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    Barr Sees ‘No Reason’ for Special Counsels for Hunter Biden, Election

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }The Presidential TransitionLatest UpdatesElectoral College ResultsBiden’s CabinetInaugural DonationsAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyBarr Sees ‘No Reason’ for Special Counsels for Hunter Biden or the ElectionThe departing attorney general, William P. Barr, again broke with President Trump on his unsupported claims of widespread election fraud and the need to appoint a special counsel to investigate the president-elect’s son.Credit…Pool photo by Michael ReynoldsDec. 21, 2020Updated 9:12 p.m. ETWASHINGTON — Attorney General William P. Barr distanced himself again from President Trump on Monday, saying he saw no reason to appoint special counsels to oversee the Justice Department’s criminal investigation into Hunter Biden, son of President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr., or to investigate Mr. Trump’s baseless claims of widespread voter fraud.At a news conference to announce charges in an unrelated terrorism case, Mr. Barr, who is stepping down in two days, said that he did not “see any reason to appoint a special counsel” to oversee the tax investigation into the younger Mr. Biden.“I have no plan to do so before I leave,” Mr. Barr said. “To the extent that there is an investigation, I think that it’s being handled responsibly and professionally.”He also said that he would name a special counsel to oversee an inquiry into election fraud if he felt one were warranted. “But I haven’t, and I’m not going to,” Mr. Barr said.After Mr. Trump’s loss to Mr. Biden, the president and his allies have seized on conspiracy theories about election fraud and considered legally questionable actions to cast doubt on the validity of the outcome or even seek to overturn it. Mr. Barr’s statements, in his final days on the job, seemed to signal that there was no appetite at the Justice Department to be drawn into any such efforts.But it is unclear how much pressure Mr. Trump might put on Mr. Barr’s replacement, Jeffrey A. Rosen, the current deputy attorney general, who will lead the department on an acting basis for the remaining weeks of the president’s term and whose approach to dealing with Mr. Trump is unknown.At a minimum, Mr. Barr’s statements on Monday give Mr. Rosen cover not to appoint special counsels to look into voter fraud or Hunter Biden, and would make the optics of any decision to go ahead with such appointments more difficult for both Mr. Rosen and Mr. Trump.Mr. Rosen has not signaled his specific intentions. But he has held discussions about the ramifications of appointing a special counsel to oversee the investigation into Hunter Biden, according to a person familiar with those conversations who is not authorized to publicly discuss them.He said in an interview with Reuters last week that he would make decisions on all issues, including the potential appointment of a special counsel, “on the basis of the law and the facts.”Mr. Barr’s comments are certain to further poison his relationship with Mr. Trump, who believes that the attorney general should have more forcefully used the Justice Department to attack Mr. Biden and his family in the weeks before the election and to cast doubt on the results after the votes were cast.Long been regarded as Mr. Trump’s most loyal and effective cabinet member, Mr. Barr, a believer in strong presidential power, brought the Justice Department closer to the White House than any attorney general since John Mitchell, who ran President Richard M. Nixon’s re-election campaign and was deeply involved in Watergate.Mr. Barr’s handling of the special counsel’s investigation into the intersection of Russia and Mr. Trump’s 2016 campaign amounted to a gift to the president. He presented it in the best possible light for Mr. Trump before its public release and ultimately concluded that the president had not obstructed justice, despite his efforts to shut down the inquiry.The Justice Department’s independent inspector general found that the senior officials at the bureau had sufficient reason to open the investigation. A judge later called Mr. Barr’s summary of the report by the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, misleading.Convinced that the F.B.I. had overstepped its authority in investigating the Trump campaign, Mr. Barr asked a federal prosecutor, John H. Durham, to look into the origins of the Russia investigation. In October, the attorney general appointed him to be a special counsel with a mandate to continue exploring whether the inquiry was wrongfully opened.Mr. Barr broke with longstanding