January 20
January 27-31
February 5
February 11-18
February 10-14
February 18
February 28
March 5
March 6
March 11
April 3
April 7
April 7
April 4-15
May 3
May 12
May 21
May 28
July 9
July 11
Late September
October 21
October 28-30
<!–>Trump also undid one of the largest investigations in the Justice Department’s history by pardoning or commuting the sentences of the nearly 1,600 rioters who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. The group included more than 200 defendants who were convicted of assaulting law enforcement officers.–>
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[–><!–>Ryan Crosswell, Public Integrity Section, which handles corruption cases: When I saw it was Blanche and Bove, I was actually relieved. OK, it’s gross that they were Trump’s personal attorneys, but before that they were federal prosecutors in New York. They’ve done the job. They know the prosecutors’ code. We’re the only lawyers whose job is not to get the best result for our client. Our job is to get justice. Sometimes that means losing or walking into court and saying we made a mistake.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Liz Oyer, pardon attorney: We had no knowledge that the Jan. 6 pardons were coming on Day 1. Everybody was concerned that our office was being completely sidelined from the review process.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Gregory Rosen, chief of the breach and assault unit of the Capitol Siege Section, which prosecuted the Jan. 6 rioters: When I was alerted to the pardons, a lot of thoughts ran through my head about how absurd this could get, but first I had to do my job. We had to ask, Did we believe the order was lawful and constitutional?–><!–>
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[–><!–>Mike Romano, Jan. 6 prosecutor: Anyone who spent any time working on Jan. 6 cases saw how violent a day that was. I’d spent four years living with that day, the things done to people. It’s incredibly demoralizing to see something you worked on for four years wiped away by a lie — I mean the idea that prosecution of the rioters was a grave national injustice. We had strong evidence against every person we prosecuted. And I knew that if they’re going to wipe all of that away based on a lie, either I’ll be fired as retaliation or pretext or asked to do something unethical. Or both.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Gregory Rosen, Capitol Siege Section: When 15 employees were fired from the Capitol Siege Section, I was the angriest I’ve ever been. Most of them were younger attorneys. I’d hired them. They came from firms, federal and state government, all over. But some naïve part of me thought, Maybe this is the new leadership’s “pound of flesh.”–><!–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, Capitol Siege Section: It was inconceivable to me they’d fire people for no reason except they’d worked on cases that were now disfavored. People like me, who are career attorneys, work within a structure. We don’t have much latitude. To be told that you are being punished for your decisions, when you were following guidance created by very talented and skilled prosecutors above you, which judges blessed for the most part — it’s completely bizarre. It flipped the culture of the institution. It’s a culture now of fear. And they are losing people all the time, very good people, who were the future of the department.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Peter Carr, senior communications adviser: I had never seen prosecutors targeted simply because the case they brought was something that current D.O.J. leadership did not like. How can you take these very difficult and challenging cases involving high-profile individuals with the knowledge that at some point in the future, someone is going to end your career because of it?–><!–>
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<!–>Gregory Rosen, former chief of the breach and assault unit of the Capitol Siege Section–>
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[–><!–>Katie Chamblee-Ryan, Civil Rights Division: When Bondi’s 14 emails started coming in, one was crazier than the next. It’s hard to explain how shocking that was. In the Biden administration, there were all these checks in place to make sure we weren’t acting on our political biases. It was so by the book. It was too slow, to be honest. Now that seemed farcical.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Lawyer, Federal Programs Branch, which defends legal challenges against government agencies: Bondi’s memo on zealous advocacy suggested we could be disciplined or fired for pushing back on legal or factual claims we believed were unsupported. That threw up red flags for me. It was just completely improper.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Dena Robinson, Civil Rights Division: Some of us referred to them as “Pam Bondi’s mixtape,” both because they were so random and there were so many dropped all at once. One thing that stuck out to me was her insistence that we served at the pleasure of the president and that we were enforcing the president’s priorities. We swore an oath to uphold the Constitution.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Lawyer, National Security Division: Bondi signaled the Foreign Agents Registration Act would be enforced only in very limited circumstances after the Justice Department had done a lot over the last decade to give it teeth. At its core, FARA is a transparency statute, to let the American public know when foreign actors engage in political activities or try to influence U.S. discourse. If you’re concerned about foreign money and influence in politics, it’s a bad time to go dark.–><!–>
