moment of national self-confrontation. He revealed that white supremacy is always waiting in the wings, ready to be emboldened. He revealed the extent to which many Americans don’t care about morality in foreign policy. He took Russia’s word about its interference over that of his own intelligence agencies – and in getting away with it, showed that his supporters’ xenophobia was more powerful than their patriotism.As long as he was dogwhistling against black people, Mexicans and Muslims, his betrayals would be forgiven. These are painful things to acknowledge. They run so contrary to the foundational myth of America, to its comforting rhetoric and its political sacraments, that the business of trivialising them must begin at once if the country is to heal after Trump goes.Getting back to normal after periods of abject moral failure is one of the US’s strengths. When the Senate select committee on intelligence released its damning report on the CIA’s “enhanced interrogation” programme, concluding that the CIA avoided oversight and lied about the efficacy of torture, there was no punishment for anyone involved. The programme, during which one detainee died of hypothermia and another lost an eye, was “troubling” according to Barack Obama. The report was even presented as evidence that the US’s ideals were intact. “No nation is perfect,” Obama said, “but one of the strengths that makes America exceptional is our willingness to openly confront our past, face our imperfections, make changes and do better.”The same will happen if Trump loses later this year. An image-laundering exercise, where the US will appoint itself as judge and jury, but no sentence will be meted out. It will investigate his time in office, soberly declare that failures happen, then pat itself on the back for rejecting him.In 2016, it was a challenge to accept that Trump won for any reason other than the economic disaffection of rust-belt voters. Just as this “calamity thesis” dominated the aftermath of Trump’s victory, the idea that he is simply an anomaly will carry the day if he loses. But Trump is a culmination, not an aberration. The point in hoping the US doesn’t move on too quickly isn’t to self-flagellate. If there is no reckoning with what this presidency says about the country, another version of him, and all the dark forces he unleashed, will be back in short order.• Nesrine Malik is a Guardian columnist More

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    Biden's path to the White House could hit a dead end on Facebook

    The Observer

    Facebook

    Biden’s path to the White House could hit a dead end on Facebook

    Mark Zuckerberg’s autocratic nature and fear of anti-trust legislation might see him plump for Trump in the race for president
    Q&A with Facebook whistleblower Yaël Eisenstat
    Q&A with early Facebook investor Roger McNamee
    Carole Cadwalladr: If you’re not terrified about Facebook, you haven’t been paying attention More

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    Roger McNamee: ‘Facebook is a threat to whatever remains of democracy in the US'

    The Observer

    Facebook

    Interview

    Ian Tucker

    An early investor in Facebook outlines the unprecedented scale of power wielded by the social media giants – and sets out his blueprint for reform
    John Naughton on how Facebook could stop Biden’s progress to the White House
    Q&A with Facebook whistleblower Yaël Eisenstat
    Carole Cadwalladr: If you’re not terrified about Facebook, you haven’t been paying attention More

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    Yaël Eisenstat: 'Facebook is ripe for manipulation and viral misinformation'

    The Observer

    Facebook

    Interview

    Ian Tucker

    The ex-CIA officer on why she lasted only six months at the tech giant and her fears about its role in the forthcoming US election
    John Naughton on how Facebook could stop Biden’s progress to the White House
    Q&A with early Facebook investor Roger McNamee
    Carole Cadwalladr: If you’re not terrified about Facebook, you haven’t been paying attention More