norms when he spent the months leading up to the election echoing Mr. Trump’s unsubstantiated claims that mail-in ballots would result in widespread voter fraud. In strikingly political remarks for an attorney general, he later said the country would be “irrevocably committed to the socialist path” if the president were not re-elected.He also approved the withdrawal of criminal charges against Michael T. Flynn, the president’s first national security adviser, and overruled prosecutors who requested a long sentencing recommendation for Roger J. Stone Jr., one of Mr. Trump’s longtime advisers.But his relationship with the president fractured after the election after he said in an interview this month that he had not seen voter fraud “on a scale that could have effected a different outcome in the election.”Tensions between them escalated after it became clear that Mr. Barr had kept the investigation in Mr. Biden’s son under wraps during the presidential race. While it is department policy not to discuss investigations that could affect the outcome of an election, Mr. Trump accused his attorney general of disloyalty for not publicly disclosing the matter during the campaign.With the president growing more furious and his allies constantly attacking Mr. Barr on social media and cable news for his perceived disloyalty, the president said last week that Mr. Barr would depart on Wednesday.Mr. Trump’s efforts to overturn the election have grown more frantic since he announced that Mr. Barr would step down. On Friday, he discussed with aides in the Oval Office about naming Sidney Powell to be a special counsel overseeing a voter fraud inquiry. Ms. Powell, who worked as a lawyer for his campaign, has promoted unfounded conspiracy theories that Venezuela rigged the presidential election using doctored voting machines.Ms. Powell met briefly with Mr. Trump on Monday, a person briefed on their discussion said. Separately, the president met with a group of House Republicans, including Representative Mo Brooks of Alabama, who is pushing a congressional challenge of electoral votes from a half-dozen battleground states that were won by President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.Mr. Brooks said that he and “people with firsthand knowledge of voter fraud” met over the course of several hours with Mr. Trump and others. “All in all, our effort to object to states that have such flawed election systems as to render them untrustworthy is full speed ahead,” Mr. Brooks said.The president has raised the possibility of an executive order to have the Department of Homeland Security seize and examine voting machines for evidence of tampering. His personal lawyer, Rudolph W. Giuliani, has also sought to have the department seize the machines, an idea rejected by homeland security officials.On Monday, Mr. Barr said he saw “no basis now for seizing machines by the federal government.”White House lawyers have told Mr. Trump that he does not have the authority to take these actions, but his allies have pushed the president not to heed their advice.Now Mr. Rosen will have to contend with the possibility that Mr. Trump will run a parallel pressure campaign on the Justice Department.Mr. Rosen, a longtime corporate lawyer with no experience as a prosecutor, had never worked at the Justice Department before he became Mr. Barr’s top deputy in May 2019. His previous government service includes a stint as general counsel of the Transportation Department and of the White House’s Office of Management and Budget under George W. Bush, as well as as the No. 2 official of the Transportation Department under Mr. Trump.The question of how far an attorney general can and should go to further Mr. Trump’s political agenda has defined the tenures of both Mr. Barr and his most recent predecessor, Jeff Sessions. But Mr. Rosen will be stepping into the role at a time when the question is as intense as it has ever been.Unlike Mr. Barr and Mr. Sessions, Mr. Rosen does not have a long relationship with the department and no one is sure how much he is inclined to be a check on the president and protect the long-term interests of the department.Mr. Rosen worked largely in Mr. Barr’s shadow at the department. After Mr. Barr announced that he would leave, Mr. Rosen said that he was “honored at the trust and confidence” that Mr. Trump had placed in him to lead the department and that he would “continue to focus the implementation of the department’s key priorities” and maintain “the rule of law.”Maggie Haberman contributed reporting from New York.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Senate Candidates Duel in Georgia Race as GOP Voters’ Anger Persists Over Presidential Election