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<!–>Trump signed an executive order initiating mass cuts to the federal work force at the direction of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), the effort led by Elon Musk to slash federal spending. The order called for large-scale layoffs and directed the heads of federal agencies to fill positions only with DOGE approval.–>
<!–>Defending the order in court, the government denied that the president had given DOGE authority over personnel actions. Judge Tanya S. Chutkan, who ultimately ruled in favor of the government, suggested this statement could be false. She reminded the Justice Department lawyers of their “duty to make truthful representations to the court” and issued a warning to them by citing Rule 11 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, which allows lawyers to be disciplined for filings that aren’t based on sound facts.–>
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[–><!–>Second Lawyer, Federal Programs Branch: When Judge Chutkan’s order came down, that was brutal. Our bar licenses would be on the line if someone associated with DOGE lied about things we had to represent in court. One of the lawyers in the case said he emailed the political leadership about what the judge said about possible sanctions and they said, “NBD” — no big deal.–><!–>
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<!–>In a memo, Emil Bove, as acting deputy attorney general, directed Danielle Sassoon, the acting U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York, to dismiss corruption charges against Mayor Eric Adams of New York City. Bove said he ordered the dismissal in part because the pending prosecution impacted Adams’s ability to “support critical, ongoing federal efforts” to enforce immigration laws.–>
<!–>Sassoon wrote to Bondi, saying she couldn’t make a good-faith argument to dismiss the charges, asking for a meeting and offering to resign. Bondi didn’t respond. Instead, Bove took the unusual step of bringing the case to another unit, the Public Integrity Section (PIN), which is based in Washington and was created after Watergate to oversee enforcement of public corruption laws.–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, U.S. attorney’s office for the Southern District of New York: The New York Times reported that Bove accepted Danielle’s resignation. That’s how we all found out. A lot of people were shellshocked and upset, and also proud, I think. My impression was that people thought the way Danielle handled it was right and admirable.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Ryan Crosswell, PIN: Bove’s memo to Sassoon was such a drastic change from anything we’d ever seen.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Mike Romano, Jan. 6 and PIN: Then Bove instructed the acting chief of PIN, John Keller, to dismiss the case. He resigned, effective that day.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Crosswell: On the morning of Friday, Feb. 14, we got an email for a video call with Bove at 9:45. It was intense. The camera made clicking noises as it zoomed in on Bove at the end of a long table. It was surreal. We were watching one another’s reactions onscreen.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Romano: I thought 100 percent he’d fire everyone because no one would sign. Then one of the lawyers in the section agreed to file the motion to dismiss. I didn’t know him super well. He was older, on the verge of retirement. People saw it as protecting the rest of us, not trying to advance himself.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Crosswell: To my mind, he did something pretty heroic. Then there was a daylong negotiation over how the motion would be worded. It was important to us to be clear we were effectively put at gunpoint. Before, I said, I don’t want to leave because I don’t want a hack to replace me. But I started writing my resignation letter. I’m a Marine officer. Aside from how wrong it was to drop the case for political reasons, I felt so mad that our deputies had lost their jobs for protecting us.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Katie Chamblee-Ryan, Civil Rights Division: What happened to PIN was an alarm blasting everywhere. That’s when I was like, They’re just going to break every rule. They don’t care. That’s when private meetings started among staff to talk about whether you have more legal protections if you resign or are fired.–><!–>
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<!–>The Justice Department asked a court to freeze a legal challenge to the Environmental Protection Agency’s decision during the Biden administration to tighten one of its most important air-quality standards, the limit on soot. The E.P.A. found in 2021 that the new standard would save thousands of lives and that the health benefits would outweigh the cost of compliance. The Trump administration put the litigation on hold in preparation for rolling back the regulation.–>
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[–><!–>Sarah Buckley, Environment and Natural Resources Division: We made blanket requests to courts to put cases on hold where we were defending E.P.A. rules. The soot case was a real gut punch to me. Soot pollution is a major public health problem. The rule we were defending would reduce the number of people getting sick and dying, from pollution-caused diseases, by a lot.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Tovah Calderon, principal deputy chief of the Appellate Section in the Civil Rights Division: They assigned me and my chief to this new working group and then essentially didn’t give us anything to do. Most of us had no experience in immigration law. They took the most experienced, talented people out of their positions, and it had an immediate effect. They were able to change the work of our offices more easily without us there.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Gregory Rosen, Capitol Siege Section: I laughed when I found out we were demoted. But it was clear to me just how truly vindictive this would get. All of us collectively had over 100 years of prosecutorial experience. The brain drain was beginning. Maybe the Justice Department survives but loses all the experts.–><!–>
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<!–>Ejaz Baluch, former lawyer in the Civil Rights Division–>
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[–><!–>Ejaz Baluch, Civil Rights Division: The way we did investigations drastically changed. Normally, line attorneys investigate cases and follow the facts and law on a nonpartisan basis. If we discovered a law was violated, we recommended a lawsuit to the leadership of the division. It was bottom up.–><!–>
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[–><!–>That process turned upside down. It was outcome driven. The prime example I saw was the investigation into the U.C. school system about allegations of antisemitism on campus. In March, Andrea Lucas, who Trump appointed to be acting chair of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, filed what’s called a Commissioner’s Charge, which is essentially a complaint of employment discrimination. It was my section’s job to investigate it. We were told: “You have 30 days to do an investigation and give us a Justification Memo” — which is what we write after we conclude there is a legal violation.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Multiple teams of attorneys went to Berkeley, U.C.L.A., U.C. Davis and U.C.S.F. Mostly they didn’t find sufficient evidence to bring suit. The teams were so scared that in real time, every day, they were summarizing and reporting up to office management, back to Michael Gates, the deputy assistant attorney general, to create a paper trail for how they were not finding evidence.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Julia Quinn, Civil Rights Division: Leo Terrell, who ran the antisemitism task force, sells merch, and one of the very few people in our office who stayed behind, who got in with the administration, bought a hat, one of his “Leo 2.0” hats. He had it in the background of a Zoom.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Ejaz Baluch: The only school, it became clear, where there might be a violation was U.C.L.A. One colleague said, “We have to feed something to the wolves.” The team concluded that the complaint process at the school was broken. Some professors we interviewed really did suffer on campus. They were harassed by groups of students.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Dena Robinson: One of my colleagues was pulled into working on the investigations. Every single time that this colleague pointed out factual or legal or ethical issues, the people running them just shrugged.–><!–>
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<!–>PIN, which in part oversaw corruption cases brought by U.S. attorneys’ offices across the country, was largely stripped of the authority to bring its own prosecutions. Most of the lawyers in the department were reassigned, eventually leaving only two, down from 38 at the beginning of Trump’s second term.–>
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[–><!–>Mike Romano, Jan. 6 and PIN: At the meeting where D.O.J. leadership told our managers that PIN would shrink dramatically, one of them said the administration didn’t trust lawyers in D.C.–><!–>
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<!–>Trump has long disparaged the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which was the basis of the New Jersey case, for supposedly putting American companies at a disadvantage. The law bars any company that sells securities like stocks in the U.S. from paying bribes to foreign officials. In February, he issued an order pausing its enforcement. (Later, scaled-back enforcement resumed with a smaller team.) The Justice Department also disbanded the team that prosecuted foreign officials for public corruption in their countries based on money-laundering in the U.S. — a team that recovered hundreds of millions of dollars stolen from poor countries.–>