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    Electoral College Results

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    A President Who Can’t Put Aside Grudges, Even for Good News

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    Electoral College Results

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    A Conservative Justice in Wisconsin Says He Followed the Law, Not the Politics

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    “),e+=””+b+””,e+=””,d&&(e+=””,e+=””,e+=”Live”,e+=””),e+=””,e}function getVariant(){var a=window.NYTD&&window.NYTD.Abra&&window.NYTD.Abra.getAbraSync&&window.NYTD.Abra.getAbraSync(“STYLN_elections_notifications”);// Only actually have control situation in prd and stg
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    Trump Discussed Naming Sidney Powell as Special Counsel on Election Fraud

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    Electoral College Results

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    “),e+=””+b+””,e+=””,d&&(e+=””,e+=””,e+=”Live”,e+=””),e+=””,e}function getVariant(){var a=window.NYTD&&window.NYTD.Abra&&window.NYTD.Abra.getAbraSync&&window.NYTD.Abra.getAbraSync(“STYLN_elections_notifications”);// Only actually have control situation in prd and stg
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    The Tactic of Our Time: Sound Urgent, Be Incomprehensible

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyScreenlandThe Tactic of Our Time: Sound Urgent, Be IncomprehensibleCredit…Photo illustration by Najeebah Al-GhadbanDec. 17, 2020, 5:00 a.m. ETIf you’ve ever attended an open meeting regarding any function of your local government, you’ll understand how crucial it is to American democracy that ordinary citizens not be expected to represent themselves with the vocabulary of lawyers or the poise of politicians. Still: Of the many Michiganders the Trump campaign trotted before state legislators early this month to air dubious allegations of electoral fraud, some worked hard to convey a sense of real gravity and sobriety. The actual content of their testimony may have been, by turns, witless, pointless and bizarre — for the most part, they failed to understand mundane features of election law and thus considered them suspicious — but there was, surprisingly often, a real attempt made to dress nonsense in a presentable suit.The one among them who found real notoriety wasn’t the most polished, though, or even the most comical. Mellissa Carone, who had worked in I.T. support for Dominion Voting Systems — a company that provided election technology to most Michigan counties — waxed wild and impertinent as soon as lawmakers started asking her questions, flinging claims of every kind of fraud imaginable. Even when a Republican legislator tried, gently, to steer her toward some sort of evaluable assertion, she had none of it, shooting darts with her eyebrows and insinuating that he himself might be part of a cover-up.[embedded content]Credit…CreditVideo by NTDIt was her tone that sent videos of Carone’s testimony circulating online — a mode of speech familiar across the country but especially redolent for anyone who truly loves the upper Midwest. There’s a special note of aggressive contempt that can be layered into the diphthongs and glottal stops of what linguists call Inland North American English, and Carone used it lavishly. She embraced, under questioning, that rhetorical mode in which argument is conducted mostly via attitude: derisive stares, obstinate snorts, the sort of stuff that tells you a fight is going to be less about the facts than about who’s more prepared to tackle someone in the middle of a Meijer supercenter. Carone so resembled a particular “S.N.L.” character — Cecily Strong (who hails from the Chicago suburbs) as the snotty, incomprehensible Girl You Wish You Hadn’t Started a Conversation With at a Party — that it was inevitable a version of her would turn up on that Saturday’s show. By the next day, reports were spreading about Carone’s criminal history. The best case she could have presented against Dominion at that point was that it had employed her in the first place.Just one day earlier, across the country, a man in Georgia grabbed attention with a very different piece of video. Gabriel Sterling, a state elections official, appeared at a news conference to thunder that attacks on the election had “gone too far” — that the paranoiac lies being circulated were on the verge of getting someone hurt or killed, and that Republicans who refused to lower the temperature were corroding “the backbone of democracy.” For a certain stripe of liberal, this was pure wish fulfillment, the kind of thing they’d spent five years constantly craving despite every indication it would happen rarely and matter hardly at all: a Republican forced to openly stand on principle against the pressure of his peers.Even beyond that, though, Sterling’s address was just plain watchable: urgent, sincere, impassioned — exactly the kind of thing we’ve been taught, by decades of earnest films and Aaron Sorkin teleplays, to see as a stirring outcropping of authentic humanity into the hot air and hedging of politics. But then the problem — the intractable, signature problem of our moment — is that for many people, the same was true of Carone.It’s not as if we’ve had any shortage, lately, of people clamoring for the role of vivid truth-tellers against an incorrigible system. Our president, for one, learned long ago that people enjoyed watching him abandon the decorum usually brought to the office. Add to that his unique lack of attachment to consistent principles or positions or sets of facts, and often all that’s left when the White House speaks is raw interpersonal drama — taunting, baiting, shaming, flattering or humiliating whomever it is that’s being addressed. This is the approach to communication that made Carone more watchable than any of the more polished crackpots around her. It tends to stick in the mind. The Trump administration spent less time engaging the press than any since Reagan’s, but you may well carry forward more indelible memories of its surreal theater than you will from eight years’ worth of Obama briefings — whether you thought that spectacle came at the expense of the presidency, or the press corps, or just the nation.This rhetorical mode is usually reserved for people who are not in charge of anything and who can put it to righteous purposes as easily as corrosive ones. An example that has stuck with me came in June, when the Los Angeles Police Commission scheduled an online forum to listen to public concerns. It’s a standard municipal ritual for officials to occasionally let themselves be dressed down by the public, but something about the digital setting of this session lent it a special vigor. Commissioners were treated to more than seven hours of righteous abuse, with callers lining up to deliver their own personal blends of fact-based faultfinding and creatively profane insults, through which the officials could only sit, impassive and professional. It has lodged in my mind as a symbol of the number of bright, well-informed, motivated young people who are losing the last shreds of formal respect they once expected to have for their leaders and elders, internalizing forever that the people who manage the world may well be hapless against it. “I am 16 years old, and I know more than all of you,” one caller said, and it wasn’t even meant as an insult — she seemed genuinely stricken by the possibility that this was all a police commission was.[embedded content]The differences between that caller and Carone could fill libraries. So could the differences between Carone and Sterling. But to different groups of people, each will appear valiant in the same way. They will look like the spark of life in the face of dull, unresponsive institutions and officials who drone on in calm, measured voices even as they lose control of the things around them. These people, and so many others like them, will convey the kind of urgency that appeals when you sense that something is wrong but have no interest in the difficult work of actually learning what it is.The other witnesses in Michigan tried to channel a grand falsehood into the language of officialdom. It’s Carone you’ll keep hearing about, though, because she took questions in the style of the present: not as a witness, but as a dramatist. Why would she confine herself to specific, comprehensible claims? It hardly mattered what she was saying or what facts she wanted to assert; that’s precisely the lure and the danger of it. At points, the people in the room behind her clapped or chuckled approvingly.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More