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[–><!–>Alexis Loeb, Money Laundering and Asset Recovery Section and later deputy chief of the Capitol Siege Section: There was a whole series of signals that the administration would de-emphasize the prosecution of corruption. Our laws gave American companies cover so they could resist shakedowns to pay bribes, and it’s way too black-and-white to say they create an uneven playing field. The laws were often used to prosecute foreign companies and individuals. People across the political spectrum saw promoting the rule of law abroad as important for promoting American interests and national security. You could see these ideals fall away quickly in the moves the administration made.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, Fraud Section: We were ensuring that anyone who used U.S. banking or our stock markets was complying with the law. I would meet with my foreign counterparts abroad, and they’d say this is a good form of American exceptionalism. It really did change compliance globally.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Dena Robinson, Civil Rights Division: Harmeet Dhillon didn’t seem to have any interest in interacting with career staff. We knew what she was saying on radio and podcast appearances about how the career staff didn’t want to do any of the work of the administration and that we needed to be cleared out.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Lawyer, Federal Coordination and Compliance section, Civil Rights Division: People had sound machines at their desks because they were convinced that everyone and everything was listening to us. It really was psychological warfare.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Julia Quinn, Civil Rights Division: Leadership started dismissing racial-discrimination cases. They wanted us to include language that suggested the cases had been brought under an illegitimate theory of discrimination.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Jen Swedish, deputy chief of the Employment Litigation Section, Civil Rights Division: To demand lawyers put language in filings suggesting that we had filed a frivolous lawsuit — we thought that was unethical. We worried about our bar licenses.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Brian McEntire, Civil Rights Division: My goal was always to become an attorney in the Civil Rights Division. That was my dream. I ended up working a lot on fire department cases. In Cobb County, Ga., we got information that even though African Americans and whites were applying for positions at about an equal rate over the previous decade, 90 percent of the hires had been white and 10 percent had been African American. And we didn’t quite understand why that was.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Liz Oyer, pardon attorney: In February, I was assigned to a working group that the attorney general created to restore gun rights to people convicted of crimes. I was asked to identify suitable recipients, so I looked for people who had committed minor low-level offenses in the very distant past and demonstrated exemplary conduct in the community for many years since their conviction. The pool was narrowed to nine people. And then I was asked to add Mel Gibson to the list.–><!–>
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<!–>A senior lawyer in the Office of Immigration Litigation, Erez Reuveni, acknowledged in court that the Trump administration wrongfully deported Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran construction worker who lived in Maryland for a dozen years, to El Salvador, where he was being held in a notorious maximum-security prison. In previous administrations, including Trump’s first term, the government routinely worked to get people back when they were deported without legal authority. In this case, however, Bondi put Reuveni on leave and then fired him.–>
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[–><!–>David McConnell, director of the Office of Immigration Litigation: Erez was one of the more aggressive litigators over the years. He vigorously defended Trump 1 policies. I thought he’d be the go-to person for defending them in the second term. When he got fired, everyone doing district court work thought, This could happen to me. Traditionally, we didn’t have a lot of turnover in the office. But now I’ve heard that around 60 out of 320 attorneys have left since February.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Sarah Buckley, Environment and Natural Resources Division: When Erez Reuveni got fired, that really affected morale. He was working under the gun with his clients to say, This isn’t a reasonable way to proceed in court — what’s a reasonable way? And they punished him for it.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Ryan Crosswell, PIN: To do our job, you have to be willing to do the right thing when no one is watching. If prosecutors are just going into court to win at all costs, think of all the other things taking place you’ll never know about.–><!–>
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<!–>Sarah Buckley, former lawyer in the Environment and Natural Resources Division–>
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[–><!–>Anna Baldwin, Civil Rights Division: When the president issued his executive order related to voting, the Civil Rights Division was initially charged with defending it. But many provisions of it were an unlawful power grab — under our Constitution, Congress and the states set the rules of elections, not the president.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Lawyer, Voting Section, Civil Rights Division: The Trump administration had already made us dismiss our Georgia statewide lawsuit for intentionally suppressing Black votes. They didn’t ask for any information about it. They just told us to dismiss it. Then they issued a press release condemning the Biden administration for bringing the lawsuit — accusing us, the line attorneys, of fabricating evidence. It was obvious they didn’t look at the memo explaining what the evidence was.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Lawyer, Housing Section, Civil Rights Division: I was detailed to work in the Voting Section enforcing the National Voter Registration Act, which says states have an obligation to make sure that their voter rolls are accurate. We were tasked with obtaining states’ voter rolls, by suing them if necessary. Leadership said they had a DOGE person who could go through all the data and compare it to the Department of Homeland Security data and Social Security data. The idea was, We want to identify undocumented immigrants that have registered to vote. There was no pre-existing evidence this is a problem.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Gregory Rosen, Capitol Siege Section: The F.B.I. had to divest serious resources from investigations of violent crime, gun and drug trafficking and child exploitation. Agents were diverted from those cases because they had to be on the street doing immigration roundups.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, D.C. metro area: It’s unprecedented to shift resources away from national security to this degree. Virginia and D.C. have the most important offices for counterterrorism and espionage. We get cases from the Middle East, long and complex investigations of terrorist threats from abroad and also domestically. In the Eastern District, there were 12 to 14 lawyers in the national security unit and now there are four, with no deputy or chief. In D.C., the national security unit is down about 50 percent. I was recently on the floor where F.B.I. agents work on domestic terrorism and it was completely hollowed out.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, Ohio: We’re in northern Ohio. We don’t have an immigration problem here, but our agents — I.R.S. and Secret Service and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives — were getting detailed to Homeland Security. I was getting frustrated. We have a certain amount of time to bring charges, and often we don’t find out right away when a business is committing fraud, so we may lose a year or two. Then it takes time to do these investigations. Agents have to get the records and do the interviews. We don’t have time if they’re riding around trying to hit daily immigration quotas.–><!–>
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<!–>The Trump Justice Department withdrew from a consent decree with Minneapolis intended to address a pattern of racially discriminatory policing and excessive use of force, based on a D.O.J. investigation in the aftermath of the 2020 murder of George Floyd. The Justice Department also refused to stand by the factual findings about police abuses in Minneapolis and five other cities, retracting them from the record.–>
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[–><!–>Katie Chamblee-Ryan, Civil Rights Division: I’d left D.O.J. by then. I found out when I started getting a million texts. People were saying, “I’m sorry.” At first I had no idea what they meant. I expected something bad, but it was so much more total and cruel than I imagined. The new leadership was erasing our work.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, Ohio: Scott was sentenced to 42 months for a multimillion-dollar fraud. His family was wealthy. He spent all of two weeks in jail. That put a damper on a lot of the work we were doing, to know that someone who defrauded everyday folks in Ohio was able to find their way to a pardon.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Alexis Loeb, Money Laundering and Asset Recovery Section: When prosecutors bring a new case, do they need to think about how the Trump administration views the defendant? Those are not the kinds of considerations prosecutors are taught they should pay attention to — very much the opposite.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Barbara Schwabauer, Civil Rights Division: It’s one thing to say we’re no longer going to stand up for trans people in this administration, we’re not going to file briefs in support of them. But to affirmatively go after them? I could not in good conscience continue to be a part of that. These are teenagers.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Lawyer, Federal Coordination and Compliance section, Civil Rights Division: Under the Biden administration, the Justice Department had joined private plaintiffs in suing Alabama over its ban on gender-affirming care. Now attorneys on the case were told by leadership to produce, on a rolling basis, all communication that they had with all parties and each other. It felt like we were being investigated by our own office. It was very threatening and ominous. Like, what do we think they’re going to do with that information? Nothing good.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Peter Carr, senior communications adviser: These were support staffers, you know, the people who helped us with managing the operations of the office or with travel arrangements and reimbursements. You have paralegals who help prepare documents for discovery. The idea that someone can be terminated from the Justice Department for a case they were assigned to work on is something that has never happened before.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Joseph Tirrell, director of the Departmental Ethics Office: I had done some work for Jack Smith, so I assumed that would bring some heat down on me. But in my gut, I also think they didn’t want the ethics office calling them up and telling them what to do.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Mike Romano, Jan. 6 and PIN: No one should be charged with a crime because the president says “Do this,” and the people he has installed do what he says. The decision should be in the hands of people who know the evidence and have experience evaluating it and working criminal cases. If I was in that office, I’d wonder what the point is of exercising my professional judgment. If we’re indicting people because the president hates them, that’s counter to the whole point of doing my job.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, D.C. metro area: The thing is, Erik bragged about how close he was with Trump’s former lawyers at D.O.J. But it didn’t save him.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Ryan Crosswell, PIN: The Eastern District of Virginia handles some of the biggest espionage and counterterrorism cases. Now it’s being led by someone who doesn’t know what she is doing.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Mike Romano, Jan. 6 and PIN: It seems comically corrupt. First, there was nothing inappropriate about this prosecution. Second, he won the presidency, so how was he harmed to the tune of $230 million? And third, he has appointed the people tasked with deciding whether he gets the money, and we’ve seen that his appointees do what he wants. It’s as if he’s robbing the Treasury to pay himself.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, D.C. metro area: It shows the president has no regard for ethics or rules or the appearance of impropriety or any of the guardrails we used to have before. It feels like this should be criminal, but he’s acting as if he has immunity, which he does, from the Supreme Court.–><!–>
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<!–>Two career prosecutors in Washington were put on leave because of a sentencing memo they filed in the case of Taylor Taranto. Taranto was convicted in May of crimes including illegal possession of firearms and ammunition after he showed up in Obama’s neighborhood in Washington with two guns and hundreds of rounds in his van. The sentencing memo mentioned that Taranto reposted a social media post by Trump, which disclosed Obama’s address. The memo also said that Taranto was accused of participating in the Jan. 6 riot. (Trump pardoned him for the Jan. 6 charges before trial.)–>
<!–>The next day, another pair of prosecutors substituted a new sentencing memo that did not mention Trump’s post or Taranto’s connection to Jan. 6. At the sentencing hearing, Judge Carl J. Nichols, a Trump nominee, praised the prosecutors who were put on leave for upholding “the highest standards of professionalism” in the case.–>
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[–><!–>Mike Romano, Jan. 6 and PIN: I’ve worked with both of those prosecutors, and Judge Nichols was right — they are excellent. With that sentencing memo, they were just doing their jobs. They were stating facts that were already known. Jan. 6 was relevant because the defendant’s participation in the riot is relevant to the risk of his future criminality.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Prosecutor, D.C. metro area: The D.C. office is hemorrhaging bodies, and they will probably get rid of two competent people for stating relevant facts that were on the record.–><!–>
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[–><!–>I don’t think people will truly understand what’s happening to justice in America until it impacts them. Even my family: My parents voted for Trump. I don’t think they see it as a priority. I mean, they’re not going to be criminally indicted anytime soon. When I tell them what’s happening, I don’t think they really believe me.–><!–>
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[–><!–>Dena Robinson, Civil Rights Division: I wouldn’t even call it the Justice Department anymore. It’s become Trump’s personal law firm. I think Americans should be enraged. We all deserve better than this. I keep telling my colleagues still working in the division that I’m holding the line with them from the outside. But I feel guilty that I’m not holding the line with them from the inside.–><!–>
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Source: Elections - nytimes.com
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Labour to announce largest UK immigration overhaul in a generation
